TPC Journal-Vol 10- Issue 2-FULL ISSUE

292 The Professional Counselor | Volume 10, Issue 2 go away, especially when it’s very serious.” Participant 3 provided an example that captured the overall essence of this category when he stated: I have been sad a whole lot, without reason; and so, I think that is why I was depressed . . . when I am around people for too long, I get sad; but when I am alone, I am happier. I feel safe when I am by myself. When it [depression] comes on, it comes on strong. It is really bad. Because I feel really, really sad, and my thoughts aren ’ t, you know, normal. Sometimes they are violent . . . like I don ’ t have any hope at all. I don ’ t think like I normally would. Sometimes I don ’ t think at all. Sometimes when I get really sad or angry, I think about hurting people. So, I have to withdraw further. I have to push it further down into my mind so that I won’t act on it. It is interesting to note that the next most frequently found codes were stress-related and frustration , each with a prevalence of 60%, and more common in young Black girls , which had a prevalence of 50%. Alternatively, only one participant mentioned each of the following codes with regard to defining depression: suicidal thoughts or attempts , more common in young Black boys , and feeling sick . Seeking Treatment The category of seeking treatment contained 10 codes. Participants expressed contradictory feelings about the effectiveness of treatment and the barriers to seeking treatment. For example, 90% of participants expressed that they felt that therapeutic treatment was effective in mitigating or curing depression, including Participant 7: “To me, to talk to my therapist was like a relief to me, because he was the only person that I can be able to tell my thoughts, get my thoughts together why I was in there.” Simultaneously, 30% of participants noted that they felt that therapy was not effective as a treatment. This overlap and apparent incompatibility in the data helped reveal the full breadth of Black adolescents’ opinions and feelings about depression and seeking treatment, as participants expressed both positive and negative experiences. This overlapping trend was seen elsewhere in this thematic category. For example, there were codes of medication is effective (50%) and medication is not effective (30%). This apparent contradiction was highlighted not only between participants but also within a single participant. Participant 10 directly stated she believed medication to be effective; she then revealed that she had been given medication that sent her into a coma. She reported taking her medication as prescribed but “after that I passed out, and I didn ’t remember nothing, all I knew I woke up in the hospital.” Three codes were identified as directly related to seeking treatment. Significant barriers to therapeutic treatment were negative connotation of mental illness (80%), uncomfortable issues brought up in treatment (80%), and lack of trust (70%). The code negative connotation of mental illness was grounded in external perceptions, as many participants indicated that they did not want other people to know that they were in treatment. For example, Participant 2 stated, “ I don ’ t tell them. I don ’t want them to know,” when referring to his friends. Participant 3 provided an example of the code of uncomfortable issues, noting, “ I don ’ t like to talk about it much. You know, it is kind of aggravating. It makes me feel weak when I talk to people about my problems.” Regarding the code lack of trust, Participant 6 noted, “ I have very weak trust issues. Sometimes they can be strong but mostly weak.” Three minor codes emerged relating to seeking treatment. Two were trouble expressing self in therapy (40%) and treatment was not necessary (40%). Participant 3 stated, “I have a lot of trouble expressing myself. You know, when I get into the office, I just forget what to say.” Three of the 10