Experiences of Environmentally Aware Young Adults at the Transition From Late Adolescence to Early Adulthood

Kathleen L. Grant, Alyson Pompeo-Fargnoli, Melissa A. Alvaré

The climate crisis is having a significant impact on development and wellness. Young adults face challenges that no earlier generation has experienced, impacting their path toward wellness and thriving. This hermeneutic phenomenological study endeavored to illuminate the experiences of a group of environmentally aware young adults through semi-structured interviews. Thematic analysis, analyzed through Arnett’s theory of emerging adulthood, illustrated participants’ experiences of fear for the future, anxiety, and loss; limited coping strategies for dealing with climate-related emotions; and a perceived tension between their desire to make life choices aligned with their environmental values and a financially stable career. Recommendations for counselors to best serve this population included increasing counselors’ mental health literacy, developing specific strategies to support resilience, and exploring counselors’ ethical responsibilities as advocates.

Keywords: climate crisis, young adults, phenomenological, environmental values, resilience

The climate crisis is expected to have a profound impact on human life in the 21st century (Wuebbles et al., 2017). Evidence of the changing environment is evident everywhere, including historic storms, catastrophic wildfires, record-breaking heatwaves, and severe droughts (Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change [IPCC], 2023). Americans increasingly believe that the climate crisis is impacting their mental health, with 57.9% of 16–25-year-olds very or extremely worried about climate change, and 38.3% indicating that feelings about climate change negatively impact their daily life (Lewandowski et al., 2024). The consequences of the climate crisis are predicted to continue profoundly impacting mental health (Clayton et al., 2021; Hickman et al., 2021; Sturm et al., 2020).

Definition of the Climate Crisis
     The climate crisis poses a significant threat to the future of human civilization. Each day, millions of tons of man-made greenhouse gases, including carbon dioxide (CO2) and methane, are released into the atmosphere (Wuebbles et al., 2017). Burning fossil fuels, such as oil and natural gas, to fuel modern lifestyles is one of the most significant sources of pollution that contributes to global warming (IPCC, 2023). As greenhouse gas emissions rise, global temperatures exhibit a corresponding increase, leading to sea level rise, heat waves, floods, droughts, and severe storms (IPCC, 2023). In 2014, the United States Department of Defense reported that climate change “will likely lead to food and water shortages, pandemic disease, disputes over refugees and resources, and destruction by natural disasters in regions across the globe” (Banusiewicz, 2014, para. 3). By 2050, anywhere from 200 million to 1 billion people will be displaced from their homes, communities, and possibly countries because of climate-related events such as extreme heat, flooding, and famine (IPCC, 2023). For over three decades, the scientific community has warned of the grave danger of global warming and climate change (Borenstein, 2022). Despite the dire warnings, global greenhouse gas emissions continue to increase (World Meteorological Organization, 2020). Young adults are inheriting a world full of unprecedented and complex challenges (Hickman et al., 2021).

Impact of the Climate Crisis on Young Adults
     A growing body of literature is documenting the impact of the climate crisis on mental health and wellness, particularly among young people and young adults (Clayton et al., 2021; Hart et al., 2014; Hickman et al., 2021; Sturm et al., 2020). Youth, as defined by the United Nations, encompasses individuals aged 15–24, although this definition may vary (United Nations, 2025). This age range also consists of those emerging adults in the unique developmental period of transitioning from adolescence to adulthood (Arnett, 2000). According to a large study (N = 10,000) published in The Lancet, 77% of young people (aged 16–25) surveyed reported that they think the future is frightening, and 45% indicated that their feelings about climate change had a negative impact on their daily lives (Hickman et al., 2021). Research illuminates how experiencing the direct impact of climate change, such as exposure to wildfires, floods, and displacement, can lead to acute anxiety-related responses and chronic and severe mental health disorders (Clayton et al., 2021; Watts et al., 2015).

Climate change and related disasters can cause direct anxiety-related responses and chronic and severe mental health disorders (Pihkala, 2020). A 2018 meta-analysis found an increased incidence of psychiatric disorders and psychological distress in populations exposed to environmental disaster (Beaglehole et al., 2018). Flooding and prolonged droughts have been associated with elevated anxiety levels, depression, and post-traumatic stress disorders (Hickman et al., 2021). Even among members of the population who have not been directly exposed to the impacts of climate change, such as environmental-related disasters, a simple awareness of the problem may evoke feelings of anger, powerlessness, fear, and exhaustion (Moser, 2007).

Emerging research has highlighted the mental health impact of the indirect effects of the climate crisis, such as climate anxiety (Clayton et al., 2021; Hickman et al., 2021; IPCC 2023). Climate anxiety is a response to the current and future threats of a warming planet (Clayton et al., 2021; Hickman et al., 2021). The associated feelings can include grief, fear, anger, worry, guilt, shame, and despair (Clayton et al., 2021; Doherty & Clayton, 2011). It is essential to acknowledge that scholars recognize anxiety as a natural condition of living and acknowledge its potential benefits, as it can motivate individuals to take action and effect change (Hickman et al., 2021). Climate anxiety, although it can be a complex and intense experience, can also be viewed as a congruent response to the dangers and challenges that global citizens will face now and in the future (Hickman et al., 2021).

Young people with marginalized identities will face the most devastating impacts of climate change (Watts et al., 2015). Low-income and Black, Indigenous, and other communities of color are often the most vulnerable to the worst impacts of climate change, such as flooding, drought, fire, and extreme heat (IPCC, 2023). Furthermore, because of intersectional marginalization, some individuals will be at even greater risk for severe impacts and negative mental health consequences (Hayes et al., 2018). Marginalized communities may lack access to mental health resources after traumatic weather-related events or to process the ongoing challenges associated with climate change (Hilert, 2021). The cultural stigma that reduces help-seeking behavior and lack of access to mental health services may also lead marginalized groups to suffer more from poor mental health outcomes (Priebe et al., 2012).

Research indicates that young people are particularly vulnerable to the adverse effects of climate change, largely because of their ongoing physical and mental development, their dependency on adults, and their likelihood of repeated exposure to climate-related events over time (Hart et al., 2014). However, there is a need for more research on the impact of climate change on mental health, especially as it impacts young people (Hickman et al., 2021). The counseling literature has a paucity of studies in this area (Hilert, 2021; Mongonia, 2022). As the impacts of the climate crisis continue to grow more severe, the profession must deepen its understanding of the climate crisis’s effects on young adults and explore paths toward resilience and wellness (Hickman et al., 2021).

Climate-Aware Counselors
     There is a growing need for counselors who are aware of and trained in the mental health impacts of the climate crisis, including climate anxiety (Hilert, 2021). This form of counselor competency includes identifying clients who are experiencing climate-based distress and anxiety (Mongonia, 2022). Although climate anxiety has yet to receive a formal classification in the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM), it is well accepted by counselors as a fear of impending environmental collapse that elicits strong and sometimes debilitating anxiety (Thomas & Benoit, 2022). Counselors must be able to assess and understand how to treat those who present with clinically significant levels of climate anxiety that interfere with functioning and developmental tasks (Pihkala, 2020). Treatment modalities often include teaching resilience and coping skills and increasing support systems (Baudon & Jachens, 2021). Counselors are called upon to support not only their clients through their environmental action but also to take action themselves (Thomas & Benoit, 2022).

Environmental Action
     One intervention that can promote positive mental health outcomes for young adults concerned about the climate crisis is climate activism or sustained efforts to effect positive change (Gislason et al., 2021). Young people have been at the forefront of creating new U.S. climate policy (see Sunrise Movement; Bauck, 2022) and driving action (Rashid, 2023). Climate action can positively bring about necessary social change and provide mental health benefits (Hart et al., 2014). Research suggests that young people engaged in climate action experience several benefits, including increased resilience, agency, a sense of purpose, and community, all of which support positive mental health outcomes (Gislason et al., 2021). However, focusing on the climate crisis can also expose individuals to difficult feelings, such as fear, sadness, loss, and hopelessness (Hickman et al., 2021). It is common for people to employ defense mechanisms, such as denial and minimization, to maintain more positive feelings and a more optimistic view of the future in response to the realities of a changing world (Doherty & Clayton, 2011).

Environmentally Aware Young People
     Environmental awareness can be broadly characterized as a level of consciousness concerning the importance of the natural environment and the impact of humans’ behavior on it (Ham et al., 2016). Environmental awareness often leads to a deeper understanding of the severity of climate change and the urgency to address it (Orunbode et al., 2019). Youth awareness of the climate crisis is associated with a range of emotional and mental health impacts, such as climate anxiety and feelings of grief, loss, anger, guilt, and existential dread (Hickman et al., 2021). However, environmental awareness can also lead to increased action, a sense of purpose, and resilience building (Clayton et al., 2021).

In the 2024 American Climate Perspectives Survey, Americans aged 18–24 reported the highest levels of environmental concern among all age groups (over 80%; Speiser & Ishaq, 2024). Concern over the environment drives some young adults to action, but not all. Scholars suggest that to prevent the most severe consequences of climate change, humans must take action and alter their ways of life (IPCC, 2023; Wuebbles et al., 2017). Environmental awareness and action will be increasingly important as the impact of the climate crisis grows more pervasive and severe (IPCC, 2023). Young adults, in particular, may need to take steps to adapt to the rapidly changing planet. This study involves young people who are aware of the climate crisis, are motivated to act, and have taken a step toward creating change.

Aims of Study
     This study focuses on the experiences of U.S.-based environmentally aware young adults who are moved to take action, aiming to understand their lived experiences as they transition from adolescence into adulthood. This is a significant period in life, as many young people are culminating their educational experiences and choosing who they want to be as adults, both personally and professionally (Arnett, 2014). The research questions guiding this study are: What are the lived experiences of environmentally aware young people as they transition to adulthood? How have their experiences impacted their mental health and understanding of themselves and their roles? How are their environmental experiences influencing their actions and aspirations for their futures (e.g., familial and career goals)?

Method

Hermeneutic phenomenology is a constructivist approach that scrutinizes individuals’ subjective experiences and their interpretations of those experiences, asking “what is the nature of this experience from the individual’s perspective?” (Moustakas, 1994; Ramsook, 2018). The study focused on interpreting the meaning of the lived experiences of the participants, which is crucial given that the experience of entering adulthood during the climate crisis is novel and new structures to understand the nature of this experience may be necessary. Climate engagement for emerging adults involves layered emotions, developmental stage influences, and societal pressures (Arnett, 2010; Clayton et al., 2021; Ogunbode et al., 2019). Hermeneutic phenomenology is well suited to context-rich experiences that cannot be separated from the social, political, and developmental realities in which they occur (Ramsook, 2018; van Manen, 1997). This method enabled us to explore not only what the participants said, but also how they understood themselves in this particular life stage.

Theoretical Framework
    Arnett’s developmental theory of emerging adulthood provided the framework for this study. According to this theory, between the ages of 18 and 29, young people consolidate their identity and explore career paths (Arnett, 2000, 2014). This is a time of possibility, in which multiple futures are open, and instability, as individuals transition from the structure provided by their family of origin and formal education and endeavor to make career and personal choices aligned with their values and aspirations (Arnett, 2000). Social and cultural factors also influence young people as they crystallize their identities and career paths (Arnett, 2010). This theory was selected because we were interested in the dynamic interactions among experiences, emotions, and actions within a critical developmental period and how these factors shape participants. Arnett’s theory and hermeneutic phenomenology both emphasize process, interpretation, and the evolving nature of identity within a specific context.

Participants
     Twelve interviewees, aged 20 to 25, participated in this research. All participants viewed climate change as an important issue and engaged in environmental action, although their methods for addressing it varied. There were seven female and five male interviewees. The majority identified as non-Hispanic White Americans, but two individuals described multiracial identities: one as South Asian and White, and the other as Asian Pacific Islander and White. All but one of the 12 participants were from a middle-class background; one described growing up in a working-class family. Eight participants were residents of New Jersey or Pennsylvania at the time of data collection, while the other four were residents of New Mexico, Colorado, Texas, and Washington, D.C.

Data Collection
     To be included in this study, participants had to be aged 18–25, view climate change as an important issue, have actively engaged in some form of environmental action for at least 6 months, reside in the United States, be able to communicate in English, and consent to participate in an audio-recorded interview lasting 60–90 minutes. Following IRB approval, we contacted key informants—academics in the climate movement who are recognized as leaders because of the reach of their speaking engagements and publications, and with whom we (Kathleen L. Grant and Melissa A. Alvaré) had a prior relationship—to recommend individuals who met the selection criteria. We also utilized social media platforms, including Facebook and Instagram, and posted an IRB-approved recruitment flyer on our personal and publicly accessible sites. Snowball sampling was used, as several respondents recommended their peers for interviews. Recruitment emails described the research study, detailed the interview procedures, and invited people to contact us if they were interested in participating. Once individuals responded to these emails, they were screened to see if they met the inclusion criteria. If so, they were asked to read and sign an informed consent document and complete a demographic questionnaire before scheduling the interview.

Interview questions were designed to elicit rich descriptions of participants’ lived experiences and perspectives. We utilized Arnett’s theory of emerging adulthood, specifically the five features of identity exploration, instability, self-focus, feeling in between, and possibilities/optimism, and considered how these factors would appear in climate awareness and action (Arnett, 2010, 2014). We drew from the existing literature to develop our initial interview guide, first drafting broad, open-ended domains. Then, we met to revise them with a critical eye, working to ensure that we were not asking leading questions or probes that were overly influenced by our own biases and expectations. Taking a phenomenological approach, we also ensured that our questions were crafted to go beyond eliciting descriptions to allow us to explore the meanings participants attached to phenomena of interest (e.g., climate change and career trajectories). We then sent a draft of our interview instrument to a renowned scholar in the field of climate justice, who made recommendations for further revisions.

All interviews were conducted and recorded over Zoom by one of the three authors. In line with the phenomenological tradition and our intentions to explore topics introduced by participants, we used semi-structured interviews. The semi-structured format promoted fluidity, allowing the informal dialogue to emerge and take unexpected directions, as respondents could discuss the topics most meaningful to them (Hesse-Biber & Leavy, 2010). The interview guide included questions such as: “How has learning about the environment impacted you personally, if at all?” “Has your environmental awareness had any impact on your life goals and/or career plans?” “When you think about the future, what feelings come up for you?” and “How, if at all, do you think you have changed as a result of your involvement in environmental action?”

We asked follow-up questions based on participants’ responses and probed—when appropriate—to gain clarity and delve deeper into their experiences and viewpoints. Interviews ranged from 55 to 75 minutes in length, and participants received $15 gift cards as compensation for their time and participation. The audio files from the recorded Zoom videos were sent to a professional transcription service.

Analysis
     Given our hermeneutic phenomenological design, the analysis followed van Manen’s (1997) approach, which involves a cyclical process of reading, reflecting, and writing to uncover thematic structures. Researchers (a) turn to the nature of lived experience, (b) investigate experiences as lived, (c) engage in hermeneutic phenomenological reflection, (d) engage in hermeneutic phenomenological writing, (e) maintain a robust and oriented relation, and (f) balance the research while exploring the parts and whole (van Manen, 1997, pp. 30–31). As Starks and Trinidad (2007) wrote, in coding data from phenomenological inquiries, “specific statements are analyzed and categorized into clusters of meaning” with close attention to “descriptions of what was experienced as well as how it was experienced” (pp. 1375–1376). Transcripts were divided among us for an initial pre-coding of each interview. We each engaged in preliminary note-taking, marking repeated phrases and themes, and memo writing on potential codes and sub-codes during this stage. We then met to discuss initial interpretations of interviews, emergent themes, and perceptions of the powerful and insightful stories shared by participants. At that time, we also devised an initial inductive code and created a codebook and color scheme for the next coding round. We then re-divided the transcripts and each coded four transcripts in shared Microsoft Word documents. Once all 12 interviews were coded, we met again to discuss our analyses and refine and collapse codes. We repeated this process with each reading, using four new transcripts to examine our coding processes and contribute to our analyses with the new code list and interpretations of the data.

Trustworthiness
     Our research team consisted of two counselor educators and one sociologist. We identify as White, middle and upper–middle-class women, aged 35–45, with shared concerns about the climate crisis. We engaged in ongoing discussions about how our social positions, interests, and privileges influenced all phases of the research process.

Trustworthiness was established primarily through prolonged engagement, critical reflexivity, and peer debriefing. We reviewed the audio recordings and transcripts for months. Both listening to the participants’ voices in the audio recordings of interviews and prolonged engagement with the transcripts is crucial for establishing trustworthiness, as it enables the researcher to see the world from each participant’s perspective and pick up on the richness and nuance of the narratives and ensures a thorough understanding of the participants’ statements, all of which are essential for phenomenological analyses (Moustakas, 1994). We were committed to maintaining an open stance and curiosity toward participants’ experiences. Each member of the team engaged in memo writing to document our emerging interpretations and consider how personal preconceptions and backgrounds might be influencing our interpretations. These memos were shared among the team and served as starting points for critical dialogue. We responded to each other’s memos, posing alternative perspectives and challenging probes to push one another to examine how personal biases might be shaping interpretations of the data. We also met regularly to engage in reflexive practice, unpacking the data collectively, scrutinizing our codes and emerging themes, seeking data that did not support the themes that were emerging, and interrogating how personal expectations and life experiences could be influencing our analyses. Whenever we found inconsistencies in our interpretations and/or data categorization schemes, we conducted thorough discussions to reach a consensus and ensure a uniform coding process.

Findings

This study aimed to gain a deeper understanding of the experiences of young adults engaged in environmental action during the transition from late adolescence to early adulthood. In particular, this study focused on the impact of environmental awareness and action on the participants’ development, personally and professionally, as they transition into adulthood. Through a hermeneutic phenomenological analysis of the 12 in-depth interviews, three key themes emerged from the participants’ narratives: 1) Fear for the Future, Anxiety, and Loss; 2) Limited Coping Strategies;
and 3) Tension Between Making a Difference and Making a Living.

Fear for the Future, Anxiety, and Loss
     The environmentally aware participants expressed fear for the future, anxiety, and loss throughout their narratives. Most discussed pervasive anxiety and fear for the future related to the climate crisis. In contrast, other participants were triggered by specific situations, such as a severe weather-related event (locally or globally) or a climate change–related news item (i.e., the release of a UN report on the climate crisis). One participant, Theodora, also reflected on the present-day harm that communities are experiencing: “And it’s here right now, and increased natural disasters are not a future thing; they’re happening. . . . It’s definitely impacted my mental health.” Mary discussed how the climate crisis is causing a “collective trauma” in her generation. She said, “I think it’s really impacting everybody because individual action feels so futile. I think we’re just feeling really lost.” Many of the participants discussed a fear for their future as adults.

The participants specifically shared their fears about the future in light of the climate crisis. They raised questions about where they will live, whether they should have children, and the state of the planet. Brianna stated that it is a “daunting and terrifying idea, if we don’t start to get it [global warming] worked out, just how much of an impact it can have on our future.” Amy stated, “I could say that the climate crisis has negatively impacted mental health . . . [I experience] anxiety and worry about the state of the planet, now and in the future.” Briana described:

It’s pretty hard to feel hopeful, especially since all of us live here in Colorado now, where fires are a big problem and stuff like that. We often have conversations where we’re like, “So the West is going to be on fire, and the Southwest won’t have water, and the coastlines are going to be flooded. Where can we live?”

Three participants (25%) discussed, without specific prompting, whether or not to have a child, as the climate crisis would profoundly impact their child’s life. Nancy stated, “I feel like my generation . . . is not the biggest about having kids. . . . There’s not going to be a good place for us to live.”

Several participants used the terms eco-anxiety and climate grief to discuss their emotional experiences related to climate change. Nancy indicated that reports of natural disasters trigger her eco-anxiety, and Carol stated that she started psychiatric medication partly because of her eco-anxiety. Evan discussed his feelings of climate grief, helplessness, and powerlessness.

Limited Coping Strategies
     The participants discussed various coping strategies for dealing with their intense climate-related emotions. The main strategies were adopting a positive mindset and ignoring or withdrawing from climate information/action. These two strategies are discussed below, after which the remaining strategies are briefly discussed.

The majority of the participants discussed choosing to stay optimistic about the future as a coping strategy. They discussed thinking about all the people, including themselves, who are engaged in climate action to make a difference. Alex discussed guarding against negative feelings by avoiding getting “too down on myself” or adopting “too negative of an outlook” and engaging in individual action as a coping strategy. Participants elaborated on the challenges they faced in maintaining a positive perspective, especially as they age and see an increasing number of negative climate-related events. Jackson stated that it is “more and more of a struggle” to maintain a positive attitude and be motivated to take climate action.

Participants also shared examples of ignoring or withdrawing from climate-related information or action as a means of coping with negative feelings or protecting themselves. Daniel stated, “I have taken an approach of doing the most that I can in my community while choosing to stay a little ignorant on what’s happening globally.” Sarina shared, “I felt pretty stressed and sort of want . . . to give up on trying to help environmental problems because a lot of them are so far gone that it can be pretty discouraging to read about.” Mary elaborated on her emotional experience:

And it almost teaches you, I’ve found, not to feel your feelings. So in a sense, I find myself becoming more apathetic because you’re desensitized to it. You’re seeing it all the time, but you can’t feel it all the time because no one wants to stare into the impending doom of environmental decay or whatever.

     Three of the participants discussed connecting with their community as a means to address their fears and concerns about the climate crisis. All three of these participants reported connecting with others who are environmentally minded or engaged in climate action. One participant discussed therapy as a strategy: “I do see a therapist occasionally. . . . She’s not trained on the eco-side of things. So she tries to understand and gets tools and whatnot, but definitely, it’s not her main area of concern. But she’s been helpful anyways.”

Two participants discussed being in nature, specifically hiking, as a coping mechanism. Mary stated, “Life outside and living a life that is environmentally based actually brings me a lot of joy, and that component of it doesn’t stress me out and give me anxiety.” Sarina shared that she does not have a clear coping strategy:

So even though me and my friends . . . are people who are trying to work towards improving things, I would say we all can feel pretty hopeless about the situation, especially [when] the current government-level response is not very strong. . . . I want to be hopeful, but I would say from a scientific perspective, it can also be pretty hard to feel hopeful for the future. Yeah, I don’t really have an answer. . . . it can be pretty overwhelming, and you just kind of have to try to think about something else. Because I guess I can remind myself I’m already working to try to increase knowledge, and that’s useful. So, I guess I’m playing some positive part, and so I can try to relieve myself with that information. But yeah, I guess I don’t really have a good way to feel better about it.

Tension Between Making a Difference and Making a Living
     The participants in this study were all in a transition period between adolescence and adulthood. In their narratives, many of the participants (n = 7) expressed the tensions between their environmentally based values and the need for a job that would provide economic security. These tensions emerged as the participants struggled to make choices congruent with their stated values and career choices that might have long-term impacts, both individually and for their communities.

The role of money and financial stability was not directly probed for in the interview protocol; however, participants often brought it up when asked what prevents them from engaging in environmental action. Jackson stated, “You can either pursue this as a passion and as an ideal and as a thing to do, or you can . . . make money and have a stable life.” He went on to state:

And so I grew up with a lot of that type of thinking, of like, eventually, you’re going to have to kind of settle your own goals and ideals in order to survive in the world on your own and provide safety nets to your family later on. And so I always kind of grew with that . . . in the back of my mind, and that became more present in college. . . . I think those have been the biggest kind of like detractors . . .  like “You have to choose one or the other.” Like, they [parents] weren’t necessarily discouraging my passion or any of that, they were just kind of like, “It’s one or the other.” Most people fall for the latter, and that’s kind of why we have the issues in the first place.

Evan discussed grappling with either getting paid with a traditional job or engaging in more meaningful environmental activism on a volunteer basis. He shared:

I guess, unfortunately, money is a factor. I found more ways to get paid for teaching than for volunteering my time. You have to think about, “What’s the balance of that going to be?” I need to be able to support myself, and so when I can, I will dedicate time to being active in my community and engaging with environmental issues. So, finding a balance.

Brianna, who was in law school studying environmental law, discussed the tension as she sees it:

Society . . . pins people against environmental work because it’s not lucrative, or they paint it not to be lucrative because I think people can make a decent living and know that they’re doing something beneficial. But I would say that there’s still a stigma in society just surrounding environmental work, and that if you want to make money and you want to live decently, that’s not the field to go into. I fully don’t believe in that anymore, but I think that that played a role in my choices.

Although most participants indicated that financially providing for themselves was a significant detractor from an environmentally focused career, several participants had alternative narratives. Amy, an environmental educator at a nonprofit land trust, discussed the importance of taking time in college to discover her identity and selecting a career aligned with her values, even if it was not financially lucrative. However, her financial realities were still infused into her thinking, reflected by her parents’ repeated refrain: “My parents, from day one, always said, ‘Pursue your passion, do what you love, and the money will come.’” Other participants were exploring careers in academia and research as methods to bring about change and did not mention finances as an impediment to an environmentally oriented career.

Discussion

This study aimed to gain insight into the lived experiences of environmentally aware individuals as they transition from adolescence into adulthood. Specifically, Arnett’s developmental theory of emerging adulthood was utilized to frame these experiences, as it considers the dynamic interactions among experiences, emotions, and actions within this critical developmental period between adolescence and adulthood (Arnett, 2000). In particular, Arnett’s theory provides insight into the tension and instability that young adults experience during this transition, particularly in terms of identity, career, and emotional development.

Three main themes emerged from the participants’ narratives, including feelings of fear for the future, anxiety, and loss; limited coping strategies; and tension between making a living and making a difference. Each participant described fear for the future, anxiety, and loss. These findings align with past research exploring mental health concerning the climate crisis (Gislason et al., 2021; Hickman et al., 2021; Ojala et al., 2021; Sanson et al., 2019). The depth and breadth of the participants’ descriptions of fear and anxiety suggest that thoughts, feelings, and experiences around the climate crisis impact their daily lives. Some participants reported powerful emotional responses to negative news about the climate. They were pondering significant life choices because of the climate crisis (e.g., questions about where to live and whether to have children). As previous researchers have suggested, these responses appear appropriate given the realities of the climate crisis and the expected impact it will have on their lives and those of future generations (Hickman et al., 2021). However, although participants expressed and communicated these fears and anxieties, few seemed to have comprehensive structures (psychological, behavioral, or relational) to act on their pervasive and legitimate concerns. Participants often managed complex feelings and plans independently in the absence of communities informed about their fears and realities for the future, which could help them navigate the challenges and possibilities of a life and a future heavily impacted by the climate crisis.

Although all participants experienced a range of emotional reactions to the climate crisis, they also employed various strategies to manage their feelings. The participants generally appeared to have limited strategies for dealing with challenging climate-related feelings. Most of the strategies were individualistic, and young people had to figure out how to manage their deep and complex emotions independently. Several participants discussed being optimistic as a coping strategy but also voiced that this strategy is ineffective and exhausting. Although keeping a positive attitude in the face of adversity can be beneficial, doing so without acknowledging or feeling the vast array of emotions associated with the climate crisis and their fear for their futures may be ineffective. This finding aligns with the conclusions of Hickman et al. (2021), which demonstrate that young people are facing unique stressors arising from the climate crisis that can impact their development.

Several participants discussed ignoring aspects of the climate crisis or the climate crisis itself to protect themselves. Denial is a common psychological defense to reduce climate-related distress (Doherty & Clayton, 2011). Participants noted that they disengaged from environmental action to avoid challenging feelings related to climate change. These individuals may benefit from positive strategies to manage their emotions, allowing them to take care of themselves and continue to be active citizens working toward change. Finally, participants shared coping strategies, including spending time in nature and engaging in therapy, as strategies to support their mental health. Participants also engaged with environmental communities as a coping strategy, which can be a significant influence during such a developmental period. Social and cultural factors have been shown to influence young people during the development of emerging adulthood as they crystallize their identities and career paths (Arnett, 2010). As the future will include increasingly complex and challenging climate crisis–related issues, individuals in this study may benefit from additional coping strategies, which will be further discussed in the Implications for Counseling section.

The final theme illuminated by the participants is the tension between making a difference and making a living.  Participants discussed the challenges inherent in creating environmental change, often in low-paying or volunteer capacities, and the desire to support themselves financially. Although the participants were interested in environmental action, both professionally and personally, they often struggled to create a life in adulthood where they could enact their values. Participants described examples of their engagement in environmental causes in high school and college but had a more challenging time maintaining action as they transitioned to adulthood. Although part of the challenge seemed to be the lack of clear, viable paths for the participants to engage in environmental action and careers as adults, financial realities also shaped their choices. Participants viewed jobs in the environmental sector as less lucrative than others, and they would not be able to support themselves or their future families on this salary, especially if they wished to maintain the same socioeconomic level as they were offered. Additionally, the participants saw this tension as a dichotomy; they could either have a well-paying career or engage in environmental action.

Implications for Counseling
     Young adults are increasingly experiencing mental health impacts of the climate crisis (Hickman et al., 2021). This study offers insight into the developmental and emotional experiences of young adult participants as they navigate the transition to adulthood, exploring how to make sense of their environmental concerns and act to create change. Counselors, including school counselors, college counselors, career counselors, and clinical mental health counselors, can play a crucial role in supporting mental health and wellness in the context of the climate crisis. Both the National Board for Certified Counselors (NBCC; 2025) and the American Counseling Association (ACA; Sturm et al., 2020) have issued statements emphasizing the need for counselors to advocate for climate action and educate themselves and others on the mental health implications of climate change.

The findings of the current study support the need for counseling services because of climate change impacts on mental health. Findings reveal that participants were experiencing challenging emotions related to the climate crisis and had limited strategies to cope with the changing world. Three implications for counseling are discussed below: increasing counselors’ climate change mental health literacy, supporting resilience, and the ethical responsibility of counselors as advocates.

Recommendation 1: Increase Counselors’ Climate Change Mental Health Literacy
     Counselors must practice “within the boundaries of their competence, based on their education, training, supervised experience, state and national professional credentials, and appropriate professional experience” (ACA, 2014, Section C.2.a.). Many counselor education training programs do not cover the unique experiences and challenges individuals face because of the climate crisis, resulting in a void in counselor education training (Heiman, 2024; Hilert, 2021). Therefore, to ethically assist clients with this need, counselors must continue their education and, where necessary, seek additional supervision to treat this population. As a first step, counselors can consider learning more about the nature of the climate crisis, including the impacts on future generations (Doherty & Clayton, 2011). Publications such as the American Psychological Association’s 2021 report, Mental Health and Our Changing Climate: Impacts, Inequities, and Responses (Clayton et al., 2021), provide a comprehensive overview of the nature of the climate crisis and strategies for mental health practitioners. Counselors can also seek support, training, and consultation through membership in the Climate Psychology Alliance of North America, a community of mental health professionals who educate climate-aware practitioners (https://www.climatepsychology.us).

Participants in this study noted that their mental health practitioners were not adept at addressing their climate anxiety and trauma in sessions. Individuals may not directly broach the topics of climate anxiety, eco-grief, and weather-related PTSD; therefore, counselors must address these topics directly with clients. Climate-aware counselors must facilitate the expression of clients’ emotions about the climate crisis and help them further explore and articulate their experiences (Doherty & Clayton, 2011). Counselors can consider using interventions that facilitate emotional expression and create opportunities for adaptive behaviors (Doherty & Clayton, 2011). Interventions can also include existential therapy, particularly exploring how to find meaning, peace, joy, and hope in the face of ecological collapse and climate-related disasters (Barry, 2022; Frankl, 2006). Finally, eco-therapy is a promising modality for clients that centers healing through nurturing a stronger relationship with nature and the physical environment (Delaney, 2019). As such, it is recommended that counselors expand their knowledge of the climate crisis and its impact on mental health to serve their clients better as well as any supervisees.

Recommendation 2: Supporting Young Adult and Client Resilience
     This study found that participants lacked comprehensive structures to address their climate anxiety and fears about the future. Many participants felt overwhelmed by the climate crisis, which impacted their ability to take action in the climate movement. As a coping strategy to protect themselves from difficult feelings associated with climate change, some participants withdrew from climate information or action. As challenging weather-related events and the impact of the climate crisis are expected to increase in the coming years, young adults must develop both internal and external resources to survive and thrive in a changing world (Gislason et al., 2021).

Fostering resilience is an effective strategy for supporting the mental health and well-being of young adults, including those affected by the climate crisis (Clayton et al., 2021). Resilience can be fostered through the development of both internal and external resources, and counselors can play a crucial role in this process. Internal resources can include increasing self-efficacy or young adults’ belief in their ability to overcome the stress and trauma associated with climate change. Research suggests that those who believe in their ability to withstand the challenges associated with climate change have more positive psychological outcomes than those with lower self-efficacy (Clayton et al., 2021). Belief in one’s resilience is also correlated with fewer symptoms of depression and PTSD after natural disasters (Ogunbode et al., 2019).

Counselors can support young adults in developing external resources that enhance resilience, such as fostering social connections. Social connections to peers and those of different generations can be a vital source of emotional, informational, logistical, and spiritual support (Center for the Study of Social Policy, 2019). Individuals’ ability to withstand trauma and adversity increases when they are connected to strong social networks (Clayton et al., 2021).

Finally, this study found that participants did not have clear paths to enact their environmental values in their adult lives. They faced financial and cultural pressures to choose careers that would allow them to make a living. Although this study highlights that some participants may not have had the internal and external resources to cope with the emotional stressors of engaging in climate-related work, a viable career or civic path was elusive. All counselors who work with young adults, especially school and career counselors, have the opportunity to provide resources about the wide array of jobs available in the green economy, as well as methods to include civic involvement (i.e., participation on local environmental commissions, participation in activist groups, leadership in local government advocating for green policies) when planning one’s adult life. Models of adults who engage in environmental action, both personally and professionally, must be provided to young people as examples of possible paths in adulthood. As taking action is seen to have numerous mental health benefits, specifically as it builds agency, counselors must support clients in developing the attitudes, skills, and behaviors necessary to engage in activism and advocacy (Gislason et al., 2021; Sanson et al., 2019).

Recommendation 3: Ethical Responsibility of Counselors as Climate Advocates
     Counselors are ethically responsible for advocating for the well-being of their clients, as stated in the ACA Code of Ethics (2014): “When appropriate, counselors advocate at individual, group, institutional, and societal levels to address potential barriers and obstacles that inhibit access and/or the growth and development of clients” (Section A.7.a.). The climate crisis is and will continue to significantly negatively impact the growth and development of clients, with young clients and clients from historically marginalized populations such as people of color and people with low incomes among the most vulnerable (IPCC, 2023; Watts et al., 2015). Counselors’ ethical responsibility is to advocate for local, state, and national policies and practices to prevent the most dire climate outcomes and support a livable future for all. This includes the counseling profession’s call for counselors to be active in policy initiatives and advocacy related to climate change (NBCC, 2025).  Such policies may consist of those that support a just transition away from fossil fuels and to renewable sources of energy; agricultural strategies that reduce emissions, shift toward more sustainable diets, and reduce food waste (United Nations Environment Programme, 2020); and nature-based solutions such as stopping deforestation and ecological degradation and moving toward ecosystem regeneration (United Nations Environment Programme, 2020). As the impacts of the climate crisis are felt most significantly in communities of color (who are more likely to be situated in floodplains, heat islands, downwind from fossil fuel-burning plants, etc.), there is an added ethical responsibility to advocate for the well-being of the most vulnerable.

Limitations and Future Research
     This study had several limitations. First, the majority of participants identified as White and middle class. The study would have benefited from a greater diversity of participants to gain a broader perspective on cultural differences as they relate to the experiences of climate change, development, and mental health. Additional research is necessary to gain insight into the experiences of young adults across the intersections of identity, specifically focusing on those who will suffer the greatest impacts of the climate crisis, such as individuals from the global majority and low-income households. Secondly, all participants in this study were currently or had been previously engaged in some level of environmental action. The results of this study may not be applicable to those who are concerned about climate change but not actively engaged in taking action. Finally, although a sample size of 12 was suitable for the goals of this research and the standards of hermeneutic phenomenology (van Manen, 1997), the nature of qualitative research limits the ability to generalize these findings.

The participants in this study struggled with diverging from the status quo to make choices aligned with their values. In particular, values associated with individualism and capitalism frequently appeared as roadblocks, such as pressure to make a certain financial living and engaging with problems and solutions from an individualistic perspective. More research is needed to understand how young people challenge and resist dominant cultural values that prevent them from taking action to bring about environmental change and may contribute to poor mental health outcomes.

Conclusion

This study sheds light on the lived experiences of environmentally aware young people. Commensurate with previous findings, participants expressed fear for the future, anxiety, and loss (Hickman et al., 2021). This study highlighted the limited comprehensive strategies available to young people for addressing their climate-related emotions, which affected their ability to remain engaged in climate action. Additionally, participants felt significant cultural and financial pressure to make a living, which stood in contrast to their ability to engage in personal or professional environmental action. Counselors can support young adults by enhancing their climate-related mental health literacy, offering climate-specific interventions to increase their resilience, and engaging in social change through advocacy.

 

Conflict of Interest and Funding Disclosure
The authors reported no conflict of interest
or funding contributions for the development
of this manuscript.

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Kathleen L. Grant, PhD, NCC, is an associate professor at The College of New Jersey. Alyson Pompeo-Fargnoli, PhD, NCC, LPC, is an associate professor at Monmouth University. Melissa A. Alvaré, PhD, is a lecturer at Monmouth University. Correspondence may be addressed to Kathleen L. Grant, 2000 Pennington Rd, Ewing Township, NJ 08618, grant24@tcnj.edu.

Examining Intimate Partner Violence, Stress and Technology Use Among Young Adults

Ryan G. Carlson, Jessica Fripp, Christopher Cook, Viki Kelchner

Intimate partner violence is a problem among young adults and may be exacerbated through the use of technology. Scant research exists examining the influence of technology on intimate partner violence in young adults. Furthermore, young adult couples on university campuses experience additional stressors associated with coursework that may influence their risk of partner violence. We surveyed 138 young adults (ages 1825) at a large university and examined the relationships between stress, intimate partner violence and technology. Results indicated that those who use technology less frequently are more likely to report inequality in the relationship, thus suggesting a higher risk for partner violence. An exception applies to those who use technology to argue or monitor partner whereabouts. Implications for counseling young adult couples are discussed.

Keywords: intimate partner violence, stress, young adults, technology, couples

Intimate partner violence (IPV) occurs among young adults (ages 1824) at a comparable rate with the general population. IPV in the general population occurs among 25%33% of both men and women (National Intimate Partner and Sexual Violence Survey, 2010), with studies estimating the prevalence of physical violence among college students to be between 20% and 30% (Fass, Benson, & Leggett, 2008; Shook, Gerrity, Jurich, & Segrist, 2000; Spencer & Bryant, 2000). Additionally, IPV is regularly underreported due to the embarrassment and shame victims may feel (Bureau of Justice Statistics, 2003). While causes of IPV are not completely understood, its prevalence among both victims and victimizers has been linked to those who witnessed parental violence as children (Straus, Gelles, & Smith, 1995). However, the increase in college student IPV could be provoked by stress associated with the demands of academics (Mason & Smithey, 2012). IPV victims are more likely to experience symptoms of depression and anxiety, with male victims expressing more shame related to the victimization (Shorey et al., 2011).

 

In the late 1980s and 1990s, researchers identified types of partner violence within adult relationships (e.g., Gottman et al., 1995; Holtzworth-Munroe & Stuart, 1994; Johnson, 1995). Researchers coined these differences as IPV typologies, which helped researchers and practitioners understand that partner violence is heterogeneous, and thus treatment should be tailored to meet the specific needs of the couple (Carlson & Jones, 2010). This perspective differed from the traditional practice of treating all relationship violence as homogeneous, presuming it to be the result of power and control. Additionally, traditional perspectives on IPV assumed that perpetrators were men trying to assert dominance. Typology researchers refuted this perspective, stating that although some violence is male-on-female, the majority is gender mutual and may have more to do with conflict resolution skills than with asserting control. IPV typology research has gained traction due to its potential treatment implications. However, there is a dearth of research examining IPV typologies among young adults and its relationship to the increased use of technology among this population.

 

IPV Typologies

 

Traditionally, relationship violence was more popularly termed domestic violence and deemed homogenous among couple relationships. Thus, all violence was thought to originate from a batterer’s attempt to establish or maintain power and control over a victim. Such violence typically occurred with men as the batterers and women as the victims (in heterosexual relationships). This philosophy gained traction with most practitioners, who assumed that all relationship violence resulted from power and control.

 

Over the past 15 to 20 years, researchers identified types of relationship violence (e.g., Gottman et al., 1995; Holtzworth-Munroe & Stuart, 1994; Johnson, 1995; & Johnson & Ferraro, 2000). Researchers utilized studies indicating that violence is likely to vary in severity, and often the motive is not to establish power and control over one’s partner. As such, relationship violence was deemed heterogeneous among couples. Therefore, researchers began using the term intimate partner violence as a broader term for describing the variances in violence that occur within relationships, as well as the notion that the violence can be gender mutual in some typologies, meaning that violence is just as likely to be female-on-male as male-on-female in heterosexual relationships. Examples of some of Johnson’s (1995) IPV typologies include the following: (a) situational couple violence, marked by violence that is gender mutual and has lower levels of severity; (b) intimate terrorist, marked by violence that is typically male-on-female, the result of one partner establishing power and control over another, and includes higher levels of lethality (e.g., choking); and (c) violent resistance, when the victim attempts to fight back. Other researchers have established typologies (e.g., Gottman et al., 1995; Holtzworth-Munroe & Stuart, 1994); however, Johnson’s appear to be the most recognized.

 

Carlson and Jones (2010) developed the continuum of conflict and control to synthesize violence typology research. They asserted that violence typologies could be conceptualized through variances in the type and severity of violence, characteristics of the victimizer, and perceptions of the victim. Assessing information across those three domains can help determine the nature and severity of the violence, and have potential treatment implications. For example, some researchers have examined the effectiveness of relationship interventions when couples present with lower levels of severity in relationship violence (e.g., Bradley, Friend, & Gottman, 2011; Braithwaite & Fincham, 2014; Simpson, Atkins, Gattis, & Christensen, 2008). However, such interventions require counselors to make informed and intentional treatment decisions that consider the safety of the couple.

 

Counselors may not typically screen for partner violence or make treatment decisions based on the safety of a victim (Schacht, Dimidjian, George, & Berns, 2009). Partner violence screening protocols are beyond the scope of this paper; however, readers are referred to Daire, Carlson, Barden, and Jacobson (2014). Counselors who become aware of partner violence typically refer their clients, with the assumption that treatment is contraindicated. However, couples counseling and other relationship interventions, such as relationship education, appear to reduce overall levels of relationship violence and increase relationship satisfaction (Bradley et al., 2011; Simpson et al., 2008). Couples who participated in this research were identified as having low levels of aggression, and as not attempting to establish power and control over their respective partners. Our review of the literature did not yield any research discussing how IPV typologies translate to young adult relationships, and what effect technology might have on the types of violence. Thus, it is not clear what evidence exists supporting best practice guidelines for counselors who work with young adults experiencing IPV in their relationships.

 

Dating Violence

 

The Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) has defined dating violence as the consistent act of physical and/or sexual violence, as well as the possible emotional or psychological distress perpetrated by a current or previous dating partner (CDC, 2014). Additionally, the CDC has reported that dating violence contributes to health risks including, but not limited to, injury, heavy drinking, suicidal ideation, promiscuity, substance use, issues with self-esteem and perpetuating the act of violence in future relationships. When violence is enacted toward adolescents, healthy development of intimacy, identity and sexuality is hindered (Foshee & Reyes, 2009).

 

Draucker, Martsolf, and Stephenson (2012) studied the history of dating violence among the adolescent population and found that the risk factors correlating with later dating violence include parenting issues, such as inconsistent parental supervision, discipline and warmth. In addition to identifying factors that contribute to violence (e.g., exposure to violence at a young age, experiencing varying styles of parenting), Stephenson, Martsolf, and Draucker (2012) recognized the role of peers in exacerbating dating violence in young adulthood. Adelman and Kil (2007) purported that peers are directly and indirectly involved in adolescent dating violence, including assisting in the confrontation of a friend’s partner or helping a friend make his or her partner jealous. According to Banister and Jakubec (2004), females often feel isolated by their peers in adolescent dating violence, as many of their friends may not approve of the relationship. Thus, it is possible they may not disclose the nature of the violence within the relationship.

 

Technology and Conflict Resolution

Cyber aggression has been more thoroughly researched in child and adolescent populations than in young adult populations. Among children and adolescents, technology offers young people an additional medium for aggression, but does not appear to contribute directly to the development of cyber aggression among those who are not aggressive in non-cyber roles (Burton, Florell, & Wygant, 2013; Dempsey, Sulkowski, Dempsey, & Storch, 2011; Werner, Bumpus, & Rock, 2010). Werner et al. (2010) demonstrated that among sixth, seventh and eighth graders, higher rates of relational aggression approval predicted higher rates of Internet aggression. Peer attachment, however, is negatively correlated with both cyber aggression and non-cyber aggression (Burton et al., 2013). In addition to correlations between user beliefs and use of technology, Draucker and Martsolf (2010) found that many individuals who experienced dating violence as adolescents described technology as a medium for violence. Among 56 emerging adults who were interviewed about their adolescent dating violence experiences, participants reported technology use for arguing (6), perpetrating verbal or emotional aggression (30), monitoring or controlling (30), and limiting a partner’s access to self (e.g., avoiding partner; 29). It is unclear whether these same patterns hold true for young adults’ dating experiences, as the members of this sample were asked to reflect on their experiences as adolescents.

 

In addition to studies focused on children and adolescents, research demonstrates a link between individual beliefs about aggression and the use of technology in a way that is consistent with those beliefs among emerging adults. Thompson and Morrison (2013) studied the relationships between several individual-, social- and community-level predictors of technology-based sexually coercive behavior (TBC) among college students. Thompson and Morrison’s (2013) findings suggest that rape-supportive beliefs and peer approval of forced sex were significant predictors of TBC. However, women who are more assertive in the relationship appear to mitigate cyber aggression (Schnurr, Mahatmya, & Basche, 2013).

 

Technology use has been identified as a key component in conflict resolution strategies and romantic relationship mediation among young adults as well. Weisskirch and Delevi (2013) found that college students who had positive feelings about conflict resolution were more likely to use technology, specifically text messaging, to terminate relationships. Text messaging was the most commonly cited use of technology for the purpose of initiating or receiving a relationship-ending message. In a study of 1,039 adults aged 17 and older, Coyne, Stockdale, Busby, Iverson, and Grant (2011) found that younger participants were more likely to use technology in communicating with their romantic partner, and that technology was used to communicate in a variety of ways within the romantic relationship, including the expression of affection (75%), discussion of serious issues (25%), apologizing (12%) and hurting their partner (3%). Given the extent to which young adults use technology as a medium for relationship communication, and the prevalence of dating violence, more research is needed to understand how technology use may be correlated with risks of partner violence.

 

Research Questions

 

     Despite researchers’ attempts to understand IPV among college-aged students, as well as to identify primary prevention interventions, IPV typologies have not been determined among the college student population. Further, the emergence of social media has provided a new mechanism for IPV implementation. Schnurr et al. (2013) found that cyber aggression mitigates physical IPV for men. However, few studies have examined the prevalence of cyber aggression in college students or considered the role of cyber aggression within the IPV typology framework. Thus, the current study aims to explore college students’ perceptions of how technology is used in their relationships, as well as the influence of technology, stress and attitudes toward violence on overall risk for IPV. As such, we examined the following research questions: (a) What relationship exists between young adults’ perceptions of partners’ technology use in relationships, risk for partner violence, acceptance of couple violence and perceived stress?; (b) Can perceptions of partners’ technology use, acceptance of couple violence or perceived stress be considered predictors of risk for partner violence? If so, which exerts the most influence on risk for partner violence?; and (c) What differences exist between individual responses (i.e., yes/no) regarding perceptions of partners’ use of technology in relationships and outcomes (i.e., risk for violence, perceived stress, acceptance of violence)?

 

Method

 

Participants

Data collection occurred at a large university in the Southeast region of the United States. We invited undergraduate and graduate students aged 1825 who were currently in a relationship or had recently been in a relationship to participate. We utilized a convenience sampling approach and recruited participants through both active and passive methods (Yancey, Ortega, & Kumanyika, 2006). Active methods included acquiring instructor permission and speaking briefly to students during class about the study. Passive methods comprised posting study flyers around campus, as well as contacting various departments and programs requesting that they send study information to students on their e-mail listserv. All eligible students were invited to complete the assessment packet online using Survey Monkey. Students began the survey by reading the study information form, which included a warning about the sensitive nature of the questions. At the conclusion of the survey, we provided all participants with a list of domestic violence resources.

 

Recruitment efforts resulted in 155 students attempting to complete the survey. However, we removed 17 participants, 11 of whom indicated an age of 26 or older (making them ineligible) and six of whom did not complete any of the survey questions. We did not offer any incentives for survey completion as participation was voluntary, but it is possible that instructors provided incentives of their own accord. Instructor-initiated incentives could explain the six participants who did not answer any questions. Therefore, the total sample for the study was 138 participants.

Eighty-six participants (62%) indicated currently being in a relationship, with relationships lasting an average of 30 months. Others were recently in a relationship (n = 49; three participants did not indicate relationship status), reporting an average of 20 months since their last relationship. Women (n = 119; 87%) comprised the majority of the sample. The sample included mostly heterosexual participants (n = 127), with some same-sex participants (n = 10; one person did not report). Participants ranged in grade level; most were graduate students (n = 48; 35%), followed by seniors (n = 42; 30%), juniors (n = 28; 20%), sophomores (n = 17; 12%) and freshmen (n = 3; 2%). See Table 1 for additional demographic information and descriptive statistics for constructs of interest.

 

 

Table 1

 

Descriptive Statistics for Study Constructs

Constructs

                  M    

                SD 

            Range

Age

21.45

1.53

18–25

Credit hours

14.67

3.04

3–23

Perceived stress (PSS)

6.31

2.77

1–13

Intimate justice (IJS)

26.97

10.96

15–64

Acceptance of violence (ACV)

5.61

1.22

5–12

Use of technology (UTR)

8.96

1.15

5–10

Note. M = mean; SD = standard deviation; PSS = Perceived Stress Scale (Cohen, Kamarck, & Mermelstein, 1983; Cohen & Williamson, 1988); IJS = Intimate Justice Scale (Jory, 2004); ACV = Acceptance of Couple Violence (Foshee, Fothergill, & Stuart, 1992); UTR = Use of Technology in Relationships (Draucker & Martsolf, 2010; Schnurr et al., 2013).

 

Instruments

     Demographic information. The demographic information form consisted of 13 questions and asked participants about basic information such as age, gender, grade, current relationship status, length of relationship (if current) and length of previous relationship (as well as length of time since previous relationship). Participants completed the demographic information form prior to completing the other study assessments.

 

   Perceived Stress Scale. The Perceived Stress Scale (PSS; Cohen, Kamarck, & Mermelstein, 1983; Cohen & Williamson, 1988) is a 10-item measure assessing the perception of stress. We incorporated the PSS to examine the relationship of respondents’ perceived stress to relationship violence (or risk of violent behaviors). Respondents indicate on a five-point Likert scale (0 = Never, 1 = Almost Never, 2 = Sometimes, 3 = Fairly Often and 4 = Very Often) the extent to which situations in life are deemed stressful. The PSS asks general questions, such as “In the last month, how often have you been upset because of something that happened unexpectedly?” The PSS is scored by summing the item responses. The factor structure of the PSS has been supported in a sample of community participants as well as college students (Cohen et al., 1983; Roberti, Harrington, & Storch, 2006). There are several versions of the PSS (each consisting of 14, 10 or four items). The short four-item scale comprises items 2, 4, 5 and 10 of the PSS and has shown support in use with data collected during telephone interviews. We utilized the short form in the current study to reduce the overall number of questions asked of each participant. Cohen et al. (1983) reported an alpha coefficient in their study of .84 for the PSS with 14 items. They examined the test-retest reliability utilizing 65 college students and identified an alpha of .85. The PSS 10-item instrument has demonstrated sound reliability in a sample of college students as well (Dehle, Larsen, & Landers, 2001). Cronbach’s alpha was low (.58) for participants in the current study. However, the PSS short form demonstrated better reliability (.72) in the study conducted by Cohen et al. (1983).

 

     Acceptance of Couple Violence. We incorporated the Acceptance of Couple Violence (ACV; Foshee, Fothergill, & Stuart, 1992) questionnaire to assess for attitudes toward violence in couple relationships. Participants received an adapted version of the ACV to include same-sex relationships. The adapted ACV contains 17 items and comprises five subscales (acceptance of male-on-female violence, acceptance of female-on-male violence, acceptance of male-on-male violence, acceptance of female-on-female violence and acceptance of general dating violence). Scores are summed across responses to calculate a total score within each subscale. We used only acceptance of general dating violence for the current analyses. Cronbach’s alpha reliability for participant scores in the current study was .67.

 

     Use of Technology in Relationships. We used questions adapted by Schnurr et al. (2013) from Draucker and Martsolf (2010) to examine how participants perceived their partners’ use of technology in their relationships (UTR). As such, participants were asked whether their partners used technology in the following ways: (a) to embarrass them, (b) to make them feel bad, (c) to control them, (d) to monitor them and (e) to argue with them. Participants responded by indicating either “yes” (1) or “no” (0) and the responses were summed to acquire a total score. Reliability was low (α = .54) in the current study. However, Schnurr et al. (2013) reported internal consistencies of .76 for men and .71 for women in their sample of dating, emerging adult couples.

 

     Intimate Justice Scale. The Intimate Justice Scale (IJS; Jory, 2004) is a 15-item instrument designed for use in clinical practice to screen for psychological abuse and physical violence. The purpose of the instrument is to aid clinicians in identifying violations of intimate justices (e.g., equity, fairness) that are believed to contribute to relationship violence so that appropriate treatment decisions can be rendered. Participants respond to items on a Likert scale of 1–5, with 1 indicating “I do not agree at all” and 5 indicating “I strongly agree.” Scores are summed across responses, with a minimum possible score of 15 and a maximum possible score of 75. Higher scores indicate violations of intimate justice and a likelihood of relationship abuse. Jory (2004) provided the following guidelines when interpreting total IJS scores: “Scores 15 to 29 may suggest little risk of violence, scores between 30 and 45 may indicate a likelihood of minor violence, and scores > 45 may be a predictor of severe violence” (p. 39). To our knowledge, no assessment currently exists to classify specific IPV typologies. Other popular assessments of IPV exist, such as the Revised Conflict Tactics Scale (CTS; Straus, Hamby, Boney-McCoy, & Sugarman, 1996), but the CTS results do not classify types of IPV behavior with considerations for the victim or the victimizer. The IJS has potential to distinguish between degrees of violence severity, and has been used in studies to differentiate between lower levels and higher levels of violence aggression (e.g., Friend, Bradley, Thatcher, & Gottman, 2011). Scores in the current study ranged from 15–64 (M = 27.02). Alpha reliabilities for participants in the current study were .92.

 

Results

 

Preliminary Analysis

Prior to data analyses, we conducted preliminary analyses to test for assumptions, outliers and missing data. The ACV, IJS, and UTR did not meet the assumption of normality, with K-S p values falling below .001. The ACV and IJS resulted in a positive skew, while the UTR resulted in a negative skew. The distributions indicated that most respondents did not report favorable attitudes toward violence, the overall existence of relationship inequality (risk for IPV) or perceptions of partners using technology in an unhealthy manner. This finding is consistent with the mean IJS score (27.02), indicating minimal risk of violence in the sample. Thus, we did not implement any transformation procedures. Potential outliers existed for the ACV and IJS scores. However, examination of the 5% trimmed mean indicated minimal influence on the mean score. Furthermore, these scores represented participants reporting different attitudes and experiences with IPV.

 

Sixteen participants had missing data points. We created a dummy variable to compare some demographics for those who had complete data versus those who did not. No differences existed between those with and without missing data on age and credit hours taken during the semester of survey administration. We determined that the data were likely missing at random, although it is possible data were missing due to some variable not measured. We used hot deck imputation to address the missing variables (Andridge & Little, 2010; Myers, 2011). Hot deck imputation calculates an average score on an identified outcome variable by matching the score to like variables in the sample (i.e., donor variables). We used participants’ gender, grade level and current relationship status as the donor variables. SPSS averaged the score for matching participants and imputed. Matches existed for 13 of the 16 missing scores. Hot deck imputation provides less bias than mean imputation, and is deemed a better overall solution than the oft-used listwise deletion (Andridge & Little, 2010; Myers, 2011).

 

Primary Analysis

To begin testing the research questions, we conducted Pearson correlations to examine the relationships between demographics and other constructs of interest (i.e., PSS, IJS, ACV and UTR). Pearson correlation indicated (a) a significant positive correlation between gender and IJS scores, (b) a significant negative correlation between gender and UTR scores, (c) a significant positive correlation between PSS scores and IJS scores, (d) a significant positive correlation between the ACV and IJS scores and (e) a significant negative correlation between UTR scores and IJS scores (See Table 2 for correlations). A scatterplot matrix indicated that (a) increases in stress correlate to increases in intimate justice scores, (b) more favorable attitudes toward couple violence correlate to increases in intimate justice scores; and (c) lower perceived use of technology (i.e., more responses of “no”) correlates with higher intimate justice scores.

 

Table 2

 

Correlations Between Constructs of Interest

1 2 3 4 5
1. Gender 1 .02 .22* .13 -.17*
2. Perceived stress (PSS) 1 .19* .05 -.04
3. Intimate justice (IJS) 1 .26** -.05**
4. Acceptance of violence (ACV) 1 -.05
5. Use of technology (UTR) 1
Note. PSS = Perceived Stress Scale (Cohen, Kamarck, & Mermelstein, 1983; Cohen & Williamson, 1988); IJS = Intimate Justice Scale (Jory, 2004); ACV = Acceptance of Couple Violence (Foshee, Fothergill, & Stuart, 1992); UTR = Use of Technology in Relationships (Draucker & Martsolf, 2010; Schnurr et al., 2013).

* p < .05. ** p < .001.

 

The significant correlations supported a hierarchical linear regression analysis to examine the predictive relationships between variables. The IJS served as the dependent variable, while PSS, ACV and UTR scores served as independent variables. The model included three steps, adding predictor variables one step at a time to examine the contribution of each variable. Model one included ACV scores, contributing 6.8% of the variance and demonstrating statistical significance; F(1, 133) = 9.70, p = .002. Model two included UTR scores, adding 18.9% of the variance and achieving significance; F(1, 132) = 33.65, p < .001. Finally, model three added PSS, contributing 2.5% of variance and also achieving significance; F(1, 131) = 4.54, p = .035 (See Table 3). The model as a whole contributed to 26.6% of the variance, although UTR contributed the most variance to IJS scores.

 

Table 3

 

Predictors of Partner Violence Risk (Intimate Justice)

Variable

            Δ R2

            β

               p

Model 1: ACV

.068

.261

.002

Model 2: UTR

.189

-.435

< .001

Model 3: PSS

.025

.158

.035

Note. ACV = Acceptance of Couple Violence (Foshee, Fothergill, & Stuart, 1992); UTR = Use of Technology in Relationships (Draucker & Martsolf, 2010; Schnurr et al., 2013); PSS = Perceived Stress Scale (Cohen, Kamarck, & Mermelstein, 1983; Cohen & Williamson, 1988).

 

 

 

Next, we examined differences between individuals’ responses (i.e., yes/no) regarding perceptions of their partners’ use of technology in the relationships (UTR) and outcome variables (i.e., IJS, ACV and PSS scores). Table 4 presents the frequency of responses for each of the five items on the UTR. A MANOVA indicated that the only significant differences between responses on all five UTR questions and outcomes existed for question four (“Has your partner ever used technology to monitor you?”), F(1, 112) = 4.08, p = .04,  = .04, and question five (“Has your partner ever used technology to argue with you?”), F(1, 112) = 5.12, p = .03,  = .04. Simple effects revealed that respondents who indicated “yes” to UTR question four had significantly higher IJS scores (M = 33.38, SD = 11.09) than those who indicated “no” (M = 24.71, SD = 9.81); F(1, 129) = 19.81, p < .001,  = .13. Participants who indicated “yes” to UTR question five had significantly higher IJS scores (M = 30.79, SD = 11.13) than those who indicated “no” (M = 24.14, SD = 9.78); F(1, 129) = 13.24, p < .001,  = .09. Therefore, use of technology to argue with a partner and monitor a partner’s location appear associated with increases in relationship inequality, and place the young couples in our sample at a higher risk of experiencing partner violence.

 

Table 4

 

Frequency of Responses to Questions Regarding Use of Technology

Question (Has partner used technology to . . .)

% “Yes”

% “No”

1. Embarrass you?

 6.5

89.1

2. Make you feel bad?

15.2

15.9

3. Control you?

 5.1

94.7

4. Monitor you?

28.3

67.4

5. Argue with you?

44.9

50.7

 

Discussion

 

The purpose of this study was to understand the influence of young adults’ use of technology in intimate relationships and examine relationships among stress, attitudes toward violence and overall risk for IPV. First, we examined the relationships among the variables, then we used a regression analysis to understand the contribution of each variable to risk for partner violence. Finally, we explored differences between responses regarding partners’ perceptions of technology use and other outcomes.

 

Results indicate positive correlations between participants’ stress scores and intimate justice scores, suggesting that as stress increases, so too does risk for partner violence. This finding is similar to the conclusions of Mason and Smithey (2012), who utilized Merton’s Classical Strain Theory as the foundation for testing the influence of life strain on IPV among college students. Their results indicated that some forms of strain increased dating violence among college students. However, the results of our study do not suggest the existence of any relationship between technology use and stress. A potential explanation is that increases in IPV-related behaviors associated with increases in stress may present during face-to-face interactions.

We also found that participants who reported perceptions that partners used technology (e.g., to monitor, argue, embarrass, control, make them feel bad) less frequently were associated with increased intimate justice scores, or risk for partner violence. Although initially suprising, this result appears somewhat consistent with the findings of Coyne et al. (2011) indicating that younger participants are more likely to use technology to communicate in a variety of ways. In fact, it could be that communication via technology is an expectation in young adult relationships, and when that expectation is not met, tension arises. However, further research is needed to explore this conclusion.

 

Perceived stress (PSS: 2.4% of variance), acceptance of violence (ACV: 6.8% of variance) and use of technology (UTR: 18.9% of variance) were all significant predictors of risk for partner violence (IJS), with UTR contributing the most variance in IJS. This finding is consistent with the correlation and appears to support the notion that a lack of communication via technology may contribute to problems in young adult relationships. In fact, 45% of our sample indicated that their current or past partner used technology to argue with them. Again, this finding could support the notion that conflict resolution via technology is normal or expected in young adult relationships. However, results indicate that participants who perceived their partners as using technology as a means of arguing and monitoring them had higher risk for partner violence (i.e., IJS). The IPV typology literature has identified various characteristics associated with types of violence in couple relationships. A more controlling type, such as Johnson’s (1995) intimate terrorist, may exhibit nonviolent control tactics such as monitoring his or her partner’s location. Thus, it is possible that this behavior is more indicative of controlling IPV typologies. However, more research is needed to understand the influence of using technology to monitor a partner on overall risk for IPV.

 

Implications for Practice

 

According to Bergdall et al. (2012), emerging adults frequently use technology to establish relationships with others. Conversely, technology use has been a common medium for sustaining and terminating romantic or intimate relationships. Young adults between the ages of 18 and 29 typically use social media, cell phones and the Internet to communicate (Coyne et al., 2011). Although Bergdall et al. (2012) confirmed that young adults rely heavily on technology to form and dissolve relationships, the authors did not factor in the effect technology may have on psychosocial development, sexual behavior or dating violence.

 

The findings from our study, as well as from others, indicate that technology is frequently used in young adult relationships. Therefore, when screening for IPV, counselors should consider questions related to how partners use technology in their relationship (e.g., for communicating, announcing the relationship, resolving conflict). Daire et al. (2014) described an IPV protocol for community agencies and practitioners that includes screening clients. Such a protocol also should include technology and consider its overall influence on the functioning of the couple.

 

Continued research in this area may reveal the ways in which young adults communicate with each other via technology. Individuals who have grown up amidst advances in technology have adapted to a lifestyle in which the ability to communicate with friends and gain entry into one’s personal life is readily available. Due to this factor, the ability to communicate with, gain access to or monitor a partner has increased. Draucker and Martsolf (2010) indicated that technology has changed the course of relationship quality and communication because boundaries have shifted. Counselors can incorporate healthy technology communication into their treatment plans. Bergdall et al. (2012) reported that technology does close the social gap between all people, but if utilized in efforts to educate young adults about healthy and safe ways to communicate with each other, it may have a positive effect on intimate relationships and the potential to reduce violence.


Limitations

 

This study’s findings should be considered with caution because there are limitations to consider. We did not incorporate a random sampling method, as there were no large student lists or databases for generating random samples. We were unable to calculate a response rate due to the nature of our convenience sampling approach. Thus, the study results might not be representative of the young adult population at all colleges and universities. Additionally, the majority of the sample was comprised of white, heterosexual females.

 

Another limitation is that two of the assessments we used revealed low Cronbach’s alpha scores (PSS and UTR), while the ACV had a Cronbach’s alpha just below the accepted cutoff. Cronbach’s alpha is not a measure of the overall assessment’s internal consistency as much as it is a measure of the sample’s consistent responses to items (Helms, Henze, Sass, & Mifsud, 2006; Lance, Butts, & Michels, 2006). Thus, the low Cronbach’s alpha suggests diversity in responses to items among the study sample. However, the low Cronbach’s alpha scores may indicate higher measurement error, and results should be considered with caution.

This study also is limited because it incorporated self-report measures, with some participants reflecting on past relationships. Self-report, especially when thinking about a relationship that did not work out, may not provide accurate information. Additionally, we did not collect data from both members of a couple. Finally, there were missing data because participants skipped items, marked two items instead of one or skipped enough items that their results were not interpretable. We used a data imputation method with reduced bias, but there is no certainty in the accuracy of the imputed responses.

 

Conclusion

 

Recent research has contributed to the formation of IPV typologies and has challenged traditional models, yet much remains unknown about partner violence among young adults. The use of technology in relationship communication and conflict resolution is an expanding area of research due to technology’s increased use in daily living. Given the need for more information about both IPV and the use of technology in relationship communication, this study looked at technology use as a risk factor for IPV among young adults. Our study both confirmed prior results and contributed new results. Results suggest that emerging adults may expect technology to be an important means of relationship communication. Those counseling college-aged couples should consider discussing healthy avenues for incorporating technology. Furthermore, technology use should be considered when counselors screen couples for risk factors associated with IPV. However, more research is warranted regarding the use of technology in young adult relationships.

 

Conflict of Interest and Funding Disclosure

The authors reported no conflict of interest

or funding contributions for the development

of this manuscript.

 

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Ryan G. Carlson, NCC, is an Assistant Professor at the University of South Carolina. Jessica Fripp is a doctoral candidate at the University of South Carolina. Christopher Cook is a doctoral candidate at the University of South Carolina. Viki Kelchner, NCC, is a doctoral candidate at the University of South Carolina. Correspondence may be addressed to Ryan G. Carlson, University of South Carolina, College of Education, Wardlaw 258, Columbia, SC 29208, rcarlson@sc.edu.