The Professional Counselor - Journal Volume 13, Issue 1

28 The Professional Counselor | Volume 13, Issue 1 “Societal conceptions [of OCD] are constantly relevant to respondents, affecting their self-conception and anticipated stigma” (p. 327). To this effect, accurate portrayal of OCD and factually based education for the public have been noted as important action steps to reduce stigma (Webb et al., 2016). The stigma associated with OCD impacts the disclosure of symptoms to others, including social supports as well as mental health providers. Some may hide their OCD symptoms or make excuses for their behavior out of shame or embarrassment. Further, some individuals report negative perceptions or reactions after disclosing their OCD diagnosis to friends, family, or employers (Fennell & Liberato, 2007). However, some individuals benefit from disclosing symptoms of OCD to their support systems, and others find it helpful to engage and interact with people who also have an OCD diagnosis. Hence, societal conceptions of OCD can impact how individuals cope with their symptoms, including helpseeking behaviors (Fennell & Boyd, 2014; Ma, 2017; Steinberg & Wetterneck, 2017). OCD Representations on Social Media Researchers have called for continued examination of the representation of OCD in the media, particularly on social media platforms (Pavelko & Myrick, 2016; Robinson et al., 2019). Although increased social media discussions about OCD may decrease stigma, the often trivial nature of such depictions downplays the seriousness of this disorder (Fennell & Liberato, 2007). For instance, Robinson and colleagues (2019) explored attitudes toward five mental health and five physical health diagnoses on Twitter and found OCD to have the highest rate of trivialization of the 10 disorders, concluding that minimization of OCD symptoms and related suffering is a form of stigma. How individuals describe OCD in the common vernacular on social media impacts societal conceptualizations of OCD (Fennell & Boyd, 2014; Pavelko & Myrick, 2016). In a quantitative study examining the use of “#OCD” on Twitter, Pavelko and Myrick (2016) identified post after post in which Twitter users employed “#OCD” when referring to non-disordered actions, such as organizing pencils. Tweets labeled “#OCD” were presented to participants, assessing their emotional reactions, stereotypes about OCD, and behavioral intentions to support individuals with OCD after reviewing the hashtagged tweets. Participants indicated increased irritation and decreased sympathy when OCD was framed in trivial language (i.e., language downplaying the seriousness of OCD) versus objective clinical language in the tweets. Further, these correlations varied by gender of the tweeter, with participants reporting increased negative emotional reactivity to women who utilized trivial language rather than to men. Pavelko and Myrick concluded that “Messages regarding trifling, detail-oriented behaviors frequently belittle or downplay the severity of OCD in 140 characters or less” (p. 42). In a qualitative study, Fennell and Boyd (2014) examined how media portrayals of OCD were interpreted by individuals who have been diagnosed with or believe they have OCD. Similar to Pavelko and Myrick’s (2016) findings, participants reported feeling frustrated by the seemingly casual use of “OCD” in the vernacular and by depictions of OCD that were presented in stereotypical and comedic manners, at times making light of the symptoms (Fennell & Boyd, 2014). Participants noted users exhibited certain symptoms of OCD more frequently than others, namely contamination obsessions, washing and cleaning compulsions, and hoarding behaviors, all of which may portray OCD as a habit rather than a disorder. However, participants expressed appreciation for depictions of OCD in the media, acknowledging that media portrayals helped them identify what they were experiencing as OCD. Hence, media representations of OCD are varied and complex, eliciting mixed emotional reactions and divergent understandings of OCD from individuals who are consuming those messages (Fennell & Boyd, 2014; Pavelko & Myrick, 2016).

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