A Pilot Study Examining Xinachtli: A Gender-Based Culturally Responsive Group Curriculum for Chicana, Latina, and Indigenous Secondary Students

Vanessa Placeres, Caroline Lopez-Perry, Hiromi Masunaga, Nicholas Pantoja

This pilot study explores the feasibility, scale reliability, preliminary outcomes, and implementation effects of Xinachtli, a healing-informed, gender-responsive, culturally based group curriculum, on Chicana, Latina, or Indigenous (CLI) youth. Specifically, we examined the perceived impact of culturally responsive group counseling services on middle and high school students’ perception of positive identity, development of life skills, and sense of belonging. Additionally, we examined the feasibility of implementation in a K–12 setting and the reliability of the measures used with CLI youth. Findings from this study provide preliminary support for the Xinachtli intervention in a school setting. Implications for future research are also discussed.

Keywords: group counseling, Chicana, Latina, Indigenous, Xinachtli

     The under-18 Latinx youth population grew by 22% between 2006 and 2016 (Lopez et al., 2018), and the number of Latinx youth in U.S. schools continues to rise. By 2016, Latinx students accounted for 25% of the nation’s 54 million kindergarten through 12th grade (K–12) students, up from 16% in 2000 (Pew Research Center, 2018). In New Mexico (61%), California (52%), and Texas (49%), Latinx students account for about half or more of all K–12 students. Latina students represent one in four female students nationwide, and it is projected that by 2060, Latinas will make up nearly a third of the nation’s female population (Gándara, 2015). In this study, we use the term Chicana, Latina, or Indigenous youth (CLI) to refer to young people who identify as Chicana, Latina, and/or Indigenous and those with intersecting, overlapping, or fluid identities across these categories. This inclusive term is used to recognize the cultural, historical, and political complexities of youth whose identities are rooted in Latin America and Indigenous nations across the Americas. When appropriate, we chose to use the specific terms (e.g., Latinx, Latina, Hispanic) employed by the authors cited in this article.

Despite their growing presence, Latina students face persistent systemic barriers, reflected in the opportunity gap between Latinx students and their White peers (Jang, 2019). According to Cooper and Sánchez (2016), academic disparities resulting from educational inequities can present themselves as early as kindergarten and persist through age 17. Gándara (2015) found that Latina students experience disproportionately high secondary education dropout rates and comparatively low graduation and college completion rates relative to other groups of girls/women across racial and ethnic categories. Rodríguez and Cervantes-Soon (2019) identified sources of oppression that shape the educational trajectories of Latina youth. The authors shared, “The silencing of Latina knowledge is rooted in a White hetero-patriarchal ideology that underpins how schooling, education, and knowledge have been conceived in our current educational system” (p. 2112). This “silencing” is achieved through subtractive schooling, in which the cultural, linguistic, and social capital of Latina youth are seen as deficits and intentionally removed from educational systems to force assimilation into White heteropatriarchy. Marginalization of Latinas is upheld by the surveillance of bodies, language ideologies, and gendered societal expectations, in which Latina youth are subjected to more family care responsibilities, thus contributing to their academic struggles and disconnection in school (Rodríguez & Cervantes-Soon, 2019).

Understanding protective factors and developing culturally responsive interventions for this population is essential to addressing these inequities. Their experiences are further shaped by the intersections of ethnicity and gender that provide unique opportunities for resilience and empowerment. Therefore, the purpose of this study was to examine the impact of Xinachtli, a gender-responsive, culturally based group intervention, for secondary CLI students. We focused on secondary students because the curriculum is a rite of passage intervention, created to support teens in their journey toward character development. Specifically, we examined the feasibility of implementation of Xinachtli in a secondary setting; the reliability of the measures used with CLI youth; and the program’s potential to enhance protective factors such as positive identity, life skills, and sense of belonging.

Literature Review

Group Counseling
     CLI youth often face exclusion from school curricula that centers White/Westernized histories and ideologies, leading them to navigate challenges without structured supports (e.g., group counseling, classroom lessons, clubs; Iweuno et al., 2024; Taggart, 2018). Group counseling has been identified as an effective service to improve students’ academic, social-emotional, and career development (Steen et al., 2021). Small-group services provide a collectivist platform for culturally responsive practices to increase cultural sensitivity, compassion, and consciousness-raising (Guth, 2019; Shillingford et al., 2018; Steen et al., 2021). However, despite calls for programs that address the unique needs of Latinx youth (Constante et al., 2020), culturally responsive and sustaining small-group interventions for this population are limited. Existing programs that focus on gender identity often narrowly focus on gender exclusively, which overlooks the intersectional experiences of CLI girls and gender-expansive youth (Day et al., 2014). Group counseling centers race and ethnicity while validating and challenging racial conflict and internalized oppression (Steen et al., 2022). This study responds to the urgent need for examining intersectional and culturally sustaining group interventions by centering the experiences of CLI girls and gender-expansive youth.

La Cultura Cura and the Xinachtli Curriculum
     Many school counseling supports lack culturally grounded and race-conscious frameworks, often utilizing deficit-based approaches that overlook the strengths of marginalized students (Lopez-Perry, 2023). This is especially concerning, considering the American Counseling Association’s adoption of the Multicultural and Social Justice Counseling Competencies (Ratts et al., 2016), which highlight the complexity of the counselor and client relationship, emphasis on social justice, and centering of intersectionality in counseling (Sharma et al., 2021). Intersectionality provides a framework to examine how multiple aspects of one’s identity (e.g., race, gender, class, sexuality) overlap and interact to shape their experiences of social inequities (Crenshaw, 1989). Applying intersectionality is essential to reflect students’ lived experiences, highlight strengths, and recognize oppressive systems (Sharma et al., 2021). Culturally responsive counseling considers intersecting identities and ecological factors that shape their lived experiences (Sharma et al., 2021).

La Cultura Cura, or Cultural-Based Healing, is an example of a culturally responsive intervention defined as a transformative health and healing philosophy that maintains that within an individual’s authentic cultural values, traditions, and Indigenous practices lies the path to healthy development, restoration, and well-being (The National Latino Fatherhood and Family Institute, 2012; Smith-Yliniemi et al., 2024). Cultural-Based Healing is rooted in Indigenous perspectives and principles, prioritizing culturally grounded physical, emotional, mental, and spiritual practices. Scholars have noted that CLI youth draw on cultural practices such as consejos (advice), conviviendo (community engagement), and chisme (gossip), which they learn from their families and communities to cope with and respond to challenges in institutions like schools (González Ybarra & Saavedra, 2021; Grosso Richins et al., 2021; Kasun, 2015; Rusoja, 2022). Trujillo (2020) explained that chisme, or “spilling the tea,” is not just gossip but a practice and a pedagogy of the home, where ideas, issues, and histories are discussed, deconstructed, and challenged. By embedding opportunities for CLI youth to engage in cultural practices such as consejos, conviviendo, and chisme in group work, school counselors can create an authentic space where CLI youth can discuss their educational experiences.

Aligned with these principles, Xinachtli (Nahuatl for “germinating seed”) is a healing-informed, gender-responsive, culturally based curriculum that promotes CLI youth’s healing, resilience, and leadership capacity. It is an Indigenous, culturally based rites of passage program that provides support for CLI youth to develop a positive identity, life skills, and sense of belonging. The curriculum was developed by the National Compadres Network and is grounded in transformational healing and advocacy rooted in a gender, racial justice, and anti-oppression framework (Haskie-Mendoza et al., 2021). Although the curriculum has been used in various spaces (e.g., probation, mental health county agencies, schools, detention centers, community-based organizations, tribal consortiums), its effects on CLI youth’s sense of belonging and ethnic identity development has yet to be explored (Xinachtli, n.d.).

Sense of Belonging
     School belonging is defined as students’ perception that people in the school community are supportive of them and that their presence matters. This concept is especially salient to Hispanic student success because of the deeply rooted collectivistic orientation in Hispanic culture, which emphasizes the idea of mattering within one’s community (Goodenow & Grady, 1993). However, assessing this construct can be difficult because it relies on students’ assessment of their school community, particularly relationships with peers and staff (Murphy & Zirkel, 2015). A large body of literature demonstrates positive associations between Latinx students’ sense of belonging in school and outcomes such as engagement, motivation, and academic success (Neel & Fuligni, 2013). Conversely, low perceptions of a sense of belonging are associated with higher dropout rates (Cupito et al., 2015), lack of engagement, and lower academic achievement (Murphy & Zirkel, 2015). A few scholars have indicated that familial cultural values (familismo) and ethnic identity could serve as protective factors for increasing a sense of belonging at school (Cupito et al., 2015; Harris & Kiyama, 2015). Harris and Kiyama (2015) found that having a caring adult who provided confianza (trust) and social support, especially cultural and linguistic freedom, promoted school engagement. However, much of the existing literature on school belonging is focused on systemic factors (e.g., school safety, peer support, engagement with faculty and staff), which makes the examination of ethnic identity especially important (Hernández et al., 2017).

Ethnic Identity
     Ethnic identity is defined as an individual’s social identity rooted in membership to their ethnic group and the importance of this membership (Phinney, 1992). Examining CLI students’ ethnic identity is especially relevant in our study because of the Xinachtli intervention and its focus on cultural membership and belonging. Additionally, previous literature has demonstrated a positive association between ethnic identity and school belonging among elementary-aged students who identify as immigrants from Mexico (C. S. Brown & Chu, 2012; Santos & Collins, 2016). Ethnic identity has been positively associated with self-worth, psychosocial adjustment, confidence, and academic achievement (Fisher et al., 2020; Hernández et al., 2017). Conversely, less developed ethnic identity has been associated with anxiety, depression, and lower self-esteem (Huq et al., 2016; Umaña-Taylor et al., 2002). Chan (2007) explored the impact that culturally responsive school programming (e.g., curriculum, events, group activities) may have on student ethnic identity. Results from their study found that balancing students’ cultural lives at home and school expectations can be difficult. Many studies have highlighted the need for culturally responsive practices in K–12; however, most literature is from the teacher’s perspective, providing little of the student’s voice. Therefore, this study aims to address these gaps in the literature from a student perspective.

Problem Statement and Purpose of the Study
     Culturally responsive curricula that meet the needs of CLI girls and gender-expansive youth at the secondary level remains scarce (Kwak et al., 2025). Further, little is known about how culturally responsive small groups impact CLI youth’s ethnic identity and sense of belonging in school. Thus, this pilot study aims to address this critical gap in the literature by examining the feasibility and preliminary effects of Xinachtli. The following research questions guided our study:

RQ1:   To what extent is the Xinachtli program feasible to implement in school settings serving CLI youth?
RQ2:   How reliable are the Multigroup Ethnic Identity Measure–Revised (MEIM–R) and Psychological Sense of School Membership Scale (PSSM) in measuring identity and belonging among CLI youth?
RQ3:   How does participation in Xinachtli affect participants’ perceptions of positive identity, life skills, and sense of belonging?

Methodology

Participants
     Participants were recruited from two middle schools and one high school in a Southern California school district. Participants consisted of members of various Xinachtli counseling groups during spring 2023. Twenty-two respondents took the pre-survey, ranging from 12 to 17 years of age, and were seventh (n = 9), eighth (n = 5), ninth (n = 4), 10th (n = 3), and 11th (n = 1) graders. Regarding primary language spoken in the home, two respondents selected English, 11 selected Spanish, and nine indicated that they used both English and Spanish. Namely, 20 of 22 respondents, or 90.9% of pre-survey respondents, regularly used Spanish at home to communicate with their family members. Additionally, 18 pre-survey respondents (81.8%) planned to attend college after finishing high school. Although the study acknowledged cisgender girls and gender-expansive youth in its framing, the final analytic sample did not include representation from gender-expansive youth. One student who identified outside the gender binary participated but was removed due to incomplete data. As such, findings represent the experiences of cisgender girls.

The study experienced an attrition rate of 68.2%, indicating that most participants who completed the pre-survey did not complete the post-survey. Of the seven participants who completed the post-survey, ages varied from 12 to 17 years old, in grade levels seventh (n = 1), eighth (n = 2), ninth (n = 3), and 11th (n = 1). As for the primary language spoken at home, four of the seven participants selected Spanish, and three chose both English and Spanish. This demonstrated that 100% of post-survey respondents regularly used Spanish at home. Additionally, four of seven post-survey respondents (57.1%) disclosed that they plan to attend college after graduating from high school.

Procedures
     Second author Caroline Lopez-Perry and four school counseling group facilitators attended a 2-day training on the Xinachtli curriculum facilitated by its developers. Facilitation of the groups varied between one and two counselors depending on staffing constraints and availability. The counselors were responsible for leading the groups as well as administering and collecting all data to ensure continuity between implementation and evaluation. Prior to data collection, researchers gained IRB and district approval to conduct the study. Parental consent and youth assent were also obtained.

Recruitment and Inclusion Criteria
     Across the middle and high school, participants were recruited through self-referral and staff/teacher recommendations. The groups were originally designed for CLI youth; however, there was no formal exclusion criteria, and participation was open to any student who expressed interest or was recommended. The school counselor obtained parental consent through direct communication with families. This included phone calls and personal outreach to explain the purpose of the group, session structure, and benefits for student growth. Participation was not mandatory. Students and their families retained the choice to accept or decline.

At the middle school level, the Xinachtli group was open to CLI students recommended to further develop their leadership skills. A flyer describing the group was created and shared via each school’s social media platforms and email. Although no standardized instrument was used, staff drew upon observations and professional judgement to identify students who might benefit from additional opportunities to refine their leadership skills. Students were required to attend after-school sessions and obtain parental consent to participate.

At the high school, two groups were implemented. The first cohort, conducted in Spanish, included female English Language Learners identified by teachers as having low self-esteem but a strong work ethic. The second English-speaking group included students referred through the school’s Coordination of Services Team for a range of concerns, including unhealthy relationships, low academic performance, and self-esteem challenges. Participation was open to students of any racial background; however, the school population is approximately 90% Latinx. Both cohorts’ recruitment targeted female students.

Setting and Duration
     Sessions were held on campus for approximately 1 hour a week. Middle school groups met after school for 6 weeks, and the high school groups met during instructional time for 7 weeks. Sessions were conducted in English, other than the one high school cohort held in Spanish. The after-school time presented some attendance challenges because of scheduling conflicts and transportation but allowed for extended and uninterrupted sessions.

Curriculum
     Lesson topics engaged students in setting goals, sharing personal life stories, exploring self-image and building self-esteem, recognizing dating violence, identifying and managing triggers, expanding knowledge of college access, and celebrating accomplishments. High school students also explored reproductive health and participated in a community action plan.

Measures

Data collection included a demographic questionnaire and pre-/post-surveys. The CLI student demographic questionnaire collected information regarding race/ethnicity, gender identity, age, grade, and primary language. CLI youth received pre-/post-surveys to measure perceived changes to ethnic identity using the MEIM–R (S. D. Brown et al., 2014) and sense of belonging at school using the PSSM (Gaete et al., 2016). For the high school group conducted in Spanish, the Escala de Identidad Étnica Multigrupo–Revisada (EIEM-R), adapted and validated in Spanish by Lara and Martínez-Molina (2016), was used in its validated form. No additional translation was required. The PSSM was translated into Spanish using forward translation followed by a review by bilingual experts to ensure conceptual and linguistic equivalence with the original English version. The post-survey also included qualitative questions assessing the students’ experience in the group. In addition to pre-and post-survey measures, feasibility was assessed through multiple methods. School counselors recorded reflections about what worked and challenges faced, and student post-surveys included questions about the program and perceived usefulness.

Ethnic Identity
     The MEIM–R is a revised version of the initial scale developed by Phinney (1992), created to assess ethnic identity based on common elements across ethnic groups. This 6-item scale was developed to compare ethnic identity among youth from different ethnic groups (S. D. Brown et al., 2014). MEIM–R uses a 5-point Likert scale (1 = strongly disagree, 5 = strongly agree). A sample question is “I have attachment toward my own ethnic group” (S. D. Brown et al., 2014). The scale is composed of two subscales: Exploration (items 1, 4, and 5) and Commitment (items 2, 3, and 6; S. D. Brown et al., 2014). Responses are scored by reversing negatively worded items and finding the mean for the subscales and total score. The scale has strong reliability with a Cronbach alpha of .82 for the Exploration subscale, .90 for the Commitment subscale, and .88 for the total score (S. D. Brown et al., 2014).

Sense of Belonging
     The PSSM measures sense of school belonging in K–12 youth (Goodenow & Grady, 1993). Originally created as an 18-item scale, the PSSM was revised by Gaete et al. (2016) to address potential methodological issues with the negatively worded items. As a result, a 13-item scale including only positively worded items was used to measure students’ overall sense of school membership. Questions include themes of perceived acceptance, inclusion, and encouragement to participate from other students and school staff. Items are scored on a 5-point Likert scale (1 =  not true at all, 5 = completely true). A sample item is “People at this school are friendly to me” (Gaete et al., 2016). The scale has been translated into several languages; reliability ranged from .73 to .95 across samples and countries with a Cronbach alpha of .92 in the revised version of the scale (Gaete et al., 2016).

Results

Data Analyzed
     As described in the Methods section, 22 students participated in this pilot program. However, not all students were able to complete the post-surveys as originally planned, and the study experienced an attrition rate of 68.2%, indicating most participants who completed the pre-survey did not complete the post-survey. To ensure the accuracy of the data obtained, we carefully reviewed the recorded data. During the review process, we removed respondents who had missing data and respondents who mistakenly completed a post-survey in place of a pre-survey. Additionally, for the purposes of this study, analyses were conducted only on data from participants who self-identified as CLI. Upon completion of the review, we recorded 22 pre-survey responses and seven post-survey responses that we used in the analysis.

Overview of Analyses
     The survey data were analyzed following three steps. In the first step, participants’ responses to two of the three open-ended questions (OQs) from the post-survey were analyzed, in addition to facilitator reflections, to assess the feasibility of implementing the Xinachtli program in a K–12 setting. Namely, this step of analysis addressed RQ1: To what extent is the Xinachtli program feasible to implement in school settings serving CLI youth? The two open-ended questions analyzed were: OQ1: What did you like most about participating in Xinachtli? and OQ2: What did you like least about participating in Xinachtli? Feasibility data, including facilitator reflections and open-ended post-survey questions, were reviewed thematically to identify patterns related to program acceptability, implementation challenges, and fit. These data were used to evaluate the practicality, acceptability, and cultural responsiveness of the Xinachtli program in the school-based setting.

The second step of analysis addressed RQ2 in relation to reliability of the two instruments used in this study: How reliable are the MEIM–R and the PSSM in measuring identity and belonging among CLI youth? As the pre-survey included more respondents than the post-survey, reliability coefficients were computed for the two instruments using data from the pre-survey.

The third step tested RQ3 about students’ perceptions of the Xinachtli program: How does participation in Xinachtli affect participants’ perception of positive identity, life skills, and sense of belonging? Participants’ identity and sense of belonging at school were assessed using the MEIM–R and PSSM surveys, while qualitative responses were used to explore life skills. As described earlier, the Xinachtli program was developed to cultivate the three attributes of positive identity, life skills, and sense of belonging among CLI youth, by utilizing an Indigenous, culturally based rites of passage curriculum. It is important to note that only four respondents completed both pre- and post-surveys; as a result, we were unable to conduct any repeated-measure analyses to test if participants’ perceptions at the end of the program significantly differed from their perceptions before the program started. Thus, this was an exploratory analysis involving limited numbers of participants, and the interpretation of the results should be viewed from this perspective. During the third step of analysis, item means were reviewed for the two instruments to see if any trends could be observed in participants’ perceptions about the three attributes, (i.e., positive identity, life skills, and sense of belonging) in addition to qualitative data from the third open-ended question (OQ3): How did participation in Xinachtli affect your life (think about your relationships, attitudes, and behaviors)?

Results from Analyses
Step 1: Feasibility of Xinachtli in a School Setting
     Participant responses from OQ1 and OQ2 strongly demonstrate the feasibility of the program to be offered in a school setting. Student qualitative data highlight participants’ appreciation for the group, connection to one another, and desire for the group to be longer and held during a different time of the school day. Examples of participants responses include: “I loved the way they would hear me out and let me express myself” (OQ1), “I liked the bond” (OQ1), “I didn’t like that fact that it was so short” (OQ2), “I wanted it to be more longer ”(OQ2), and “The thing I least liked was that it was after school” (OQ2). Additionally, facilitators reflected on the question “What was your experience leading a gender-responsive, culturally based group intervention?” Data highlighted the constraints of leading an ethnicity-specific curriculum in a K–12 setting. Despite this challenge, facilitators reported the experience to be rewarding and meaningful for the students. Lastly, the middle school facilitator noted that holding the sessions after school presented challenges for consistent student attendance. 

Step 2: Reliability Analyses
     The Psychological Sense of School Membership Scale (PSSM). Scores from the pre-survey involving 22 respondents were analyzed using a listwise deletion of missing data. Consequently, 18 pre-survey responses were used to determine the reliability of PSSM. Using the 13-item PSSM, the computed Cronbach’s alpha was .91, indicating excellent reliability. This strong alpha coefficient indicated that 13 items on the PSSM measured the same construct of sense of belonging within the sample of our pilot study.

The Multigroup Ethnic Identity Measure–Revised (MEIM–R). After a listwise deletion of missing data, 20 respondents were analyzed to determine the MEIM–R’s reliability within the group of CLI students who participated in the Xinachtli pilot program. MEIM–R yielded a Cronbach’s alpha of .81, indicating good reliability. The strong alpha coefficient indicated that six items on the MEIM–R were able to measure the same construct related to ethnic identity.

Step 3: Perceptions About Positive Identity, Life Skills, and Sense of Belonging
     Item Means of PSSM. All 13 items of the PSSM were scored from the lowest of 1, associated with the response option not true at all, to the highest of 5, associated with the response option completely true. All available scores were analyzed that were obtained from 20 to 22 respondents. As shown in Table 1, for the pre-test with possible range of 1 to 5 for each of the 13 survey items in this instrument, item means ranged from the lowest of 1.50 for the item “The teachers here respect me” to the highest of 3.05 for the item “I am included in lots of activities at school.” The item that had the second highest mean of 2.23 was “Most teachers at school are interested in me.” For the post-survey, mean scores had a range between 1.57 for “The teachers here respect me” and 2.57 for the item “I can really be myself at this school.” The item that had the second highest mean of 2.29 was “Most teachers at school are interested in me.” As noted earlier, no repeated-measure analyses were carried out to test significant differences between pre- and post-scores because of the limited number of participants who completed both the pre- and post-surveys. However, when we reviewed means from two surveys to see if any post-survey scores were higher than pre-survey scores, the mean differences were the widest for “I can really be myself at this school,” and “People here know I can do good work.”

Table 1

PSSM Survey Item Means and Standard Deviations

Pre-Survey Post-Survey
n M  SD n M  SD
1. I feel like a real part of this school. 20 2.10 0.91 7 2.00 1.00
2. People here notice when I’m good at something. 21 2.05 1.02 7 2.00 1.00
3. Other students in this school take my opinions
seriously.
21 2.14 0.91 7 2.00 0.82
4. Most teachers at school are interested in me. 22 2.23 0.97 7 2.29 0.49
5. There’s at least one teacher or other adult in this
school I can talk to if I have a problem.
22 1.77 0.87 7 2.00 0.82
6. People at this school are friendly to me. 21 1.76 0.94 7 1.71 0.76
7. I am included in lots of activities at school. 21 3.05 1.36 7 2.14 0.90
8. I am treated with as much respect as other
students.
20 1.80 0.77 7 2.00 0.58
9. I can really be myself at this school. 20 2.10 1.07 7 2.57 0.54
10. The teachers here respect me. 20 1.50 0.61 7 1.57 0.79
11. People here know I can do good work. 21 1.71 0.64 7 2.14 0.69
12. I feel proud of belonging to this school. 20 1.85 0.88 7 2.14 0.69
13. Other students here like me the way I am. 20 1.80 0.70 7 2.00 0.82

 

All six items of the MEIM–R had the score range from the lowest of 1 for the response option strongly disagree to the highest of 5 for the response option strongly agree. Table 2 denotes item means and standard deviations of items of the MEIM–R for both pre- and post-surveys. As seen in Table 2, for pre-test, with a range of 1 to 5 for each item, item means ranged from the lowest of 2.10 for the item “I feel a strong attachment toward my own ethnic group” to the highest of 2.71 for the item “I have often talked to other people in order to learn more about my ethnic group.” The item that had the second highest mean of 2.57 was “I have a strong sense of belonging to my own ethnic group.” For the post-survey, mean scores had a range between 1.57 for “I understand pretty well what my ethnic group membership means to me” and 2.29 for the item “I have spent time trying to find out more about my ethnic group, such as its history, traditions, and customs.” The item that had the second highest means of 2.14 was “I have a strong sense of belonging to my own ethnic group.” As presented in Table 2, no items in MEIM–R had saliently higher post-survey means as compared to their corresponding pre-survey means.

Table 2

MEIM–R Survey Item Means and Standard Deviations

Pre-Survey Post-Survey
      n M  SD n M  SD
 

1. I have spent time trying to find out more about my ethnic group, such as its history, traditions, and customs.

21 2.38 0.97 7 2.29 0.95
2. I have a strong sense of belonging to my own ethnic group. 21 2.57 0.93 7 2.14 0.69
3. I understand pretty well what my ethnic group membership means to me. 22 2.18 0.91 7 1.57 0.98
4. I have often done things that will help me understand my ethnic background better. 21 2.43 0.81 7 1.71 0.76
5. I have often talked to other people in order to learn more about my ethnic group. 21 2.71 0.78 7 1.71 0.76
6. I feel a strong attachment toward my own ethnic group. 21 2.10 0.91 7 2.00 1.00

 

Additional survey questions (i.e., OQ3: How did participation in Xinachtli affect your life [think about your relationships, attitudes, and behaviors]? and OQ1: What did you like most about participating in Xinachtli?) were also used to assess the program’s impact on participants’ identity, life skills, and sense of belonging. Participants’ open-ended responses were coded into three categories (i.e., positive identity, life skills, and sense of belonging). Table 3 highlights participants’ responses.

Table 3

Open-Ended Responses Classified Into Categories of Positive Identity

Categories Open-Ended Responses
Positive Identity I feel that Xinachtli helped me be confident and proud in who I am. (OQ3)

It helped me with being more talkative and having more positive self thoughts. (OQ3)

Participating in Xinachtli has taught me how to let things go and accept myself and what I enjoy doing. (OQ3)

Life Skills I believe that Xinachtli helped me have a better understanding about lots of stuff like behaviors and acting such a way. (OQ3)

I believe that Xinachtli really affected my life because now it helps me understand things that I didn’t understand before. (OQ3)

It helps me talk more to people. (OQ3)

It made me bc [sic] more mindful about my relationships with people and my surroundings. (OQ3)

I liked how we’d express ourselves and things we did such as the mirror. (OQ1)

What I liked most about participating in Xinachtli is that I found myself to be more understanding. (OQ1)

Sense of

Belonging

Being able to be listened to. (OQ1)

I liked the bond. (OQ1)

I loved the way they would hear me out and let me express myself. (OQ1)

Maybe the fact that they would feed me and they were there with activities when I was feeling down. (OQ1)

Meeting new people and doing relaxing activities. (OQ1)

What I liked most about participating in Xinachtli is that I also have a great relationship with the people. (OQ1)

Note. OQ1 = Open-Ended Question 1; OQ2 = Open-Ended Question 2; OQ3 = Open-Ended Question 3.

Discussion

The purpose of this study was to extend the literature on the implementation of Xinachtli with CLI youth in a K–12 setting. In this pilot study, we examined the feasibility, reliability, and impact of the culturally responsive group counseling curriculum from a student perspective as it relates to positive identity of self, life skills, and sense of belonging. The study was guided by the following questions: To what extent is the Xinachtli program feasible to implement in school settings serving CLI youth? How reliable are the Multigroup Ethnic Identity Measure–Revised (MEIM–R) and Psychological Sense of School Membership Scale (PSSM) in measuring identity and belonging among CLI youth? How does participation in the Xinachtli curriculum affect participants’ perceptions of their positive identity, life skills, and sense of belonging? Overall, although some of the findings show mixed results, there was still a small increase in students’ sense of belonging at school. Additionally, students’ qualitative data highlights ways that the group improved their perspective of their identity, life skills, and sense of belonging.

Using both the facilitators’ and students’ qualitative responses, we found that the feasibility of implementing Xinachtli in a school setting serving CLI youth was both challenging and rewarding. From a facilitator’s perspective, the constraints of the gender-based curriculum made it difficult to implement in a K–12 setting because of the inclusion criteria. Additionally, implementing the group meetings after school may have created a barrier to attendance and scheduling. Despite these challenges, facilitators reported the experience being rewarding and meaningful for the students. Student data supports these findings, as participants shared general appreciation for the group and the space but wanted the program to be longer. We also found the PSSM and MEIM–R to have strong reliability and that they were appropriate to use with CLI youth in a K–12 setting. This finding is supported by prior research that found both scales to be reliable in a school setting (Gaete et al., 2016; Hussain et al., 2018; Musso et al., 2018).

The Xinachtli program was developed to address positive self-identity, life skills, and sense of belonging through a culturally responsive lens. Results from the current study preliminarily support that the curriculum did have a positive impact on participants’ perceptions of positive identity, life skills, and sense of belonging. More specifically, related to positive identity, student qualitative data highlights an improvement in participants’ confidence levels, acceptance of self, and joy in life. Further, although we did not find a significant increase in ethnic identity between the pre- and post-survey data, qualitative data underscores that participants experienced feelings of pride related to their identities. Findings also accentuated an improvement in life skills, related to participants’ level of understanding of life and others after completion of the group. Results among participants are consistent with previous research demonstrating that students who participated in Xinachtli reported an increase in self-empowerment skills, identity development, and an overall improvement in self-efficacy (Haskie-Mendoza et al., 2018; Hernandez, 2023).

Descriptive trends also reveal shifts in participants’ sense of belonging between the pre- and post-survey data. The preliminary results highlight an increased mean on most items in the PSSM with the largest difference on items 3, 5, and 13: “Other students in this school take my opinions seriously,” “There’s at least one teacher or other adult in this school I can talk to if I have a problem,” and “Other students here like me the way I am.” Additionally, participants’ qualitative data reinforces these findings, as many shared an appreciation for the relationships formed and support received during the group. Findings from this study are consistent with research demonstrating that participation in Xinachtli increases sense of community, interpersonal skills, and understanding of others (Haskie-Mendoza et al., 2018; Hernandez, 2023).

Although preliminary results are promising, we did not find significant mean differences in participants’ ethnic identity scores. A possible explanation for this could be related to the constraints of conducting a group curriculum across three different school settings and the variability in lessons provided, delivery, and scheduling. Additionally, although Xinachtli is a culturally responsive curriculum, little research has been done on the curriculum as it relates to ethnic identity in a K–12 setting. Previous research focused on the implementation with participants in specific disciplines (e.g., science, technology, engineering, mathematics) and youth involved in the juvenile justice system (Haskie-Mendoza et al., 2018; Hernandez, 2023). This is the first known study to implement the intervention in a K–12 setting and assess for ethnic identity and sense of belonging. Although we did not see significant changes from the pre- and post-survey data related to ethnic identity, exploratory findings are promising, especially as they relate to student qualitative data and changes in sense of belonging after completion of the group.

Implications and Limitations
     These results highlight the potential for the Xinachtli curriculum to support the development of positive identity, life skills, and a sense of belonging among CLI youth in the school setting. The culturally responsive nature of the Xinachtli suggests that similar identity-affirming programs could serve as valuable tools for school counselors to create inclusive and affirming learning environments for marginalized populations. Olsen et al. (2024) similarly argued that moving away from deficit-based interventions toward culturally sustaining practices allows counselors to center students’ strengths and lived experiences, thereby fostering belonging and affirmation. Implementation of Xinachtli on a larger scale could further validate these findings and help inform culturally responsive practices in school counseling.

Although the findings were promising, the current study has limitations. First, the curriculum was designed to be implemented with two facilitators, but the middle school groups were facilitated by a single school counselor who conducted all group sessions because of staffing constraints and scheduling limitations. In the future, it would be best to standardize implementation to ensure fidelity of the study. Second, the sample size was limited to CLI youth from three schools within the same district. Future research should consider expanding the participant pool to include a broader range of schools. While Xinachtli is designed to be inclusive of gender-expansive youth, the pilot sample included only cisgender girls. Future implementation should include more deliberate strategies to ensure participation from gender-expansive youth to allow for a more complete understanding of the program’s inclusivity. Additionally, not all lessons from the Xinachtli curriculum were implemented in the pilot study; as such, it is unclear if full implementation would have resulted in stronger outcomes. Future studies might consider measuring the impact of the entire curriculum. Lastly, the short duration of the pilot study limited the ability to measure long-term effects; ongoing research should consider follow-up assessments to evaluate the lasting influence of participation in Xinachtli.

Conclusion

A growing population of CLI youth and their associated educational disparities underscores the need for gender-based culturally responsive counseling services in K–12 settings to meet the educational needs of this student population. Our study is the first to examine the feasibility and effectiveness of Xinachtli, a gender-informed culturally sustaining counseling curriculum, on ethnic identity development and sense of belonging in CLI youth in K–12 schools. Although the quantitative results reveal insignificant differences in participants’ ethnic identity scores, the participants reported an increase in self-confidence, feelings of pride in their ethnic identity, and understanding of life and others as indicated by the qualitative data. Hence, these preliminary findings indicate a potential for the Xinachtli program to positively impact CLI youth’s identity development, acquisition of life skills, and sense of belonging in schools. As scholars and school counselors continue to challenge multiculturally insensitive educational environments, utilizing programs like Xinachtli may be one way to promote culturally responsive services to meet the changing demographics of the students they serve.

 

Conflict of Interest and Funding Disclosure
The authors reported no conflict of interest
in the development of this manuscript.
This project was supported by the California
State University Center to Close the Opportunity Gap.

 

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Vanessa Placeres, PhD, NCC, LPC, RPT, is an associate professor at San Diego State University and was a 2017 Doctoral Fellow in Mental Health Counseling with the NBCCF Minority Fellowship Program. Caroline Lopez-Perry, PhD, is an associate professor at California State University Long Beach. Hiromi Masunaga, PhD, is a professor at California State University Long Beach. Nicholas Pantoja, MS, PSS, is an alumnus of San Diego State University. Correspondence may be addressed to Vanessa Placeres, 5500 Campanile Drive, San Diego, CA 92182, vplaceres@sdsu.edu.

Utilizing Collective Wisdom: Ceremony-Assisted Treatment for Native and Non-Native Clients

Julie Smith-Yliniemi, Krista M. Malott, JoAnne Riegert, Susan F. Branco

Faith and Indigenous healing ceremonies offer spiritually oriented interventions that maintain client wellness or mitigate client existential, biopsychosocial, or spiritual distress. Mental health practitioners of all identities may ethically apply ceremony-assisted treatments with Native and non-Native populations. Three such interventions are described in this article, drawn from Indigenous traditions as practiced personally and professionally by the first and third authors. Directives for use, including populations appropriate for application, adaptations, ethical considerations, and culturally responsive competency considerations, are included.

Keywords: Indigenous, healing ceremonies, ceremony-assisted treatments, Native, culturally responsive

Across time and cultures, humans have engaged in rituals as a means for fostering healing, resilience, grounding, and connection to something larger than oneself, to ultimately create and sustain meaning and health in life (Dallas et al., 2020; Ingerman, 2018). A ritual or ceremony entails enacting a sequence of behaviors or ideas relating to symbols and meanings (La Fontaine, 1985). Healing ceremonies are spiritually oriented rituals that seek to return a person to wellness or to maintain one’s physical, spiritual, or emotional health, particularly in the face of perceived threats or losses (Crouch, 2016; Kumar et al., 2023). Such traditions often stem from religious, cultural, or ethnic roots and are commonly performed to signify celebrations or other important events (Kumar et al., 2023). These acts also offer spiritual coping as a means to address difficult existential, biopsychosocial, or spiritual situations (Crouch, 2016; Mathew, 2021); to elicit healing narratives or conversations regarding trauma; and to honor feelings of frustration, fear, anxiety, and guilt (Crouch, 2016).

Indigenous healing and ceremonial practices are part of community wellness and healing traditions for Native tribes across the North American continent (Causadias et al., 2022; Saiz et al., 2021). Such practices are passed down by the generations, despite having been forced underground for a period when the U.S. government outlawed Native American cultural practices (Irwin, 1997). Indeed, colonizers have sought to suppress and erase the Indigenous knowledge and practices of colonized communities around the world throughout history.

Scholars have recently recognized the efforts of Indigenous communities across North America to reclaim the many traditional practices to which they had been denied access because of the violence of colonization (McCormick, 2021). This healing movement is embodied in the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (United Nations, 2008), emphasizing the rights of Indigenous people to maintain their cultural, spiritual, and health traditions and practices (Kumar et al., 2023; McCormick, 2021). In turn, ceremony-assisted treatments can be used by and with persons of all Indigenous roots to enact healing and sustain wellness and survivance (e.g., resistance and thriving in the face of oppression; Vizenor, 1993).

Because of the efficacious nature of healing rituals, mental health practitioners of all identities have sought to apply traditional practices with Indigenous clientele and in addressing a variety of symptoms of client distress (McCormick, 2021). Non-Native American mental health practitioners have drawn upon Indigenous rituals such as smudging and drumming to address myriad forms of presenting distress across tribal groups (Blackett & Payne, 2005). Examples of issues addressed through such rituals include chronic pain (Greensky et al., 2014), distress from discrimination and colonization (Lu & Yuen, 2012; West-Olatunji et al., 2008), and substance use (Spillane et al., 2021).

In light of the universal practice around making meaning through ritual, certain Indigenous interventions may also be considered for adaptation with non-Native clientele, albeit with caution and an ethical mindset (Rathod et al., 2019). Currently, however, there are limited guidelines around the ethical implementation of ceremony-assisted interventions for non-Native practitioners, particularly for work with non-Native clientele. Such guidelines are essential to mitigate harmful acts of appropriation born from colonization and the continued exploitation of Indigenous communities and their practices on the North American continent (Meade et al., 2022).

Consequently, considering the importance and power of ritual and ceremony as a healing and wellness practice, we offer recommendations for non-Native and Native practitioners to ethically explore and incorporate ceremony-assisted interventions into practice with Native and non-Native clientele. We provide an overview of relevant provisions of the American Counseling Association’s ACA Code of Ethics (ACA; 2014) and, through examples, outline how practitioners can implement ceremony-assisted treatments while avoiding cultural appropriation.

Next, we present three ceremony-assisted treatments, including smudging, drumming, and a letting-go ceremony. Such traditions stem from Indigenous origins and are applied by authors Smith-Yliniemi and Riegert in both professional and personal settings. Suggestions for use, including appropriate populations and areas of distress, are included. We address ethical considerations in promoting respectful and culturally sensitive use of each practice, to share traditions with broader populations while seeking to maintain the cultural integrity of said practices.

Regarding language use in this article, we will interchangeably apply the terms Native, Native American, Indian, and Indigenous to refer to persons who are indigenous to Turtle Island (i.e., the lands recognized by the dominant normative population as North America). Reference will be made to Creator, to indicate a universal reference by Indigenous communities of a spiritual presence greater than oneself. In addition, drawing from the preferred naming conventions of tribal communities, the terms Ojibwe and Anishinaabe will be used interchangeably in referring to Smith-Yliniemi’s and Riegert’s origins. However, we recognize that Indigenous people on Turtle Island are a diverse group of tribes or nations with their own languages, traditions, cultures, and naming conventions (National Museum of the American Indian, n.d.). Consequently, different tribes or Indigenous communities may choose different terminologies and for unique reasons, and many will likely take differing stances from those put forth in this article.

Practitioner Positionality
     As the authors, we collectively identify as counselor educators. We each approach the directives in this article with multiple intersecting identities and critical lenses with which we seek to understand and make meaning of the world and our work. We attempt to embody cultural humility, responsiveness, and antiracist and decolonizing frameworks. We recognize that counseling as a practice has historically applied a pathologizing and therefore harmful lens toward clientele and, in particular, toward communities whose identities have been minoritized by dominant normative systems (Malott et al., 2023). Hence, to counter this deficit-based narrative, we ascribe to a strengths-based perspective and recommend practitioners do likewise (White et al., 2020). We encourage Native American practitioners seeking to “remember what they already know” about Indigenous practices as they return to their ancestral roots. In light of these points, we will transparently and authentically share the identities and frameworks we bring to this work.

Julie Smith-Yliniemi identifies as an Anishinaabe ikwe, an Indigenous woman, who grew up on a Native American reservation in the Midwest. Additional heritage includes Scandinavian descent. Intersectionalities include being a mother, wife, daughter, cisgender, temporarily able-bodied, and a person who engages in her traditional Native American ceremonial practices. Her personal and professional lens is grounded in humanistic and relational–cultural theories.

Krista M. Malott identifies with multiple intersecting identities that profoundly shape her lens, some of which include being White, U.S.–born, cisgender, female, temporarily able-bodied, spiritually agnostic, and a member of a transracially adoptive family. She principally assumes humanist, systemic, antiracist, and intersectional lenses, which shape her worldviews and her approach to her work.

JoAnne Riegert identifies as an Anishinaabe ikwe who lives and works on a Native American Indian reservation in a rural community. Her ancestral heritage also includes French Canadian and German descent. Her familial roles include being a grandmother, mother, sister, daughter, niece, and aunt. She is steeped in the Native American community and her worldview originates from this perspective. Her theoretical foundation incorporates restorative justice practices and relational-cultural theory.

Susan F. Branco identifies as a Latina, South American–born, transracial adoptee, cisgender female, able-bodied, descendent of the Guahibo tribe, and connected to the Anishinaabe culture through marriage. She is an active member of the adoptee community and is working to reculturate and reclaim her lost cultural and Indigenous heritage. Her clinical and scholarly work revolve around relational-cultural and liberation theories.

Ethical Application and Considerations

For the purpose of this article, we approach the concept of adaptation with a collectivist perspective, whereby we eschew an ownership concept of healing practices by any one cultural group. Consequently, as counselor educators and mental health practitioners, we collectively suggest that some Indigenous ritual or ceremonial healing practices may also be adapted for clients of non-Native identities, and by practitioners of all cultural identities, albeit while keeping certain points in mind—for example, if undertaken with respect and sensitivity, awareness, and guidance, and with the understanding that every person has origins to some tract of land and a spiritual connection to earth and self. This perspective is not true, of course, for all Native interventions, and not all Indigenous people will adhere to this stance. Attending to ethical guidelines can reduce the risk of appropriation, whereby cultural knowledge is used without proper and respectful acknowledgement to the cultural creators (Lalonde, 2021). Ethical guidelines may also increase cultural appreciation, adaptation, and acknowledgement, along with respectful attribution to the creators of certain interventions without stereotyping (Han, 2019; Hiratsuka et al., 2018; Meade et al., 2022).

To further attend to issues of ethics and harm in drawing on Indigenous healing ceremonies, non-Native counselors may refer to Meade et al.’s Checklist for Counselor Practitioners (2022). Meade and colleagues (2022) cited the need for practitioners to acquire cultural knowledge to more ethically implement ceremony-assisted practices, beginning with researching the “origins of the clinical intervention” (p. 103). We encourage practitioners to consider relevant ethical standards (ACA, 2014) as a starting point in the journey to Indigenous practice implementation and adaptation. We will denote suggested ethical standards after each ceremony-assisted treatment description.

Ceremony-Assisted Treatments

In the following sections we describe three specific healing rituals premised on Indigenous ceremonial treatments as means for supporting clients in healing or in sustaining wellness in a private (i.e., individual client) setting: smudging, drumming, and a letting-go ceremony. We detail when and how (and with whom) such practices could optimally be applied. A case example is used to illustrate application of each ritual with clients, with directives for the cultural adaptation of each. Considering the right and essential need for Indigenous peoples to protect their lands, traditions, and ceremonies (Drissi, 2023; United Nations, 2008), each ritual includes directives according to ethical use of its application, including consideration around appropriation and reverence for land and material use, when applicable.

Smudging
     Smudging is an act of burning a traditional medicinal plant with the purpose of cleansing the body, mind, or spirit; renewing energy within and around individuals in a particular space or with a certain object; or calling for help in opening oneself to a new experience (Borden & Coyote, 1991). Some people incorporate smudging into their daily lives, while others apply it as needed. For instance, if a person is in the presence of someone who is giving off negativity or energy that is not welcoming, they may leave and smudge themselves to cleanse themselves of the negativity. At other times, if a person receives a gift or buys something new, they smudge that object in order to cleanse it. Cleansing a space to bring positive energy is also a common use of smudging. Hence, if someone moves into a new or different home, or is using a specific space for a ceremony, they might walk around the space, smudging it.

Smudging may invoke positive energy for a specific event. For instance, both in-person or virtual meetings can be started with a smudge. Smith-Yliniemi smudges each morning as a way to start her day positively. A counselor could begin sessions with a smudge, if the client desires to do so, along with personalizing or adapting the ceremony according to the client’s expressed needs or wants.

Smudging is a ceremonial process with a purpose, a beginning, and an end, with different teachings according to different tribal or community norms. Examples of smudging materials include cedar, sage, and sweetgrass. Those materials can be purchased or found in nature. In Smith-Yliniemi’s Anishinaabe community, sage is used, and it is gathered within a natural setting, with the act of gathering as part of the ceremonial process. Grown in the wild, sage differs according to the ecosystem in which it resides. Smith-Yliniemi’s community typically picks sage annually during the summer months when it is grown and ready, typically found in ditches and usually in patches. The person picking the sage will offer tobacco to Mother Earth and to the sage plant prior to picking it, to give thanks.

Traditional tobacco has been used for spiritual and medicinal purposes within communities for generations. It is central to culture, spirituality, and healing (National Native Network, n.d.). To offer tobacco, a person takes a pinch of loose-leaf tobacco from a bag or jar and places it in the palm of their left hand. The left hand is typically used because it is closest to our hearts. One then closes their hand with the tobacco secured in the fist and prays to Mother Earth and gives gratitude for the healing medicine offered by sage; they also ask the sage to help all who smudge with it. After the prayer, the tobacco in the left hand is gently placed next to the sage plants intended for harvest.

One of the Anishinaabe Original Instructions from Creator is to take only what one needs, so that there is enough for others. Individuals typically pick enough sage for those who are unable to do so, such as elders or those affected by an impairment. The sage is cut or picked from the stem of the plant, leaving the root intact; in this way the sage is able to regrow each year. Once picked, the sage is hung upside down to dry, a process that can take several weeks depending on the heat and humidity. It is then bundled and stored in a dry place to be used throughout the year.

Although smudging can be used at any time of the day, it is often done in the morning. To smudge, a small amount of sage is taken off the bundle and rolled into a small ball. It is usually placed in a shell or a special bowl and then lit with matches. The teaching Smith-Yliniemi received is that, when smudging, the smoke from the burning sage is initially taken into the hands and placed over the heart while asking Creator to open one’s heart to the experience they are about to have, as a new beginning. That beginning may entail the opening of the day, a counseling session, an event related to a life transition, or something else. In this way, a person asks for help to open their heart to a new experience.

Next, the smoke from the sage is smudged (fanned or wafted) toward the throat area while asking Creator to help with one’s words—to formulate loving and respectful words and thoughts and to know when to use them thoughtfully. Hence, one smudges the throat to reduce impulsivity and increase thoughtfulness and deliberation in speaking. Next, the ears are smudged while asking Creator to help the person hear what they are meant to hear, as so much of what one hears can cause undue worry. Hence, smudging the ears allows others’ words not meant to be heard to dissipate. In this way, Creator helps people to better hear only that which promotes learning and growth or the calming of our minds.

Next, the eyes are smudged while asking Creator to help one see what they are meant to see, including the best in others—knowing that all persons have flaws and wounds from living in a world full of chaos and worry. Additionally, the person asks to look beyond the physical, to use a lens that Creator intends. Seeing in this way allows one to live in a more peaceful manner. The person then smudges their head while asking Creator to help them with healthy thoughts and the ability to welcome a positive mindset. Consequently, through this ceremony, a person seeks spiritual and physical healing through the cleansing of any negative feelings, thoughts, or energies. They ask Creator to help them to be present and open to a more positive, healthy, and compassionate way of being toward themselves and others.

Counselors or clients of any identity can smudge if it is something they feel called to do and it makes them (or their clients) feel better. As the process is used by Indigenous communities around the world, anyone can have their own smudging routine. Some groups use smudging in association with ceremonies, as a means to feel connected to something they have lost, such as their culture and ways of being, or to address loss from war, genocide, intergenerational trauma, or colonialism. Smudging can be used as a precursor to a “welcome home” ceremony for Native American clients who were adopted and do not know their culture well or urban Indians lacking direct connection to their reservation or tribe. The ritual serves as an opening process that clears the space of any negative energy before enacting that ceremony. Smudging in this way brings in positive energy and allows attendees to be fully present and with open spirits, hearts, and minds. In turn, the welcome home ceremony acts as a coming-together process that helps individuals feel a part of their cultural community, as a symbolic rebirth of their connection to their culture.

Smudging can cleanse one’s mind, body, and spirit, bringing the person to the here and now, and therefore it can help with depression, trauma, anxiety, or substance abuse. In turn, researchers have cited smudging to have significant meaning for individuals in regard to myriad issues, from physical health issues (Greensky et al., 2014) to mental health recovery (Spillane et al., 2021) to connecting employees to one another and to their work setting through the ritual itself (McPhee et al., 2017).

Ethical Considerations
     In considering the ethics of applying smudging with clients, there are several points to keep in mind. First, for non-Indigenous practitioners, it is essential that ethical standard C.2.a. Boundaries of Competence (ACA, 2014) is considered. This states that practitioners, at minimum, read about and, ideally, receive training or experience with the practice of smudging. Such services could be advertised as one intervention available to specific populations, similar to the way other modalities are advertised (e.g., via the practitioner’s website, written materials, and verbally). Mentions of smudging should include its traditional origins and meaning, in order to educate potential clients about the nature of the intervention. Potential areas of learning include understanding the historical roots and practices of smudging, recognizing the impact of colonialism and contemporary culture on the practice (McCormick, 2021), and attending to personal bias and values per standard A.4.b. Personal Values (ACA, 2014).

In addressing issues of cultural appropriation, practitioners should avoid use of the intervention solely for profit, aligned with standard A.4.a. Avoiding Harm (ACA, 2014). When using the intervention, they should clearly credit the source and origins of the practice for their clients. Regarding materials, they should also be mindful to avoid taking more sage than necessary, to allow others access to the plant. Ideally, counselors would consult, learn, and draw from local cultural protocol and original persons/elders/tribes of their area. They would also keep in mind that what is acceptable in one community is not the same in others, and that although some Indigenous persons believe that Indigenous medicines are there to help people of any and all identities, others believe such practices should be maintained as sacred and exclusive to their community. Hence, one should seek out protocols and perspectives in their local community, aligned with ethical standard C.2.e. Consultations on Ethical Obligations (ACA, 2014).

Finally, if smudging with clients whose ancestors may have used the practice, such as African Americans, it is important to gauge their cultural awareness regarding their identities. Perhaps encourage research around ancestral African ceremonial practices or research such histories collaboratively. Explore their perspectives and emotions around what is discovered; what has been lost to colonialism, enslavement, genocide, and other historical traumas; and how they wish to proceed with smudging as a practice in collaboration with the counselor. A decolonizing counseling framework could be drawn upon for processing deep-seated trauma and corresponding emotions stemming from colonization impacts (Millner et al., 2021). In so doing, counselors will attend to ethical standard A.2.c. Developmental and Cultural Sensitivity (ACA, 2014).

Adaptation Possibilities
     As an intervention, smudging is suitable for adaptation. If not using sage, counselors can still engage in the act of cleansing a space. Some clients may be interested in burning a different herbal medicine that is meaningful to them. Some may be interested in using incense or oils to cleanse themselves or the space they are in. Adaptations, in turn, can be made in collaboration with each client, to honor their own cultural norms and practices.

Smudging: A Case Example
     Kiah, a 15-year-old Indigenous youth, sought out her school counselor, who was non-Indigenous. The client had been struggling with identity issues since hearing that there was going to be a school-sponsored powwow at the end of the school year. Some of her friends asked her if she would be dancing, as they knew she was Native American. However, she moved from the reservation to the city over 10 years ago and didn’t know much about her culture or dancing. As a result, she was feeling disconnected and anxious about who she was as a Native American.

In an effort to support Kiah, the school counselor researched and read articles regarding Native American identity and also reached out to the school district’s Native American education director in order to glean ideas on how to effectively work with the student. The director advised the counselor to engage Kiah in an activity that included her memories of living on the reservation while asking her what she may want to reconnect to.

During this activity, Kiah remembered her grandmother having a shell on her kitchen table, a distinct smell, and feelings of calmness in her home. Working collaboratively, the student and counselor recalled that her grandmother would engage in the ceremonial practice of smudging each day, and Kiah realized this was something she would like to do in reconnecting to her culture. The Native American education director shared the smudging teaching with the student and helped procure sage from a local Native American–owned shop. The student relearned this ceremonial practice and planned to regularly practice the new ritual as a way to stay grounded in and connected to her identity.

Drumming
     The goals of drumming are to find rhythm in one’s life again; to help people celebrate, grieve, and heal; and to feel connected to Mother Earth as one was once connected to their mother’s womb (Rojiani et al., 2022). Many Indigenous people believe that drumming represents the heartbeat of Mother Earth. The act of drumming connects the drummer with the earth. It is a practice that is both intimate and ceremonial. Drumming has been shown to enact multiple positive outcomes in clients, with examples including positive identity development (Rojiani et al., 2022); stress reduction and empowerment (Maschi et al., 2013); coping with societal oppression (McKinley, 2023); and anxiety reduction, decreased self-stigma, and the improvement of mood (Mungas & Silverman, 2014; Rowe et al., 2023).

Drums can be made from different animal hides; in the Midwest region, they are often made with deer hides. Drums can be made or bought, with kits accessible online. Drumming music can come from any origin. Oftentimes, Indigenous songs originate from someone’s dream and then are gifted to a person or group. One example is that of an elder who once dreamt a specific song for a women’s ceremony, and then gifted the song to Smith-Yliniemi and Riegert. The elder sang the song to them, and it was their responsibility to learn the song and sing it at that certain monthly ceremony from then on, which has been done for the past decade. The drum is considered a sacred living object, as an animal gave their life so that humans could benefit and heal. Consequently, caring for a drum should occur regularly and is considered a ritualistic ceremonial experience, whereby the keeper has the responsibility to acknowledge its life and treat it with great respect and honor.

The act of drumming includes tapping the instrument with a drumstick or hand. One or multiple individuals can drum. Drumming can be used in ceremonies. In some communities, behavioral health departments offer ceremonies to community members as a way to heal and connect with their Indigenous roots. As an example of the use of drumming in counseling, when Smith-Yliniemi engaged in group trauma therapy with adolescents, she would use drumming as a way to connect members. They would begin with a smudge and then one person would choose a song and either drum and sing individually or ask the group to join if they happen to know the song.

Individuals of all identities can drum, as the practice is not exclusively Indigenous (e.g., there are music therapy degrees that incorporate drumming for all). Anyone can drum, as it comes from within; one doesn’t have to be a musician or take lessons. Drumming can be used with myriad client issues, including depression, oppression, anxiety, affect regulation, substance use, and identity strengthening. As noted in the prior paragraph, drumming can connect members of a group to enhance social interest (Sperry et al., 2021) or create a sense of belonging and humanization (Craddock et al., 2022).

Ethical Considerations
     In considering the ethics of applying drumming with clients, there are several points to keep in mind. First, like the above directives with smudging, for non-Indigenous practitioners, it is essential that practitioners adhere to standard C.2.a. Boundaries of Competence (ACA, 2014) and read about, research, and study—and ideally receive training or experience with—the practice of drumming. Potential areas of learning include understanding the historical roots and practices of drumming, recognizing the impact of colonialism and contemporary culture on the practice (Quarshie, 2023), and use of drumming in contemporary healing practices (Rojiani et al., 2022; Rowe et al., 2023), all of which support adherence to standard C.2.b. New Specialty Areas of Practice (ACA, 2014). In addition, counselors can describe the practice, meaning, and impacts of drumming both in advertising and verbally with clients.

Adaptation Possibilities
     When drumming with clients whose ancestors may have used the practice, such as African Americans, similar to the suggestions for smudging, it is important to explore their awareness of their identities and roots, encourage research around their ancestors’ ceremonial practices, or research such histories collaboratively. Explore their perspectives and emotions around what is discovered; what has been lost to colonialism, enslavement, genocide, and other historical traumas; and how they wish to proceed with drumming as a practice in collaboration with the counselor.

Drumming: A Case Example
     Zane, a non-Indigenous, African American client sought counseling because of feeling depressed following several failed romantic relationships. Zane explained to the counselor that he had a recent “aha” moment when he realized he kept breaking up with his partners because he didn’t know who he was. His insight came after watching a movie on African American history and realizing he wasn’t sure of who he was, where he was from, or any cultural practices of his African American ancestors. Zane asked, “How am I supposed to know what I want in others when I don’t even know myself”?

The counselor explored with Zane what parts of the movie called him to his “aha” moment. He explained that it was a part in which African ceremonies were taking place and that the drumming had immediately brought him to tears. Throughout the next few sessions Zane and his counselor explored his African roots, and he ordered a drum kit so that he could make his own drum. Zane also reached out to a local African organization and began attending a bimonthly community event that promotes African culture and song. Over time and across the counseling sessions, Zane’s mood appeared to significantly improve. He began to discuss additional ways of researching his identity and to also consider the implication of these explorations on his dating choices going forward.

Letting-Go Ceremony
     A letting-go ceremony is a ritual that allows a person to process and/or release thoughts, emotions, or memories around beliefs or experiences in order to bring about healing and a sense of peace and to make room for new ways of being or engaging in the world (McCormick, 2021). It is often believed that one cannot simply talk their way through a trauma, but that they must spiritually and physically release it as well. Using tobacco ties is one traditional way to release a trauma, as a symbol of letting go, freeing oneself from the human experience, and returning the trauma back into the earth. It is a metaphor for no longer having to carry a certain burden.

Tobacco is considered a sacred medicine that represents the earth and is used for myriad purposes in Indigenous communities (National Native Network, n.d.). A tobacco tie can be created by placing a small amount of tobacco on a cloth and folding or tying the corners to create a small ball or sachet. It can be connected to a chain of ties, as well. The ties are released or given to the earth or sky, through laying them near the roots of a tree or placing them in a fire.

The process itself can be ceremonial, implemented with fasting or praying. The idea is an offering to the spirit world meant to impact the here and now in the physical world and to release some of the pain associated with an event (Wilson & Restoule, 2010). When the client and counselor practice the ceremony together, both are able to let go of part of the pain. The collective connection of healing helps to ease some of the traumatic experience.

In an example of using tobacco ties in group counseling, Smith-Yliniemi would often invite a medicine person to be part of the closure process for trauma groups. The medicine person would instruct group members to make a tobacco tie for each trauma they wanted to release from their bodies and their lives. These ties would then be used in a sweat lodge ceremony in the final session of a 10–12 week group.

The idea of symbolically “giving over/letting go” or releasing something as a means for healing is a universal act and therefore can be drawn upon and applied by counselors and clients of any identity. However, the ceremony would look different according to the client’s identity and wishes. Letting go allows one to release thoughts or beliefs that keep them held to the past—hence, it allows people to stay more focused in the present moment, which could apply to many topics. Common letting-go issues include grief, traumas, and depression, as well as negative and harmful thoughts, feelings, habits, and experiences. Ultimately, we could not think of any issue that necessarily would not benefit from a spiritual and/or physical ceremonial process of “letting go.” The client, of course, must be amenable to the idea of letting go; hence, the counselor should collaboratively determine client readiness for letting go and explore client reluctance, if it does arise, as a natural part of the process.

Ethical Considerations
     Individuals of any identity can engage in letting-go ceremonies, and likely the best practice is to initially draw upon clients’ own cultural practices specific to letting go in line with standard E.5.b. Cultural Sensitivity (ACA, 2014). However, if they are unaware of any such practice in their own community, counselors may adapt a letting-go ceremony as described here to meet the client’s need. Because letting-go ceremonies can be particularly emotionally laden for both the client and counselor, we encourage counselors to monitor their own wellness and to be mindful of counselor impairment, as noted in ACA ethical standard C.2.g. Impairment (2014).

Adaptation Possibilities
     If a person does not use tobacco as part of the letting-go ceremony, other elements of nature can be used instead. For example, a person can use a stone. A stone/rock is known as a “grandfather” in many Indigenous cultures. They have been on the earth the longest and have helped humans for many generations, carrying wisdom and strength. As a symbol of letting go, a person could find and hold a grandfather (rock) in their hand, releasing their pain from the human experience back into the earth through the rock, symbolizing that we do not have to carry the pain within us, but that we can release it to Mother Nature, who serves as a caregiver to us all.

Letting-Go Ceremony: A Case Example
     Lisa, a non-Indigenous client, came to counseling to address the trauma of losing an unborn child. During the sessions, the counselor and Lisa explored the impact of this trauma. Together, they decided to engage in a letting-go ceremony as a means for healing. As a first step, the counselor gave credit to the origins of the letting-go ceremony and explained to the client how and from whom the intervention was learned.

In preparation for the ceremony, the counselor obtained the necessary items, while also tending to their own emotions to ensure that the ceremony was delivered in a healthy and therapeutic way. The counselor prepared the meeting space to ensure that it was free of distractions. A blanket was laid on the floor with a sacred altar or centerpiece, on which both the counselor and Lisa placed items that were meaningful to them. Elements of the natural world were also part of the altar—examples of potential elements include a stone, tree leaves, a small dish of water, and even an electric candle to represent fire.

In addition, objects that represented other important people in the client’s life could be present, such as a small picture or an item that belongs to a significant person. That object signifies that one does not carry the challenges in their lives alone, that there are other humans who helped to guide one along the way. In this case, the centerpiece objects were selected collaboratively by the counselor and Lisa with the intention of providing support during the letting-go ceremony.

Next, the counselor offered a small piece of cloth (4” by 4” square) to Lisa, while keeping a piece of the material for themself. In this cloth, Lisa and the counselor placed dried herbs and natural earth medicines brought specifically for the ceremony. They then tied their individual bundles of herbs with a small string and held them in their left hands, which are closest to the human heart. Importantly, only a small amount of dried medicine (one teaspoon) was used for the cloth tie.

Next, a song was played. (Other options include reading a poem or offering several moments of silence.) The counselor explained to Lisa that the particular moment was spent intentionally in sending any energy from the traumatic experience into the tied cloth. After some time passed and the client signaled that they felt ready, the counselor brought the session to a close. The altar was disassembled while both participants continued to hold their ties.

At the end of the session, the counselor explained that the cloth tie that held the medicine and the energy from the ceremony can be placed on the earth, left at the base of a tree, placed in the woods, or even put near a body of water. The implication and healing properties of the ceremony were that the energy and emotions from the loss are now part of the tie and part of the earth, so that Lisa did not have to carry them all individually. The counselor also explained that a letting-go ceremony was not a one-time practice, and that throughout Lisa’s life, she now had the knowledge to practice letting go as needed.

Competency and Cultural Responsivity Considerations

We have identified methods by which practicing counselors can begin to implement ceremony-assisted treatments. Suggestions for obtaining more information about ceremony-assisted experiences include reaching out to and collaborating with one’s local Indigenous community and seeking out a knowledge expert. It is important to offer a gift to the person who is sharing their knowledge. Gift giving in this way aligns with the spirit of the 2014 ACA Code of Ethics preamble, which asserts the importance of honoring and “embracing a multicultural approach in support of the worth, dignity, potential and uniqueness of people within their social and cultural contexts” (p. 2). ACA ethical standard A.10.f. Receiving Gifts may also be relevant for giving gifts to those from whom one learns. Making a gift to recognize the importance of honoring cultural norms around gifting is certainly in keeping with the reasons and values behind this standard. Gift giving in this instance could entail any tangible item given with thoughtful consideration from one’s heart to the heart of the person from whom they seek wisdom. Examples include plants from the earth (dried or fresh), an object with a meaningful phrase, something useful (such as towels/blankets), or a handmade item. The gift item itself is not as important as the intention behind it—as an expression of love and respect and the sharing of gratitude for the opportunity to be open and learn from wisdom keepers. The experience of earnestly seeking, listening, and developing deeper understanding creates an opportunity for the growth of cultural humility (Tham & Solomon, 2023). Additionally, practitioners are building cultural responsivity as they adopt customs and traditions with awareness of the cultural origins.

Once knowledge of the healing ceremony is learned, practitioners should also offer the earth a gift of natural essence (a stone, small berry, dried herb, or small amount of water), as the counselor now holds this wisdom and has a responsibility to honor the earth and the person who gifted it to them. This connection and reciprocity between the natural and human world are a continual exchange of gratitude. It is essential that practitioners give due credit to the contributors of newly learned practices and traditions (Meade et al., 2022). In service delivery, sincerity is honored while using our own language and understanding.

In considering competency, ethical standard C.2.b. New Specialty Areas of Practice cites the need for counselors to take steps to ensure competence in applying new techniques, and always with the lens of “protecting others from possible harm” (p. 8). Additionally, counselor commitment to ongoing learning is emphasized in ethical standard C.2.f. Continuing Education (ACA, 2014). Hence, learning should not be considered as a singular universal practice; rather, practitioners should seek to learn in the moment from the knowledge keeper and engage in ongoing consultation, learning, and interaction with the wisdom holders. Continual practitioner reflection and the eliciting of client feedback—to determine the meaningfulness and impact of such interventions—is also essential to determining counselor effectiveness. These steps align with ethical standard C.2.d. Monitor Effectiveness (ACA, 2014), stating the importance of counselor action in monitoring the effectiveness of the work they do.

Conclusion

Ceremony-assisted treatments are powerful sources of healing and health for clientele. Ritual is essential for all humans, as a means for healing and for the maintenance of one’s physical, spiritual, and emotional health (Hewson et al., 2014)—albeit in ways that are uniquely shaped by personal culture and experiences (McCormick, 2021). We hope that the interventions included in this article can be used to enhance client mental health and health care needs.

Essential directives noted in this article include the importance of consulting with Indigenous healers within (or in approximation to) readers’ own contexts, to consider the ethical application of Indigenous-origin healing practices. We suggest seeking out and receiving education around such interventions, their histories, and the communities from which they originate to gain further understanding and respect for the practices. Those working in school systems may want to work collaboratively with an Indigenous education director in the ethical provision of ceremony-based interventions in their setting or to advocate for hiring such professionals for settings that lack an expert. Readers can also refer to the Association for Multicultural Counseling and Development’s Native American Concerns Group as a resource for Native counselors as well as for professionals counseling Native populations.

We reiterate that the perspectives around the use of and appropriation of Indigenous practices differ within and across Indigenous communities. Meade et al.’s (2022) Checklist for Counselor Practitioners reminds practitioners to remain vigilant to their own intersecting identities and to adhere to ethical practices in order to avoid harmful cultural appropriation. We attend to several of these recommendations by acknowledging and sharing our intersecting identities and offering guidance on ethically adapting the interventions to all clients.

Finally, going forward, when sharing these healing teachings, we encourage readers to maintain an awareness of the deep roots of these practices—stretching back and beyond seven generations—as a way to honor the ancestors who came before us and who have persisted in the face of great tragedy. We recognize the oral traditions that have allowed these teachings to be passed across the generations and ask readers to mindfully and respectfully pass on such teachings (orally or in writing) for seven generations more. In this way, future communities will know the healing practices that have aided Indigenous people for thousands of years, and they can adapt such practices in ways that heal and bring balance and wholeness to each unique community. Ultimately, we hope that counselor awareness of such factors will ensure that these teachings are shared in a mindful, loving, and honorable way.

Conflict of Interest and Funding Disclosure
The authors reported no conflict of interest
or funding contributions for the development
of this manuscript.

 

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Julie Smith-Yliniemi, PhD, NCC, LPCC, is an assistant professor and Director of Community Engaged Research at the University of North Dakota. Krista M. Malott, PhD, LPC, is a full professor at Villanova University. JoAnne Riegert, PhD, LPCC, is a mental health professional from the White Earth Indian Reservation. Susan F. Branco, PhD, NCC, BC-TMH, LPC, LCPC, ACE, is an associate professor at Palo Alto University. Correspondence may be addressed to Julie Smith-Yliniemi, 1301 N Columbia Rd, Suite E-2, Grand Forks, ND 58202, julie.smithyliniemi@und.edu.