TPC Journal-V6, Issue 4- FULL ISSUE

The Professional Counselor /Volume 6, Issue 4 331 2004). Conversely, Native American women living on tribal land who report higher associations with traditional Native American culture have reported increased frequency of exposure to sexual violence (Yuan et al., 2006). However, increased focus on traditional Native American culture could be a coping mechanism used by women following victimization, potentially making cultural affiliation a residual effect of violence. When considering sexual violence, the factor most predictive of exposure in Native American populations has been concluded to be gender (Yuan et al., 2006). Both Native American men and women are sexually assaulted, but Native American women report sexual assault at rates 14 times higher than males (Yuan et al., 2006). The relationship status of women living on tribal lands also has been correlated to exposure to sexual violence. Women engaged in cohabitating relationships and women separated and divorced were concluded by researchers to be at a higher risk for sexual violence (Bryant-Davis et al., 2009). Moreover, Bryant-Davis and Ocampo (2006) postulated that Native American women are sexually assaulted at higher rates than women of other ethnicities due to systematic eroticization, devaluation and objectification by American culture. Yuan et al. (2006) reported that Native American women living on or near tribal lands who experience emotional abuse as children report significantly higher rates of sexual violence exposure as adults. Similarly, women in this population who have survived sexual and physical abuse before the age of 18 are more likely to be raped in adulthood. Because a history of emotional, sexual or physical abuse appears to significantly contribute to the predictability of future exposure to violent traumatic stressors, increased attention on providing interventions to young Native American populations may prove beneficial for prevention efforts (Yuan et al., 2006). Residual Associations of Violence Against Native American Women Arbuckle et al. (1996) concluded that Native American women are three times more likely to be murdered than Latino and White women. Hence, death is a relatively common residual association to violence among this population. Witnessing homicide also can be a form of exposure to violence. When homicide occurs, there are often secondary victims seeking mental health services. Family and friends of a victim of homicide within the Native American population often report cognitive patterns of self-blame, which exacerbates mental health symptoms (Weinberg, 1994). Native American women exposed to physical violence have reported high levels of traumatic stress symptoms (B. Duran et al., 2009). In a study that surveyed 3,084 Native Americans living on tribal lands across the United States, women reported PTSD symptoms with a frequency twice the rate of men (Buchwald, Goldberg, Noonan, Beals, & Manson, 2005). It was concluded that 16% of women living on tribal lands met the criteria for PTSD, which is 6% higher than the national average for women (Ford et al., 2015). Exposure to violence on tribal lands also has been associated with increased likelihood to develop mood disorders, anxiety disorders (B. Duran et al., 2009) and chronic pain (Buchwald et al., 2005). The relationship between exposure to violence in tribal communities by Native American women and mental health disorders was examined by Oetzel and Duran (2004). These researchers concluded that physical injuries and medical assistance on tribal lands were highly correlated with symptoms of depression and that increased exposure to violence appeared to lead to negative sociological effects such as unemployment. Oetzel and Duran theorized that exposure to physical violence on tribal lands could be directly linked to chronic pain and psychological symptoms which limit the capacity for Native American women to change their environment when desired.