May 10, 2023 | Volume 13 - Issue 1
Erin E. Woods, Alexandra Gantt-Howrey, Amber L. Pope
To better understand how women portray obsessive-compulsive disorder (OCD) on social media, we conducted a critical content analysis of TikTok videos. We examined a sample of 50 TikTok videos tagged with “#OCD” that were created by women, yielding two themes and multiple subthemes: 1) minimizes OCD symptoms and 1a) uses OCD as a synonym for cleanliness and organization; 2) accurately depicts OCD symptoms, 2a) corrects misunderstanding, and 2b) shares obsessive fears. Results revealed that TikToks perpetuating stigma about OCD were prevalent, though women also posted TikToks presenting OCD in more accurate and comprehensive ways. Implications for mental health counselors are explained.
Keywords: obsessive-compulsive disorder, TikTok, women, content analysis, stigma
Obsessive-compulsive disorder (OCD) is often used in the popular vernacular to describe someone who likes things tidy or who is particular about a certain issue. Individuals commonly use phrases like “I’m so OCD” as captions of social media posts (Pavelko & Myrick, 2016), which may perpetuate stigma and misunderstanding about this complicated condition. According to the American Psychiatric Association (APA), OCD is a serious mental health condition that often results in significant impairment and distress due to the presence of time-consuming obsessions and compulsion (APA, 2022; Fennell & Liberato, 2007). Obsessions are urges, images, or thoughts that are unwanted, distressing, intrusive, and repetitive (APA, 2022) and may adhere to certain themes, such as doubt, contamination, harm, religious ideas, unwanted sexual thoughts, perfectionism, or fear of losing control (Clark & Radomsky, 2014; International Obsessive Compulsive Disorder Foundation [IOCDF], n.d.b.). Moreover, due to the distressing nature of obsessions, individuals with OCD often try to ignore, neutralize, or suppress these thoughts through compulsive acts—repeated mental or behavioral actions that individuals feel they must do to reduce the distress associated with obsessions or to prevent an undesirable event from occurring. Compulsions usually adhere to strict rules, are excessive, and are not realistically related to the concern they attempt to prevent or eliminate. Compulsions often are classified into common groupings, such as checking, cleaning, ordering or repeating, and/or mental actions (APA, 2022; Starcevic et al., 2011). According to prevalence data, women are slightly more likely than men to be diagnosed with OCD in adulthood and often experience later symptom onset than men (APA, 2022).
Appropriate diagnosis and effective treatment of OCD often takes an average of 17 years (IOCDF, n.d.a). Individuals with OCD often delay seeking treatment because of concerns of being viewed in a negative manner and the fear of stigma related to being diagnosed with a mental health disorder (Belloch et al., 2009; Steinberg & Wetterneck, 2017). Conceptualization of OCD ranges from viewing OCD as a less serious concern compared to other mental health disorders, to deeming OCD a chronic illness, to considering OCD as a positive trait. The medicalization of OCD may help individuals feel less stigmatized by identifying OCD as an illness (Fennell & Liberato, 2007). As Fennell and Liberato noted, “Societal conceptions [of OCD] are constantly relevant to respondents, affecting their self-conception and anticipated stigma” (p. 327). To this effect, accurate portrayal of OCD and factually based education for the public have been noted as important action steps to reduce stigma (Webb et al., 2016).
The stigma associated with OCD impacts the disclosure of symptoms to others, including social supports as well as mental health providers. Some may hide their OCD symptoms or make excuses for their behavior out of shame or embarrassment. Further, some individuals report negative perceptions or reactions after disclosing their OCD diagnosis to friends, family, or employers (Fennell & Liberato, 2007). However, some individuals benefit from disclosing symptoms of OCD to their support systems, and others find it helpful to engage and interact with people who also have an OCD diagnosis. Hence, societal conceptions of OCD can impact how individuals cope with their symptoms, including help-seeking behaviors (Fennell & Boyd, 2014; Ma, 2017; Steinberg & Wetterneck, 2017).
OCD Representations on Social Media
Researchers have called for continued examination of the representation of OCD in the media, particularly on social media platforms (Pavelko & Myrick, 2016; Robinson et al., 2019). Although increased social media discussions about OCD may decrease stigma, the often trivial nature of such depictions downplays the seriousness of this disorder (Fennell & Liberato, 2007). For instance, Robinson and colleagues (2019) explored attitudes toward five mental health and five physical health diagnoses on Twitter and found OCD to have the highest rate of trivialization of the 10 disorders, concluding that minimization of OCD symptoms and related suffering is a form of stigma.
How individuals describe OCD in the common vernacular on social media impacts societal conceptualizations of OCD (Fennell & Boyd, 2014; Pavelko & Myrick, 2016). In a quantitative study examining the use of “#OCD” on Twitter, Pavelko and Myrick (2016) identified post after post in which Twitter users employed “#OCD” when referring to non-disordered actions, such as organizing pencils. Tweets labeled “#OCD” were presented to participants, assessing their emotional reactions, stereotypes about OCD, and behavioral intentions to support individuals with OCD after reviewing the hashtagged tweets. Participants indicated increased irritation and decreased sympathy when OCD was framed in trivial language (i.e., language downplaying the seriousness of OCD) versus objective clinical language in the tweets. Further, these correlations varied by gender of the tweeter, with participants reporting increased negative emotional reactivity to women who utilized trivial language rather than to men. Pavelko and Myrick concluded that “Messages regarding trifling, detail-oriented behaviors frequently belittle or downplay the severity of OCD in 140 characters or less” (p. 42).
In a qualitative study, Fennell and Boyd (2014) examined how media portrayals of OCD were interpreted by individuals who have been diagnosed with or believe they have OCD. Similar to Pavelko and Myrick’s (2016) findings, participants reported feeling frustrated by the seemingly casual use of “OCD” in the vernacular and by depictions of OCD that were presented in stereotypical and comedic manners, at times making light of the symptoms (Fennell & Boyd, 2014). Participants noted users exhibited certain symptoms of OCD more frequently than others, namely contamination obsessions, washing and cleaning compulsions, and hoarding behaviors, all of which may portray OCD as a habit rather than a disorder. However, participants expressed appreciation for depictions of OCD in the media, acknowledging that media portrayals helped them identify what they were experiencing as OCD. Hence, media representations of OCD are varied and complex, eliciting mixed emotional reactions and divergent understandings of OCD from individuals who are consuming those messages (Fennell & Boyd, 2014; Pavelko & Myrick, 2016).
Moreover, OCD and associated symptoms are frequently misunderstood, even among mental health professionals who are trained to diagnose the disorder. In a quantitative study of mental health counselors and graduate students, participants exhibited stigma toward OCD symptoms related to sexual thoughts, violent thoughts, and contamination (Steinberg & Wetterneck, 2017). Further, Glazier et al. (2013) found issues pertaining to the accurate and timely diagnosis of OCD among APA members due to misidentification of OCD symptoms. In this quantitative study, participants were asked to provide a diagnosis for five case vignettes, each depicting various OCD obsessive symptoms. There was a 38.9% misidentification rate of OCD across the vignettes, with variation in rates based on the symptoms presented in each vignette. The vignette describing symptoms related to contamination was misidentified at the lowest rate of 15.8%, although the vignette describing symptoms of obsessions related to “homosexuality” was misdiagnosed at a rate of 77.0% (Glazier et al., 2013). In sum, OCD is an often stigmatized and misunderstood disorder, resulting in challenges for individuals living with OCD and for mental health counselors attempting to accurately diagnose OCD in their clients (Fennell & Boyd, 2014; Fennell & Liberato, 2007; Glazier et al., 2013; Steinberg & Wetterneck, 2017).
TikTok: Social Media Phenomenon and Social Change Agent
Although researchers have explored the use of the term OCD in the vernacular and on social media, along with associated impacts on people living with OCD (Fennell & Boyd, 2014), researchers have yet to explore how particular mental health diagnoses such as OCD are portrayed and discussed on TikTok, a popular social media application, or “app,” released globally in 2017 (Iqbal, 2022). TikTok’s content consists of brief videos created by users, which can be viewed and interacted with by other users (Anderson, 2020). TikTok uses an algorithm to show users videos that appeal to their interests. Users interact on the platform through likes, comments, reactions, and direct messages. Hashtags are added to videos to help individuals search for specific types of content. To have full access to TikTok, a user must have an active account; individuals with accounts can create a profile page, which can be used with various privacy settings (Anderson, 2020). The scope of TikTok is vast, reaching an average of 689 million users worldwide every month, with 100 million users in the United States (Iqbal, 2022). According to Iqbal (2022), TikTok reached over 1.4 billion users in 2022. The app is frequented by individuals of various ages, nationalities, genders, and socioeconomic statuses and in 2022, TikTok was downloaded over 3.3 billion times (Iqbal, 2022).
Based on TikTok’s wide reach, it is reasonable to assume that content shared on the app has implications for how society views certain topics, including mental health disorders, as meaning is constructed through interactions with others on the application. Vitikainen et al. (2020) described TikTok as a social change agent, noting that despite the app’s ban on political campaign–related content, users have utilized TikTok for political movements, such as joining together to sabotage a Donald Trump rally in 2020 (Lorenz et al., 2020). Further, TikTok videos and hashtags were used to spread information about wearing masks during the COVID-19 pandemic (Basch, Fera, et al., 2021). The World Health Organization TikTok videos related to wearing a mask were viewed over 57 million times, and just 100 TikToks with the hashtag “#WearaMask” were viewed over 500 million times (Basch, Fera, et al., 2021).
As the app has such an extensive user base, “TikTok has great potential in conveying important public health messages to various segments of the population” (Basch, Fera, et al., 2021, para. 18). It stands to reason that if TikTok videos can influence social action and aid in the spread of public health information, they also could be a powerful tool in either upholding or dismantling misunderstanding and stigma around mental health disorders such as OCD. However, researchers have highlighted the existence of misinformation on popular social media platforms, including TikTok (Sharevski et al., 2023). For example, in various studies on COVID-19 information conveyed via TikTok, researchers found that much of the information is misinformation (Basch, Meleo-Erwin, et al., 2021; McCashin & Murphy, 2022). Sharevski et al. (2023) found that in viewing TikToks that included debunked abortion misinformation, approximately 30% of participants believed the information to be true. These findings highlight the prevalence of health-related misinformation on TikTok and related implications for professionals and the general public alike. Therefore, to better understand current social discourse around OCD, we conducted a content analysis to answer the following research question: How are women portraying OCD on TikTok?
Methods
We conducted a deductive, qualitative content analysis of 50 TikTok videos to examine how OCD is being discussed and portrayed by women on the large-scale social media platform of TikTok, which encompasses the power to disrupt stigma and influence the narratives attributed to OCD. Our decision to utilize content analysis was influenced by the use of this methodology in existing literature exploring OCD and media (Fennell & Boyd, 2014; Robinson et al., 2019), and a content analysis aligned with our intent to interpret women’s portrayal of OCD through social discourse on TikTok. A content analysis is a systematic yet flexible process utilized to derive meaning from a set of data (Schreier, 2014). Qualitative content analysis is aligned with social constructivism and is concerned with exploring the “meaning and interpretation . . . of symbolic material, [and] the importance of context in determining meaning” (Schreier, 2014, p. 173). To describe meaning from our sample of TikTok videos, we followed the steps of a qualitative content analysis (Schreier, 2014): define the research question; select the content to analyze; develop a coding frame; segment and trial code the data; evaluate the coding frame; conduct the main analysis; and interpret and present the findings.
After determining our research question, we selected TikTok videos that met the following criteria: a) the TikTok video included the hashtag OCD (#OCD), and b) the primary person in the video presented as a woman and/or included she/her pronouns in their profile bio. We chose to focus on individuals presenting as women in this study because OCD symptomology varies based on gender in studies comparing cisgender women to cisgender men, with women having slightly higher rates of OCD diagnoses than men. Further, women exhibit cleaning-related symptoms more often than men (APA, 2022), and excessive cleanliness is commonly displayed in media depictions of OCD (Fennell & Boyd, 2014). Women also have unique experiences related to the intersectionality of gender, social discourse, and mental health diagnosis and treatment, or lack thereof (Bondi & Burman, 2001; Robinson et al., 2019). Further, women’s trivialization of OCD on social media may elicit stronger negative emotional reactions from consumers, such as annoyance and decreased sympathy toward individuals with OCD (Pavelko & Myrick, 2016).
We chose the 50 TikTok videos with the most views for our sample (Dworkin, 2012). We were able to determine these videos by searching for “#OCD” within the TikTok app in February 2021. The sample was analyzed in March 2021. Similarly, in another content analysis, Fowler et al. (2021) selected the first 50 TikTok videos using a particular hashtag for their sample. They noted the influence of the TikTok algorithm, as the algorithm determines which videos are shown and in which order. Moreover, we determined the sample size based on other studies that engaged qualitative methods to analyze videos on various social media platforms, some of which utilized a sample size of fewer than 50 (Fowler et al., 2021; Johnson et al., 2019, 2021; Wallis, 2011). Next, we deductively determined codes in a concept-driven way (Schreier, 2014) based on the extant literature surrounding OCD, stigma, and popular understanding of the diagnosis. These initial codes were stigma perpetuated and accurate information about OCD shared. It is important to note that at the time of data analysis, the current edition of the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders was the DSM-5 (APA, 2013). The DSM-5-TR (APA, 2022) was released in 2022; however, there were no updates to the OCD diagnostic criteria in the text revision.
The research team identified more codes during the review of the data, and we altered codes to be more specific to the data, including daily routine, checking OCD, and feeling misunderstood. During the segmentation phase of the coding process, the research team divided the data into individual units, or segments, based on a thematic criterion. More specifically, we divided the larger chunks of data (i.e., the entirety of what was said in a TikTok) into individual units (i.e., sentences) based on the aforementioned codes. Next, we went through a pilot round of coding using the predetermined codes on approximately 50% of the data. We evaluated and made changes to the coding frame as necessary, developing more specific codes to best represent the data. From there, we proceeded to the main analysis phase, in which the research team coded all data according to our final coding framework and determined themes and subthemes based on the coded data. Each team member individually determined themes, and then the team members met to compare, discuss, and alter the themes until we reached consensus on the themes and subthemes that best represented the data. Of the total sample, 48 videos comprise the two final categories.
Increasing Trustworthiness
The research team for the content analysis consisted of the first two authors of this article, Erin E. Woods and Alexandra Gantt-Howrey, who are cisgender heterosexual (cishet) White women and are mental health counselors familiar with OCD. To increase trustworthiness, Woods and Gantt-Howrey practiced weekly reflexive journaling to become more aware of and bracket our biases throughout the data analysis, with the recognition that bias cannot be completely bracketed (Creswell, 2003). As part of the reflexive journaling process, we recognized and considered various sociocultural factors at play in our own lives, including our existence as cishet White women in the United States. Moreover, we identified various biases and expectations we held, including expectations of seeing OCD used as a non-clinical descriptor, previous knowledge related to OCD misdiagnosis and misunderstanding, and the belief that OCD should be used only in reference to the actual disorder. In an attempt to bracket these biases throughout the data analysis process, we engaged in frequent dialogue with one another to consider and evaluate assumptions that arose during the data analysis. Finally, to increase trustworthiness, the third author, Amber L. Pope, a licensed mental health counselor and counselor educator who identifies as a cishet White woman, acted as an auditor and reviewed the final themes and subthemes according to the data (Creswell, 2003). More specifically, Pope reviewed the data as well as the themes and subthemes developed by Woods and Gantt-Howrey. Pope then offered feedback on the results (e.g., use of theme names to accurately represent the data), and Woods and Gantt-Howrey integrated Pope’s feedback into the final results presented below.
Results
This investigation explored how women communicate about OCD on TikTok. Two themes and three subthemes emerged from the data: 1) minimizes OCD symptoms and 1a) uses OCD as a synonym for cleanliness and organization; 2) accurately depicts OCD symptoms, 2a) corrects misunderstanding, and 2b) shares obsessive fears. A clear dichotomy was found: Many TikTok videos depicted women using OCD as an inaccurate descriptor, perpetuating stigma surrounding the diagnosis, while others shared factually based information in alignment with the DSM-5 description of OCD, often representing their own experiences with OCD. Below, our findings are illustrated with rich descriptions from the data.
Minimizes OCD Symptoms
The first category, minimizes OCD symptoms, describes participants’ portrayals of OCD in a way that either minimized or negated symptom severity, and/or described the disorder in a manner that does not align with the DSM-5 definition of OCD. Twenty-eight videos (56%) from the sample are included in this category. Many TikToks in this category used the term “OCD” as a synonym for being very clean or organized, or to portray an unrelated phenomenon, such as collecting items or creating a spreadsheet. One TikTok of a woman describing her father exemplifies this misuse of the term “OCD”: “This is my dad and he has a problem . . . because he has the OCD. And you might have it too if your 800-count DVD collection is in alphabetical order from ‘8 Mile’ to ‘Young Frankenstein.’” This quote is representative of the trivialization of the OCD diagnosis. Moreover, a TikTok about a mother’s feelings of frustration over her daughter’s messy painting further demonstrates the stigma perpetuated by many TikTok videos, as the mother stated:
Do any other moms relate to the extreme anxiety this gives me? I can sit here and watch but I’m dying on the inside. This is very hard for me. But I will sit here . . . and not let my anxiety and OCD get the best of me.
Uses OCD as a Synonym for Cleanliness and Organization
The subcategory uses OCD as a synonym for cleanliness and organization represents TikTok videos in which women used OCD as a descriptor for a clean person, and includes 10 of the 28 videos in this category. Building upon the first category, minimizes OCD symptoms, this subcategory further demonstrates explanations, examples, and use of the term OCD in ways that do not accurately describe the disorder. A popular audio clip was utilized frequently in our sample and was often paired with visual content of individuals organizing or cleaning various objects and spaces. The woman in the audio stated:
When they come into my house and they also think that I am a sociopath, that I take the time to do this once a month. Like, you know what? You say OCD is a disease, I say it’s a blessing.
Through equating OCD to “a blessing” and also trivializing the term “sociopath” to simply describe someone who is well-organized, such TikTok videos minimize the OCD diagnosis and the experiences of individuals with OCD, equating the disorder to something it is not—a proclivity for cleanliness and organization. Furthermore, other TikToks with #OCD were solely about cleaning or organizing. A woman in one TikTok described a “bathroom hack for a deep clean” as she displayed bleach and a bowl of hot water. In another TikTok, these words crossed the screen for the viewer to read: “*My bff being messy*” and, subsequently, “*My OCD kicking in*,” while the video displays an unmade bed.
Accurately Depicts OCD Symptoms
The second category, accurately depicts OCD symptoms, is defined as women portraying information that aligns with the DSM-5 description of OCD symptom constellations and current research on OCD. Twenty videos (40%) comprise this category. Women in the TikToks in this category typically indicated they had an OCD diagnosis, describing their unique experiences with OCD and explaining how their symptoms align with the DSM-5 definition. For example, TikToks in our sample represented the following aspects of the DSM-5 symptoms of OCD (APA, 2013): recurrent intrusive thoughts, performance of a compulsion, and “clinically significant distress or impairment in social, occupational, or other important areas of functioning” (p. 237). For example, one TikTok begins with the words “Live with ______ for a day” across the screen. A woman is then pictured “selecting” OCD from a variety of mental health diagnoses. In other TikToks, users describe their compulsions, such as a woman narrating her need to perform various rituals like choosing a certain color shirt, or another in which a woman flips a light switch repeatedly.
Corrects Misunderstanding
The first subcategory, corrects misunderstanding, encompasses videos in which women with OCD sought to correct misinformation or inaccurate portrayals about OCD. Eight of the 20 videos from the second category are included in this subcategory. The following quote demonstrates a woman debunking popular misconceptions of OCD symptoms: “What people think OCD is *picture of an organized desk.* What it’s like for me: *woman spraying perfume.* My brain: ‘spray it 3 times or your mum will die.’” In another TikTok, a woman lamented the prevalent, stigmatized view of OCD:
OCD is not cute. She doesn’t wear big glasses and chunky sweaters while she neatly lines up her stationary in color order. She’s probably the most misunderstood disorder, to the point where people nonchalantly use her name to describe a neat person.
Importantly, the speaker describes OCD as “misunderstood,” directly contradicting the previously described “version” of OCD as simply a proclivity for neatness or organization.
Shares Obsessive Fears
In this subcategory, shares obsessive fears, women provided more specific information and details in their TikToks to depict OCD in a more holistic, accurate manner. Eleven videos are included in this subcategory. The fears women shared included the deaths of loved ones, losing one’s job, accidentally setting one’s house on fire, losing a relationship, and not locking one’s front door. One woman’s TikTok portrayed the intrusive thoughts and subsequent fears she experienced frequently:
Documenting a side of OCD that people don’t usually see: Did I tell my mom I love her before she went to bed? What if she dies on the way to work tomorrow? Should I wake her up and tell her just in case? No, that will make her mad. Wait, but did I lock the doors? Did my sister make it home safe? She didn’t text me; her location is off. Oh, she’s fine; she just responded. Should I check the locks?
This quote demonstrates the intrusive thoughts that individuals with OCD often experience. More specifically, the intrusive thoughts in this example include fears such as death of a loved one, uncertainty, and potential lack of safety for self and others.
Discussion
The purpose of this study was to increase understanding of how women are portraying OCD on TikTok to inform counselors on the current social discourse around OCD. Our findings substantiate the extant literature and provide new insight, possibilities, and practice implications given this novel exploration of how women discuss OCD on TikTok. The categories that emerged from our content analysis reveal the variety in the types of TikToks women created and hashtagged with the term “OCD,” with the two main themes being minimizes OCD symptoms, demonstrating the trivialization of OCD by women on TikTok, and accurately depicts OCD symptoms, in which women attempted to correct inaccurate perceptions about OCD by sharing their own experiences and factual information about the diagnosis. Our results also suggested that women with an OCD diagnosis shared more factually based depictions of the disorder than the women who did not indicate a diagnosis in their TikTok videos. Our findings of two dichotomous themes are unsurprising given other findings on health-related misinformation on TikTok (e.g., Basch, Meleo-Erwin, et al., 2021; McCashin & Murphy, 2022), yielding opportunities for professionals to provide accurate information on the platform.
The majority of women whose content fell in the accurately depicts OCD symptoms theme indicated they had an OCD diagnosis. These women corrected misinformation about OCD and also shared their own experiences of living with OCD, depicting the seriousness and pervasiveness of their obsessive thoughts. Our results indicate that women with OCD may desire to see OCD portrayed correctly in the media, in ways that are different from the stereotypical or comedic depictions often prevalent in mainstream media (Fennell & Boyd, 2014). These negative stereotypes may contribute to women’s oppression through the perpetuation of misinformation. Women with OCD also may be motivated by the fear of stigma (Steinberg & Wetterneck, 2017) and the desire to have their mental health diagnosis taken seriously. Fennell and Liberato (2007) noted the importance of societal conceptions of OCD to those with the diagnosis; therefore, the creators in our sample may be motivated to alter the popular understanding and trivialization of OCD (Pavelko & Myrick, 2016; Robinson et al., 2019) through their TikTok content as a result of living with the disorder themselves and the impact of their OCD symptoms on their functioning. Moreover, motivation to post publicly about one’s experience with OCD may help women connect with others (Fennell & Liberato, 2007) through a large social media platform.
Yet our other main theme of minimizes OCD symptoms supports findings from previous research (e.g., Pavelko & Myrick, 2016; Robinson et al., 2019) that OCD is frequently depicted in the media and popular culture in a manner that minimizes the symptomatology or severity of OCD symptoms. Our results illustrate that the content created by women on TikTok often portrays OCD as synonymous with cleanliness and organization, hence trivializing OCD symptoms. Multiple TikToks (n = 4) utilized a popular audio: “You say OCD is a disease; I say it’s a blessing,” over a video of someone organizing, often some sort of household item, which aligns with previous findings that OCD is typically portrayed in the media by characters with washing and cleaning compulsions (Fennell & Boyd, 2014). Additionally, multiple videos in the uses OCD as a synonym for cleanliness or organization subtheme included language and descriptions that stigmatized cleaning symptoms, such as “*My bff being messy*,” *My OCD kicking in*,” and “I literally saved my toothbrush to like get the corners and clean cuz I’m OCD.” Despite cleanliness being the most visible depiction of OCD (Steinberg & Wetterneck, 2017) and more often seen in women with OCD than in men (APA, 2022), the way these symptoms are portrayed do not holistically represent OCD or encompass the potential effects of this disorder and instead contribute to the continued trivialization of this disorder.
Implications
Our findings yield various implications for counselors and future research. Because of the popularity and breadth of TikTok content, both clients and counselors are likely to use the app and subsequently view TikToks that contain minimizing, trivializing, or stigmatizing information about OCD. Counselors are not immune to holding stigmatizing views about OCD (Steinberg & Wetterneck, 2017). Exposure to trivializing content may influence how counselors view OCD symptoms and the severity of OCD with their clients, potentially contributing to misdiagnosing OCD. Our results indicate cleanliness and organization were the common depictions of OCD on TikTok, which could result in counselors having a limited understanding of OCD symptomatology and misidentifying other types of OCD symptoms that fall into groupings such as unwanted sexual thoughts or religious obsessions (Glazier et al., 2013). Mental health counselors responded with social rejection and general concerns to case vignettes of clients with contamination obsessions and cleaning compulsions (Steinberg & Wetterneck, 2017); consumption of social media that equates OCD to cleanliness and organization could perpetuate similar stigmas toward OCD among counselors.
For clients, exposure to content that trivializes and/or stigmatizes OCD may lead to hesitancy to seek treatment (Steinberg & Wetterneck, 2017) or even a failure to recognize one’s symptoms as indicative of a mental health issue (Fennell & Liberato, 2007). Hence, our results stress the importance of counselors increasing their knowledge of OCD in its various presentations and examining their own beliefs and biases toward OCD symptoms, recognizing that our reactions as counselors may impact how clients choose to present or hide their symptoms of OCD out of fear of stigmatization. During the mental health assessment process, counselors may want to ask clients displaying OCD symptoms questions related to their perceptions of the disorder such as, “How have you seen OCD depicted by characters on TV or in the movies?” or “What do you believe about OCD according to what you have seen/read on social media?” For clients who indicate inaccurate or negative conceptualization of OCD, psychoeducation may be useful to correct misinformation or misconceptions about OCD that clients obtained from the media. Counselors also may want to help clients develop media literacy skills, particularly for clients who consume a lot of social media, so clients can effectively analyze and reflect on the messages they encounter regarding OCD.
To enhance counselors’ knowledge of OCD, counselor educators can use the portrayals of OCD on social media to inform classroom discussion and activities when teaching about mental health diagnosis. For example, counselor educators can ask students to describe what they have seen about OCD in the media and explore how these examples do or do not align with the DSM-5 description of OCD. Counselor educators also can encourage students to explore their own biases and perceptions about OCD, which may help reduce the stigma held by mental health counselors related to OCD symptoms (Steinberg & Wetterneck, 2017) and increase accurate diagnosis of OCD (Glazier et al., 2013).
Further, our results demonstrate the importance of public education to decrease stigma related to mental health disorders (Webb et al., 2016), particularly targeted to individuals who do not have an OCD diagnosis, as they may be more likely to share or create trivializing content. As Fennell and Liberato (2007) stated, “the need for more public information on the lived experience of OCD and mental ‘disorders’ cannot be stressed enough” (p. 328). TikTok shows great potential to spread health information (Basch, Fera, et al., 2021), and this social media platform could be utilized to help share more accurate depictions of OCD. For example, counselors, individuals with OCD, and other advocates may consider utilizing the power of a targeted “hashtag” campaign, with the goal of reducing stigma toward OCD through countering the impact of stigmatizing content (Robinson et al., 2019). This type of positive and factual representation of OCD also may help to combat societal inequalities that can be perpetuated through the stigmatization and trivialization of OCD, and hashtag campaigns may be enacted by individuals and larger counseling organizations alike.
TikTok has a unique feature called “stitch” that allows users to combine another user’s video with the one they are creating. Some counselors are already using the “stitch” function as a means of psychoeducation and advocacy to correct misconceptions of mental health in TikTok videos, where counselors can directly connect their educated responses to the original video that contained inaccurate information. To effectively challenge the stigma surrounding mental health diagnoses, counselors need to be aware of the current public discourse occurring on social media platforms and use this information to develop advocacy-based interventions. In line with the American Counseling Association’s Code of Ethics (2014), counselors should consider other means of engaging in advocacy to benefit those diagnosed with OCD, such as providing public education in their local contexts and supporting public policies that could help provide affordable treatment of the disorder. The IOCDF’s Advocate Program (IOCDF, 2022) may prove to be a beneficial resource for such work.
Concerning future research, we suggest utilizing a larger sample of TikTok videos, analyzing social media content on other platforms, and including gender-expansive individuals and cisgender men as part of the sample to gather more perspectives. Additionally, researchers can compare who is creating the social media content and where accurate or inaccurate portrayals of OCD are occurring on social media. Quantitative research may provide more insight into how individuals with an OCD diagnosis create media content compared to those who do not have a diagnosis. Understanding the nuances in how OCD is portrayed across platforms or creators can enhance counselors’ knowledge of how to use social media as appropriate resources or social connections for their clients with OCD. Finally, more information on how OCD is depicted on social media can help counselors better recognize the messages their clients receive about OCD when using social media and improve their ability to correct the unreliable information their clients consume on these platforms.
Limitations
Various limitations should be taken into consideration. Given the nature of qualitative research, the findings of this study cannot be generalized to larger groups. We did not obtain IRB approval for this study, given that we used publicly available information for our data, and we did not directly contact the video creators to clarify gender identity, OCD diagnosis, or other demographic information that would have enhanced the description of our sample or allowed us to explore how intersectionality impacts depictions of OCD. Because we did not gather demographic information, we determined inclusion based on the individuals’ presentation as a woman and/or use of she/her pronouns in their profile, and our results are based solely on the content the women disclosed in their videos. For example, we cannot conclusively determine that women with a diagnosis share more accurate information about OCD on TikTok as compared to those without a diagnosis. Additionally, we did not contact the creators to gain a more thorough understanding of their intended message when creating the video. Finally, it should be noted that by utilizing the 50 most viewed TikToks with #OCD, videos that were less widely viewed and shared were not included in our sample, perhaps limiting our understanding of more nuanced portrayals of OCD on TikTok. Utilizing the most viewed TikToks as our sample may have contributed to the resulting dichotomous themes, capturing only the predominant trends of minimizing or accurately depicting OCD symptoms.
Conclusion
OCD is a serious and often debilitating mental health disorder (APA, 2022) that is frequently misunderstood and misrepresented in mainstream culture (Pavelko & Myrick, 2016; Steinberg & Wetterneck, 2017). Through a content analysis of TikTok videos created by women with the hashtag “OCD,” our resulting themes and subthemes revealed a mix of perpetuating stereotypes and minimizing OCD symptoms and of sharing accurate information and personal experiences concerning OCD. These findings can assist counselors and counselor educators to better understand the types of social media content clients are viewing and potential harmful messages clients may internalize about OCD through exposure to media. Further, counselors should consider their own consumption of social media and examine their perceptions of and biases toward OCD throughout the treatment process. Likewise, counselor educators should adjust their pedagogy to encourage student exploration of misconceptions and enhance training in how to accurately diagnose and treat OCD in their future work as mental health counselors. Although social media can perpetuate stigma, it can also be used as a tool for powerful positive change, and we encourage all readers to consider the accuracy of the content they post on social media when it comes to depicting mental health disorders.
Conflict of Interest and Funding Disclosure
The authors reported no conflict of interest
or funding contributions for the development
of this manuscript.
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Erin E. Woods, PhD, LPC, serves as Clinic Director at the College of William & Mary. Alexandra Gantt-Howrey, PhD, NCC, is an assistant professor at New Mexico State University. Amber L. Pope, PhD, LPC, LMHC, CCTP, is an assistant professor at the College of William & Mary. Correspondence may be addressed to Alexandra Gantt-Howrey, P.O. Box 30001, MSC 3AC, Las Cruces, New Mexico 88003, aghowrey@nmsu.edu.
May 10, 2023 | Volume 13 - Issue 1
Claudette Brown-Smythe, Shirin Sultana
We examined the extent to which anxious attachment and avoidant attachment predicted loneliness and social self-efficacy among 863 college students. Further, we investigated whether social self-efficacy mediated the relationships between the two insecure attachment styles and loneliness. Pearson correlations and regression analysis showed that anxious and avoidant attachment styles were significant predictors of loneliness and social self-efficacy. Mediation analysis revealed that social self-efficacy fully mediated the relationship between avoidant attachment and loneliness and partially mediated the relationship between anxious attachment and loneliness. Implications for college counseling are discussed, and we propose recommendations for counselors to enhance social self-efficacy and attachment security to decrease loneliness.
Keywords: social self-efficacy, anxious attachment, avoidant attachment, loneliness, attachment security
Existential philosophers, as well as counseling theorists, have alluded to loneliness as a common human condition, one that can lead to mental health challenges like depression and anxiety (Sharf, 2012). Researchers began calling attention to the increase in loneliness across the life span (Cacioppo et al., 2015; Diehl et al., 2018; Mushtaq et al., 2014) prior to the outbreak of the novel coronavirus disease (COVID-19), and the subsequent declaration by the World Health Organization (WHO) that the outbreak was a public health emergency of international concern (Pan American Health Organization, 2020). In 2015, Vivek Murthy (2020), then surgeon general of the United States, identified loneliness as a public health issue, endemic across all ages and socioeconomic groups. As of 2019, three out of every five people, or 61% of the U.S. population, reported feeling lonely, which was a 7% increase from 2018 (Cigna, 2020). Isolation then surged during the COVID-19 pandemic, which contributed to loneliness (Dahlberg, 2021; Holt-Lunstad, 2020).
The Cigna (2020) report noted that 49.9% of emerging adults 18–22 years old and 47.7% of adults 23–37 years old reported feeling lonely. Moreover, the American College Health Association (2017) reported that 64% of college students experienced loneliness, which aligns with the Healthy Minds Study results indicating that 66% of college students struggled with loneliness (Eisenberg et al., 2020). Again, these figures predate the 2020 coronavirus pandemic, and rates of loneliness experienced because of the lockdown and restrictions during that time are projected to increase (Dahlberg, 2021; Holt-Lunstad, 2020).
As the preceding data demonstrate, loneliness is a special concern for the college-age population. Moreover, loneliness is a human challenge that if left unattended can lead to and exacerbate mental health issues. Like Bandura (1977), we believe that individuals who possess strong social self-efficacy can motivate themselves to build connections and engage with others and reduce feelings of loneliness. This study sought to examine the extent to which social self-efficacy serves as a mediator of the two insecure attachment styles on loneliness.
Literature Review
Loneliness
Loneliness is viewed as a complex multidimensional and subjective psychological construct that is seen from an individual’s perspective. DiTommaso et al. (2015) described loneliness as a temporary psychological response to changes in one’s social environment or a stable dissatisfaction with one’s personal network, while Perlman and Peplau (1981) viewed it as a negative feeling that occurs when individuals do not perceive the quality or quantity of their social relationships as satisfying.
Early researchers like Perlman and Peplau (1981) identified three types of loneliness: (a) chronic loneliness, or a long-term experience of feelings of separation and isolation over several years; (b) situation loneliness, or a disruption of one’s social relationship patterns; and (c) transient loneliness, described as the occasional feelings of loneliness experienced at different times when one is making changes throughout the life span. Yanguas et al. (2018) highlighted a dichotomous view of loneliness, identifying social loneliness (lacking a sense of community and connection to social network) and emotional loneliness (lacking attachment figures and companionship), and noting that an individual can experience loneliness in both areas simultaneously.
Loneliness as a developmental issue can occur at different periods in people’s lives. For example, for emerging adults (i.e.,18–25 years old) this period is marked by transitions that can predispose them to experiencing loneliness (Moeller & Seehuus, 2019). Emerging adults overlap two critical stages in Erikson’s (1980) psychosocial development theory. The first stage of identity versus role confusion (12–19 age range) is marked by a sense of ego identity in which the individual seeks balance and congruence between their self-perception and how others perceive them. The second stage is intimacy versus isolation (20–25 age range), in which the goal is to establish committed relationships with friends and develop intimate romantic relationships. Erikson posited that individuals who were unsuccessful at the earlier stages, and were lacking a strong sense of identity, may struggle in building healthy relationships. This in turn can result in emotional distress and isolations, as they will be unable to establish the committed relationships that are needed to resolve this stage and experience loneliness. There are normative transitions many emerging adults make that can precipitate feelings of loneliness, like leaving home, beginning college, or starting a full-time job. Additionally, the maturation changes from adolescence to emerging adulthood (Chickering & Reisser, 1993), along with the psychosocial development crisis of intimacy versus isolation, can impact emerging adults’ self-perception of loneliness (Qualter et al., 2015).
At the beginning of college, students may not have relationships with peers at their institutions and will need to establish connections in this new social context (Thurber & Walton, 2012). This new context may be bigger or smaller than home, or it may be less diverse or more diverse from their home communities, thereby decreasing students’ feelings of connection. Colleges often give much attention to transition issues experienced at the beginning of college (Bruffaerts et al., 2018); however, these experiences can persist throughout the college years. Moeller and Seehuus (2019) noted that students are challenged to build and sustain relationships in this social context while also navigating and balancing a more demanding academic workload, new expectations around academic productivity and engagement, and developmental changes as they transition from adolescence to adulthood. This period of transition and competing priorities can be challenging for students as they attempt new things, try to integrate, and adjust to the changes to their personal and academic lives and make decisions about what is important to them. For some, this can be overwhelming, and their inability to cope with these challenges and form meaningful relationships in this social context can precipitate students’ mental health struggles and loneliness (Thomas et al., 2020). Students’ struggles during this period are linked to attrition, college withdrawal, and dropout rates (Diehl et al., 2018; Fink, 2014).
Social Self-Efficacy
Bandura (1977) defined social self-efficacy as an individual’s beliefs about their skills for success in interpersonal interactions and social situations. He noted that individuals with high social self-efficacy had greater cognitive resourcefulness and flexibility to effectively manage their environment and motivate themselves to achieve a desired goal, which is the opposite for individuals with insecure attachment. Social self-efficacy, then, is about the individual’s perceived confidence in their ability to engage in social interactions and to take the initiative to maintain these interpersonal relationships. Consequently, higher social self-efficacy is important for building and maintaining interpersonal relationships and for engaging in social gatherings (Kim et al., 2020). These engagements can then help in staving off loneliness. People who are lonely are assumed to possess less interpersonal competence than individuals who are not lonely, and research often points to a positive correlation between poor social skills and loneliness (Moeller & Seehuus, 2019).
Attachment Theory
Attachment theory is an established framework that describes the impact of early bonding with caregivers as a foundation for subsequent close relationships across the life span (Ainsworth, 1985; Bowlby, 1973). These theorists posited two major attachment types: secure and insecure attachment. Available, sensitive, and supportive bonding experiences with caregivers contribute to a sense of connectedness and security resulting in the development of secure attachment and a healthy internal model of self and others (Mikulincer & Shaver, 2014). That is, these experiences create a positive view of self and others.
On the other hand, individuals who experienced unsupportive, frustrated, and fractured caregiving emerge with insecure attachment styles, which lead to difficulties with relationships in later life. Insecure attachment is characterized in two dimensions—avoidant and anxious attachment styles. Individuals with high anxious attachment style tend to be fearful of being rejected or abandoned by others and have a negative working model of self; that is, they may hold a negative perception of their worthiness. Those with avoidant attachment fear intimacy and being dependent on others and hold a negative working model of others (Mikulincer & Shaver, 2014; Zhu et al., 2016).
Individuals with insecure attachment styles may lack prosocial skills and engage in negative coping strategies (Mikulincer & Shaver, 2014, 2019). For example, individuals with high anxious attachment may “rely on hyperactivating strategies . . . to achieve support and love,” and when the support and love are not provided, individuals may then experience anger and despair (Mikulincer & Shaver, 2014, p. 36). Conversely, those with high avoidant attachment may use detachment and deactivated strategies to protect themselves; they tend to push others away, “avoiding closeness and interdependence in relationship” (p. 36). These maladaptive behaviors may result in greater feelings of loneliness, as these individuals may experience lower satisfaction in their relationships.
Loneliness, Attachment, and Social Self-Efficacy
The relationship between attachment styles established in early childhood and feelings of loneliness in early adulthood is well documented (Akdoğan, 2017; Benoit & DiTommaso, 2020; Klausli & Caudill, 2021). Higher levels of attachment security correlated with lower levels of loneliness in undergraduate students (Benoit & DiTommaso, 2020). As young adults transition to college life, their social network shifts from the family domain to peers. An individual’s ability to cope with this transition and form meaningful relationships may depend on the adaptiveness of their attachment style. Individuals with a secure attachment style report a stronger sense of self and social competence (Akdoğan, 2017; Klausli & Caudill, 2021), which may counteract feelings of loneliness.
Research on loneliness has frequently pointed to a lack of prosocial skills and social competency to initiate and maintain friendships when addressing the connection between insecure attachment and loneliness (Akdoğan, 2017). Individuals with secure attachment demonstrate strong social skills and social competency and can be said to possess social self-efficacy. “Adult attachment research revealed that attachment insecurities tended to negatively bias cognitions, emotions, and behavior during interpersonal interactions” (Mikulincer & Shaver, 2014, p. 37); therefore, it could be concluded that individuals with attachment insecurities are likely to exhibit low social self-efficacy.
Earlier researchers found conflicting effects of social self-efficacy on loneliness (Mallinckrodt & Wei, 2005; Wei et al., 2005). The results of a longitudinal study of 308 freshmen examining social self-efficacy and self-disclosure as mediators for insecure attachment, loneliness, and depression revealed that a lack of social self-efficacy mediated the relationship between anxious attachment and loneliness after controlling for depression (Wei et al., 2005). However, social self-efficacy was not found to mediate avoidant attachment. In another study with 430 students investigating social self-efficacy as a mediator for insecure attachment, social support, and psychological distress, researchers found that high levels of avoidant attachment were correlated with lower levels of social self-efficacy and perceived social support (Mallinckrodt & Wei, 2005). These competing findings influenced us to further explore the extent to which social self-efficacy would affect loneliness.
The Current Study
For this study, we focused on social and emotional loneliness (Yanguas et al., 2018), holding the view that loneliness is a temporary psychological state due to circumstances (DiTommaso et al., 2015). These two dimensions are considered more salient for college students given their psychosocial developmental levels and societal expectations. Researchers (Akdoğan, 2017; Benoit & DiTommaso, 2020; Mikulincer & Shaver, 2014, 2019) have indicated that primary attachment style impacts social competency, sense of self, and one’s ability to form a supportive network. All of these can affect whether college students experience loneliness and to what degree they experience it.
To date, few researchers have examined how the detrimental effects of loneliness in people with avoidant and anxious attachment styles can be mediated by social self-efficacy. In this study, we examined the triadic relationship between the dimensions of insecure attachment (i.e., anxious attachment and avoidant attachment), loneliness, and social self-efficacy. Three research questions and hypotheses guided this study:
- What is the relationship between social self-efficacy, loneliness, and the types of insecure attachment?
- Do anxious attachment and avoidant attachment predict the levels of social self-efficacy?
- How does social self-efficacy mediate the relationship between loneliness and anxious attachment and avoidant attachment styles?
We hypothesized that a) social self-efficacy, loneliness, and anxiety are correlated; b) anxious attachment and avoidant attachment will predict the levels of social self-efficacy; and c) social self-efficacy will mediate the relationship between loneliness and anxious attachment and avoidant attachment styles.
Methods
Procedure
Upon receiving IRB approval, we collected data during the last 2 months of the fall 2020 semester. At this mid-size comprehensive college in the Northeast, students were on campus until the week before Thanksgiving. After the Thanksgiving break, students were not permitted to return, and all classes transitioned to virtual platforms because of the uptick in the number of cases and deaths as a result of COVID-19. Data collection spanned both class formats. All students 18 years and older who were enrolled in classes for the fall 2020 semester were eligible to participate in this study. Data were collected through the Qualtrics online survey platform. The university enrollment management office distributed the recruitment email inviting students to volunteer to participate in the research. The students who volunteered completed the informed consent with the screening statement, “I am 18 years or older, currently enrolled in classes for the fall 2020 semester.”
Participants
Participants were drawn from 5,838 full-time students attending a medium-sized public college in the northeastern United States. After eliminating participants with more than 10% of missing values throughout the questionnaire (n = 28; Tabachnick & Fidell, 2007) the final sample was N = 863 students. The participants’ ages ranged between 18 and over 40 years, with the majority (n = 79.9%) being between 18 and 25 years old. Of these 863 participants, 153 (17.7%) participants were first-year students, 105 (12.2%) participants were second-year students, 205 (23.8%) were in their third year, 182 (21.1%) were fourth-year students, 43 (4.9%) were fifth-year students (those who added one more year to complete the degree), 163 (18.9%) were graduate students, and 12 (1.4%) were non–degree-seeking students.
Regarding their cultural background, most participants (n = 689; 79.8%) were White European, whereas 51 (5.9%) were African American, 44 (5.1%) were Hispanic/Latinx, 20 (2.3%) were Asian, 17 (2.0%) were Caribbean/West Indian, 11 (1.3%) were Native American or Alaska Native, and two (0.2%) were Native Hawaiian or Pacific Islander. Regarding gender, 647 (75%) identified as women, 197 (22.8%) as men, 6 (0.7%) as transgender, and 13 (1.5%) as other gender. Most of the participants identified as heterosexual (n = 611, 70.8%), whereas 117 (13.6%) identified as bisexual, 37 (4.3%) identified as asexual, 29 (3.4%) identified as lesbian, 12 (1.4%) identified as queer, and 11 (1.3%) identified as homosexual. The relationship status of the participants varied. Most of the participants were single (n = 375, 43.5%), whereas 361 (41.9%) were dating, 80 (9.3%) were married, 37 (4.3%) were engaged, and seven (0.8%) were divorced.
In terms of living arrangements, many participants (n = 204, 23.7%) lived on campus with suitemates, 201 (23.3%) lived with their parents/guardians, 190 (22.0%) lived with their partners or spouses, 102 (11.8%) lived alone, and 36 (4.2%) lived with a non-student roommate. Regarding religious affiliation, 336 (39.3%) of the participants identified as Christian, 250 (29.2%) identified as spiritual/not religious, 129 (15.1%) identified as agnostic, 103 (11.9%) identified as atheist, 11 (1.3%) identified as Buddhist, 11 (1.3%) identified as Jewish, 8 (0.9%) identified as Muslim, and 1 (0.1%) identified as Mormon.
Instruments
Demographic Questionnaire
The demographic questionnaire consisted of 13 questions. These questions addressed age, gender, sexual orientation, class standing, enrollment status, race/ethnicity, and living arrangements. Additional questions asked about marital status, income, religion/spiritual practice, and employment.
UCLA Loneliness Scale
The UCLA Loneliness Scale (Version 3) is a 20-item scale measure of subjective feelings of loneliness and feelings of social isolation (Russell, 1996). Participants are asked to rate how often each of the positively and negatively worded statements describes them on a 4-point Likert scale from 1 (never) to 4 (often). Sample items included, “How often do you feel that there are people that you can talk to?” and “How often do you feel that people are around you but not with you?” Scoring is done by reversing the positively worded items and then summing the scores on each item for a composite score ranging from 20 to 80, with higher scores (> 40) indicating greater degrees of loneliness. Version 3 has been widely used and validated with the college population as well as other adults in the United States and has yielded high reliability with alpha coefficient values ranging from .89 to .94 and test-retest reliability of .73 (Russell, 1996). In the current study, we followed Kalkbrenner’s (2023) recommendation and computed both Cronbach’s alpha value and coefficient omega, as the latter is a robust measure to alpha’s statistical assumptions. For the UCLA Loneliness Scale, both were the same value of .94, indicating strong reliability.
Social Self-Efficacy Scale
The Social Self-Efficacy Scale (SSES) is a 6-item measure subscale from the Self-Efficacy Scale (Sherer et al., 1982) that assesses students’ beliefs in their social competence. Items ask participants to respond on a 5-point Likert scale ranging from 1 (strongly disagree) to 5 (strongly agree) to statements like “It is difficult for me to make new friends” and “I do not handle myself well in social gatherings.” Reverse scoring is done for the negatively worded items followed by summing the scores of all the items. A higher score indicates higher social self-efficacy. Researchers have indicated coefficient alpha values of .76 and .71 (Sherer et al., 1982; Wei et al., 2005). Construct validity for this measure has demonstrated correlations with measures of ego strength, interpersonal competency, and self-esteem (Sherer et al., 1982). In the current study, Cronbach’s alpha value for the SSES was .60, while the coefficient omega value was .57. Because we used a subscale of the Self-Efficacy Scale, the poor internal consistency reliability estimates of the SSES might, in part, be due to the low number of questions (Tavakoli & Dennick, 2011). Nonetheless, this instrument was chosen because it is a widely used instrument for assessing social self-efficacy and has reported construct validity (Sherer et al., 1982).
The Experiences in Close Relationships—Relationship Structures Questionnaire
The Experiences in Close Relationships—Relationship Structures Questionnaire (ECR-RS; Fraley et al., 2011) is a 9-item measure used to assess attachment patterns with a variety of familiar relationships. For the current study, participants were asked to respond on the basis of close relationships in general as opposed to thinking about a specific person/relationship. The ECR-RS has two fundamental dimensions of underlying attachment patterns: anxious attachment and avoidant attachment. Sample items include “I usually discuss my concerns and problems with this person,” “I find it easy to depend on this person,” and “I worry this person may abandon me.” Participants rate the extent to which they believe each of the nine statements describes their feelings about their close relationships on a 7-point Likert scale from 1 (strongly disagree) to 7 (strongly agree). Items 1, 2, 3, and 4 are reverse scored. Items 1 to 6 make up the Avoidance Attachment scale, and items 7 to 9 comprise the Anxiety Attachment scale (Fraley et al., 2011). Scores for each scale are derived from finding the average of the items.
Researchers noted Cronbach’s alpha reliabilities ranging between .83 and .87 for the Anxiety Attachment scale and .81 to .92 for the Avoidance Attachment scale across multiple domains (Fraley et al., 2011; Klausli & Caudill, 2021). Our study yielded a Cronbach’s alpha score of .88 and a coefficient omega score of .87 on the Avoidance Attachment scale and alpha .76 and omega .82 for the Anxiety Attachment scale. The ECR-RS has been normed on the college-age population, and Varghese and Pistole (2017) demonstrated the usefulness of this instrument with college students.
Data Analyses
SPSS (Version 27) was used to analyze the data. We first examined the data for missing values that are common in survey research and utilized D. A. Bennett’s (2001) recommendation for deleting cases that had 10% of the data missing. For data that were missing at random, these data were replaced using group means for any item that had 15% or less of the cases missing as a way of maintaining the sample size without threatening the validity of the results (George & Mallery, 2010). Descriptive statistics and reliability estimates for all the scales of the sample were calculated to check for errors, statistical assumptions, and violations, and to describe the data distribution. We utilized the guide that a distribution could be approximated to normal if the skewness value was less than or equal to plus or minus two [≤ ±2] (Garson, 2012).
The skewness and kurtosis values for all but the UCLA Loneliness Scale were less than plus or minus two (< ±2), indicating approximately normal distribution (George & Mallery, 2010). It should be noted that the mean, median, and mode for the loneliness measure were similar (47.46), suggesting a fairly normal distribution. Scores were, however, negatively skewed. The data revealed that 15.8% of students scored in the high range for loneliness levels (40–60) and 53.8% were in the very high range (≥ 61). Collinearity statistics were in the acceptable range and met the assumptions for multicollinearity. The means and standard deviation, as well as correlations for the main variables from the SSES, UCLA Loneliness Scale, and Anxiety Attachment and Avoidance Attachment subscales, are presented in Table 1. We used Pearson’s correlation to answer the first research question and regression analyses were used for the other research questions and hypothesis.
Table 1
Pearson Correlations of Study Variables With Means and Standard Deviation

Note. Avoid Attach = Avoidant Attachment, Anx Attach = Anxious Attachment, SSE = Social Self-Efficacy.
**p < .01.
Results
Correlational Analysis
Pearson correlations were computed to answer the first research question: What is the relationship between social self-efficacy, loneliness, and the types of insecure attachment? The results of the Pearson correlation showed a statistically significant positive correlation between loneliness and avoidant attachment (r = .47, p < .001) and loneliness and anxious attachment (r = .58, p < .001), indicating that participants who had higher levels of avoidant attachment and anxious attachment experienced higher levels of loneliness. The results of Pearson correlation analysis showed a statistically significant negative correlation between loneliness and social self-efficacy (r = −.44, p < .001). The findings indicated that participants who experienced higher levels of social self-efficacy experienced lower levels of loneliness. Additionally, the results of Pearson correlation analysis showed a statistically significant, albeit weak, negative correlation between social self-efficacy and anxious attachment (r = −.21, p < .001), as well as avoidant attachment (r = −.17, p < .001).
Both anxious attachment and avoidant attachment explained 34% and 22% of the variances in loneliness, respectively. Additionally, we found that anxious attachment accounted for 4% of the variance, and avoidant attachment explained 3% of the variance in social self-efficacy. When we analyzed the relationship between loneliness, social self-efficacy, avoidant attachment, and anxious attachment, we found that avoidant attachment was significantly negatively associated with loneliness, while all the other variables showed a significant positive (p < .001) association.
Multiple Regression Analysis
Multiple regression was used to answer the second research question: Do anxious attachment and avoidant attachment predict the levels of social self-efficacy? The results indicated that anxious attachment was a statistically significant predictor of social self-efficacy (F = 40.68, p < .001) with a β of .04 (p < .001), accounting for 5% of the variance in social self-efficacy (see Table 2). These results indicate that among students who participated in this study, higher levels of social self-efficacy were a result of lower levels of both anxious attachment and avoidant attachment styles. Overall, the model explains 5% of the variance of anxious attachment in social self-efficacy (r = .39).
Table 2
Multiple Regression Analysis Predictor of Social Self-Efficacy
Factor R R2* β t p F P
Anxious attachment .21 .05 .04 −6.38 < .001 40.68 < .001
*Adjusted R2 = .04
Finally, we examined the third research question and the corresponding hypothesis: How does social self-efficacy mediate the relationship between loneliness and anxious attachment and avoidant attachment styles? In support of our hypothesis that social self-efficacy would mediate the relationship between avoidant attachment and anxious attachment and loneliness, we conducted two regression analyses using Baron and Kenny’s model (1986) for each. In the first model (Figure 1a), in Step 1 the predictor avoidant attachment was regressed on the outcome loneliness. This path provided the coefficient for path c = 5.13 as identified in Figure 1a and was statistically significant {t (861) = 15.42, p = < .001}. In Step 2, the mediator social self-efficacy was regressed against the outcome and provided the path coefficient, denoted a = −.55, with t (862) = −.55, p = < .001. In Step 3, social self-efficacy was regressed on loneliness and the mediator. The significance of the mediation was determined using the Sobel test and was found to be statistically significant at z = −13.54, p = < .001.
Figure 1a
Mediation Path Model for Social Self-Efficacy on Avoidant Attachment on Loneliness

Note. Mediation model testing social self-efficacy as mediator for avoidant attachment and loneliness.
***p < .001
The second path model (Figure 1b) was conducted to ascertain the extent to which social self-efficacy mediated the relationship between anxious attachment and loneliness. Step 1 of the mediation provided the coefficient for path c = 4.25. This was statistically significant {t (861) = 20.945, p = .001}. The mediation path was also statistically significant, signaling partial mediation: c` = 3.73 {t (860) = 19.59, p < .001} with R2 = .442 and adjusted R2 = .441.
Figure 1b
Mediation Path Model for Social Self-Efficacy on Anxious Attachment on Loneliness

Note. Mediation model testing social self-efficacy as mediator for anxious attachment and loneliness.
**p < .001
Discussion
In the current study, we found statistically significant relationships among anxious attachment, avoidant attachment, social self-efficacy, and loneliness. Higher levels of anxious attachment and avoidant attachment were correlated to higher levels of loneliness, which is consistent with prior studies (Benoit & DiTommaso, 2020; Mikulincer & Shaver, 2014). Individuals with insecure attachment styles are predisposed to feeling lonely and may not be motivated to seek out others and engage in social activities. Conversely, those with secure attachment styles are more likely to engage with others because of their healthy view of themselves and their interpersonal ability to build and maintain relationships (Akdoğan, 2017; DiTommaso et al., 2015; Mikulincer & Shaver, 2019). Additionally, the results indicate that social self-efficacy was negatively associated with both anxious attachment and avoidant attachment, as well as loneliness. Students with higher levels of social self-efficacy did not score as having anxious or avoidant attachment styles. Although the weak correlations mean that the findings should be considered with caution, the negative relationship between insecure attachment styles and social self-efficacy reflects the expectations outlined by attachment theory. Specifically, individuals who demonstrate anxious and avoidant attachments will theoretically experience more social interaction challenges, as they may likely possess less social efficacy.
In college, many young adults struggle to adjust to their new social networks and make meaningful relationships. This can be especially challenging for students with an insecure attachment style and can result in them experiencing both emotional and social loneliness as described by DiTommaso et al. (2015) and Yanguas et al. (2018). The current study findings of a negative association between social self-efficacy and insecure attachment support the notion that students with insecure attachment styles may have deficits in their prosocial skills and their ability to initiate and maintain interactions with others, in part explaining their loneliness (Akdoğan, 2017). Negative social self-efficacy stems from internalized negative views about self-worth and competence, as well as a fear of rejection and distrust of others, which can contribute to feelings of loneliness (Akdoğan, 2017; DiTommaso et al., 2015).
In support of the mediation hypothesis, the relationship between avoidant attachment and loneliness was mediated by social self-efficacy, with high social self-efficacy explaining decreased loneliness in those with avoidant attachment. Interestingly, the relationship between anxious attachment and loneliness was only partially mediated by social self-efficacy. Through the lens of attachment theory, this partial mediation makes sense in that individuals with high anxious attachment tend to be fearful of rejection and abandonment. They tend to be overly self-focused and critical; therefore, they may be more likely to perceive themselves as lonely because these worries undermine the quality of their interpersonal relationships (Akdoğan, 2017; Mikulincer & Shaver, 2014). These individuals may hold a negative working model of self and may be more likely to perceive themselves as low in social self-efficacy, which could account for the partial mediation.
Conversely, individuals with an avoidant attachment style typically have low expectations of others and tend to push people away. However, the findings indicate that when individuals also have strong social self-efficacy, this seems to mediate the desire for detachment and help them in building relationships with others. Social self-efficacy strengthens one’s interpersonal competency and social skills, thereby enhancing coping strategies and self-regulation during relationship challenges. Thus, our findings support the existing literature that social self-efficacy mediates the relationship between anxious attachment and avoidant attachment on loneliness.
Although this study supports the established relationship of insecure attachment styles and high levels of loneliness, as well as the mediation effect of social self-efficacy on insecure attachment and loneliness, we recognize that existing research has examined the mediating effect after controlling for some psychological distress like depression (Wei et al., 2005). As a result, we reviewed the mediating effects of other constructs that are comparable to social self-efficacy. Our study provides support for mediating effects of feelings of inferiority on insecure attachment and loneliness (Akdoğan, 2017), as well as for mediating effects of social support (Benoit & DiTommaso, 2020). We posit that feelings of inferiority and lack of social support are very similar to lack of social self-efficacy and have significant clinical implications.
Implications for Counseling
Our findings suggest that attachment style greatly influences loneliness and the propensity for how one makes and maintains relationships (Akdoğan, 2017; Helm et al., 2020). For emerging adults who are at Erikson’s stage of intimacy versus isolation, loneliness can be understood as a developmental struggle that some students may need help resolving, particularly if they have avoidant or anxious attachment styles (Erikson, 1980). Counselors should therefore broach the subject of loneliness and assess for loneliness and low self-efficacy with clients as well as examine interpersonal difficulties on campus.
College counselors could utilize the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (5th ed.; American Psychiatric Association, 2013) Level 1 and Level 2 cross-cutting symptom measures for adults or the widely used Counseling Center Assessment of Psychological Symptoms (CCAPS; Locke et al., 2011), as well as readily available assessments for depression and anxiety, to collect data on students’ levels of psychological stress. Psychological stress, depression, and anxiety are identified as contributors to and symptoms of loneliness (Cacioppo et al., 2015; Fink, 2014; Moeller & Seehuus, 2019) and can further provide information on social self-efficacy. Additionally, during the normal intake session and risk assessments, counselors should assess for social support, thereby gathering qualitative data on students’ social networks and the quality of their interpersonal relationships.
Because social self-efficacy mediated the relationship between attachment and loneliness, it could prove helpful for counselors to help clients bolster their prosocial skills and interpersonal confidence. This could be done through individual and group counseling interventions based on clients’ assessed needs related to psychological stress and interpersonal difficulties. Furthermore, because counseling promotes a strength-based and wellness philosophy, counselors can work with all students to enhance prosocial skills and interpersonal confidence and resiliency. Bandura (2000) noted that high social self-efficacy requires greater cognitive resourcefulness and flexibility to not only manage the environment but as motivation to achieve a desired goal. For college students, bolstering social self-efficacy might help to build interpersonal confidence, enhance motivation, and give them social capital (Thomas et al., 2020). Our hope is that through these processes, students’ intra- and interpersonal development regarding increased social self-efficacy will translate to academic success, personal success, and a decrease in perceived loneliness.
Because of the interactive nature of group counseling, it may be useful as a therapeutic approach to reducing loneliness in college students. Group counseling may also reveal how those with loneliness approach developing relationships with others in the group. Group work is known to be highly effective and superior to individual therapy, as it provides opportunities for social learning, developing social supports, and improving social networks (Yalom & Leszcz, 2020). For example, personal growth groups (e.g., social support groups or interpersonal process groups) are focused on both the personal and social development of members and can be used as interventions to address insecure attachment and loneliness. Additionally, these groups help members to develop self-awareness and insight while also learning new skills to enhance their interpersonal attractiveness. In short, groups like these have the potential to address members’ interpersonal challenges and disrupt behaviors that impede the building and maintaining of healthy relationships while also enhancing group members’ social self-efficacy. Ultimately, the focus is on relationship building and helping members to feel more connected with each other (Reese, 2011).
Additional ways in which counselors could support students experiencing loneliness is through collaboration with residence life, other social clubs, and groups to help students find connections and learn how to foster and maintain healthy relationships. These approaches support the work of Moeller and Seehuus (2019), reiterating the need to build and enhance college students’ social skills (thereby enhancing social self-efficacy) and facilitating opportunities for greater engagement to reduce loneliness and increase retention (Thomas et al., 2020).
It is noteworthy, but not surprising, that higher anxious and avoidant attachments correlated to higher levels of loneliness in our study. Given this knowledge that students may have negative working models of self and/or others, counselors may need to expand the ways in which they develop rapport and provide supportive spaces for risk-taking where clients may be more willing to explore issues surrounding their insecure attachment. Exploring the impact of the insecure attachment on their sense of self and how it presents as a barrier to initiating and/or maintaining quality social connections could be helpful, in addition to teaching strategies and skills to increase their sense of safety and self-efficacy.
Having conversations about initiating and maintaining meaningful relationships can also allow the counselor to address the risk of rejection and vulnerability inherent in relationships and help the clients develop coping skills to deal with these experiences rather than internalizing negative results. The counseling relationship can serve as a model and as evidence to the students that they have the ability to connect with others. Wei et al. (2005) noted that counselors could help students with high avoidant attachment understand how their reluctance to self-disclose prevents them from developing deeper or emotionally fulfilling relationships. Counselors can help clients with high anxious attachment examine how self-doubts may contribute to their perceptions of loneliness and other mental health challenges and learn strategies to increase self-confidence.
Moreover, the counseling relationship can serve as a model to evaluate the impact of self-doubt and lack of self-disclosure on the relationship and help with insight and self-awareness. As counseling progresses and students begin to address the self-doubt or begin to self-disclose, they will also be able to see how these changes shift the dynamics of the relationship and can lead to a more satisfying relationship. Counselors can incorporate strategies from different modalities, including using cognitive behavioral therapy and narrative therapy to address maladaptive thinking, and can help students explore unique outcomes congruent with their goals. E. D. Bennett et al. (2017) recommended some creative strategies that could be employed (e.g., talk meter, the paper bag story, using music, or modeling interventions using social media models). It is hoped that as students increase their self-awareness and social self-efficacy, they will transfer and integrate these new behaviors in establishing and maintaining relationships outside of the counseling room, thereby strengthening their social networks and decreasing loneliness.
Limitations and Future Research
Though a robust study in terms of the number of participants, this study has several limitations that should be considered. Some of the data collection took place when the college pivoted to online learning and students had to stay home as a result of COVID-19. This time of forced social isolation could have impacted students’ responses. The cross-sectional design of this study is a limitation. Social self-efficacy and perception of loneliness were assessed at one point in time. Social self-efficacy and loneliness are complex constructs that can vary at different time points, so a longitudinal research design is an important next step. Furthermore, a longitudinal design would allow researchers to track changes over time and throughout students’ college experiences, noting changes as a student progresses developmentally.
The self-report nature of the measurements and response bias are limitations that weaken the construct validity of the study. Self-report measures, though used extensively in research, are subject to respondent biases and social desirability (Crowne & Marlowe, 1964), which can limit self-awareness, self-knowledge, and self-report. The poor internal consistency reliability estimates of the SSES in this study is another limitation that might indicate that the SSES failed to capture stability of test scores within our sample. Future researchers may consider using other measures of social self-efficacy.
Although the mediation model provides explanatory effect of social self-efficacy on attachment and loneliness, future studies should examine other related factors such as self-esteem, empathy, or personality traits like Myers-Briggs or the Big Five personality traits. Additionally, the attachment measure was retrospective in nature, and participants were instructed to consider their feelings about close relationships in general rather than on a specific relationship on the Experiences in Close Relationships—Relationship Structures Questionnaire. In retrospect, it might have been more beneficial to have them consider specific relationships at college.
Conclusion
This study further expanded the research on the impact of insecure attachment as a contributor to feelings of loneliness. Further, our study pointed to social self-efficacy as a possible mediator for this relationship. Although attachment styles may be difficult to change, enhancing mediators like social self-efficacy might help individuals with insecure attachment styles to reduce loneliness (Thomas et al., 2020). Helping individuals with insecure attachment styles learn new skills to enhance their interpersonal and intrapersonal skills might enhance their beliefs in others and possibly bolster their self-confidence and competence. In the college setting, enhancing insecure attachment styles may have long-term consequences on reducing feelings of loneliness and may contribute to a sense of belonging and increase retention rates and academic success.
Conflict of Interest and Funding Disclosure
The authors reported no conflict of interest
or funding contributions for the development
of this manuscript.
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Claudette Brown-Smythe, PhD, NCC, ACS, LMHC, CRC, is an assistant professor at SUNY Brockport. Shirin Sultana, PhD, MSS, MSSW, is an assistant professor at SUNY Brockport. Correspondence may be addressed to Claudette Brown-Smythe, 350 New Campus Drive, Brockport, NY 14420, cbrownsm@brockport.edu.
May 10, 2023 | Volume 13 - Issue 1
Joshua D. Smith, Neal D. Gray
Each year TPC presents an interview with an influential veteran in counseling as part of its Lifetime Achievement in Counseling series. This year I am honored to introduce Cherylene McClain Tucker, supervisor of a day treatment program and a lifelong learner and advocate. In this interview, she shares how her experiences in criminal justice, addictions counseling, and mental health counseling intersect to support the mental health and wellness of the whole person. I am grateful to Dr. Joshua Smith and Dr. Neal Gray for highlighting the ongoing contributions of leaders in the profession for the TPC readership. —Richelle Joe, Editor
Cherylene McClain Tucker, NCC, MAC, LPC, LCDC, is a Program Supervisor with the Tarrant County Community Supervision and Corrections Department (CSCD) in Fort Worth, Texas. She holds a Bachelor of Science in criminal justice from St. John’s University, and Master of Arts degrees in both professional counseling and marriage and family therapy from Amberton University.
Tucker is an active member of several organizations. She is a board member of the Texas Certification Board of Addiction Professionals, and she is a member of the Tarrant County College Mental Health Advisor Committee. Recently, she has been selected to be a mentor with the NBCC Foundation and the Association for Addiction Professionals (NAADAC) Minority Fellowship Program for Addiction Counselors, where she will be mentoring future addiction counselors.
Tucker has also received several awards: the 2016 Counselor of the Year Award from the local chapter of the Texas Association of Addiction Professionals; the 2016 Elves Smith Counselor of the Year Award from the State Board of the Texas Association of Addiction Professionals; and the 2017 Lora Roe Memorial Addiction Counselor of the Year Award from NAADAC.
Prior to her current position, Tucker has worked with the addicted population as a case manager, as an addiction counselor in a hospital setting, and in the criminal justice system as a parole officer.
In Tucker’s current position, she is the program supervisor over the day treatment program in an intensive treatment program within adult probation. She currently oversees eight different modalities of treatment that address substance use disorders, mental health issues, and cognitive distortions. Tucker also collaborates with stakeholders in the community to assist probationers with gaining autonomy and becoming pro-social members of their community.
- What led you to pursue a degree in counseling compared to other helping professions?
What initially led me to the helping professions was my academic interest in criminal justice. While pursuing my undergraduate degree at St. John’s University, I completed an internship with Nassau County Probation Department. Here I observed the DWI Unit. It was suggested that if I wanted to pursue a career in probation, I needed some work history in social service. It was suggested the best place to do this was working in foster care. I took the suggestion; I obtained a job at Catholic Home Bureau. This is where my passion was awakened.
I began working with adults caught in the grips of addiction in 1987 as a caseworker in New York City for the Catholic Home Bureau Agency. This was the peak of the crack epidemic. This was also the era when HIV was still an unknown disease. Early on I saw how addiction impacted the lives of people and how their families were being destroyed. Working as a caseworker, I felt I was not doing enough to help and desired to help this population more. I returned to school to acquire my substance abuse training at Molloy College in 1991 as a Credentialed Alcoholism Counselor (CAC). In 1993, I began working in the therapeutic field of addiction as an addiction counselor at Kings County Hospital, in Brooklyn, New York. Here I was able to help those caught in the grips of addiction from various areas of life, not just foster care.
Many of my clients had lengthy histories of abuse, neglect, mental health issues, or involvement in the criminal justice or foster care setting. This encouraged me to want to learn more and pursue my graduate studies. In 2009, I returned to school and obtained my master’s degree in professional counseling, and I returned again in 2016 and obtained my master’s degree in marriage and family therapy. I became a Licensed Professional Counselor in 2018.
- Recently, you were awarded the Lora Roe Memorial Addiction Counselor of the Year Award from NAADAC, the Association for Addiction Professionals. What has been your experience working in both mental health and addiction settings? What challenges or barriers have you encountered as a counselor in this area?
As I mentioned before, working with addiction intrigued me. There were so many different facets of addiction. As I began to understand addiction and alcohol and substance use disorders in the DSM, I noticed clients coming into treatment for their addiction had endured long histories of untreated mental health issues. A lot of the referrals from social service agencies were of people who had endured untreated trauma histories. Those mandated to treatment by the criminal justice system many times had untreated and undiagnosed mental health issues.
One of the barriers I encountered early on was not being a dual-licensed counselor and not being able to address those co-occurring disorders because I was only an addiction counselor, licensed to only treat substance use disorders. I knew in order to be effective, I needed to treat the whole person and not just the addiction portion. This gave me the drive to pursue a higher-level education and licensure in order to treat the whole person. A challenge I recognized was that once a person left to pursue a higher level of education, they would pursue a higher level of pay, which many times is not being offered in a substance use disorder treatment setting. I worked many years in a treatment setting, and because I did not have a master’s-level degree or license, my salary did not match my years of experience. This did not deter me from the field. My passion for helping people causes me to stay in this field. Counseling has given me the ability to help people find their hope and develop coping skills to manage their emotions. However, I know that many of my peers have left the field due to the low level of pay.
- In your view, what can be done, or needs to change, to address or overcome these challenges and barriers? Specifically, there has been a push in more recent years for addiction counseling to require graduate-level training. How does this help or hinder the profession and the clients we serve?
I want to start by saying, I am grateful for my formative years I had at Kings County Hospital. Working as an addiction counselor in the trenches gave me my foundation in addiction counseling. This is where I knew I was called to do this career. What I think needs to happen is that there needs to be more incentives for counselors who are working in addiction, especially those who transition from working as a non–master’s-level counselor to a master’s-level counselor. There is a significant difference in pay when working as a non–master’s-level counselor, as opposed to being a master’s-level counselor working in mental health. While in graduate school, there were not as many conversations about working in addiction as there were about working in mental health once you became a fully licensed counselor. I understand that when you complete graduate school, many students have debt and they are eager to become recognizable therapists. Working in the trenches with people is very hard. However, if there was more emphasis on the rewards of working in addiction as opposed to the war stories, there may be more of an interest for clinicians coming into the field. The rewards of working in addiction are helping the families, not just the identified client, and creating safety in communities. When people get sober, they commit fewer crimes and this reduces recidivism. It creates a better economy. When we diminish drug use in communities, those sober individuals return to the work force. I think it would be great if there was more of an emphasis on addiction counseling in graduate-level training. A higher level of course work brings value. I believe this would allow the retention level of staff to be more consistent. Being a master’s-level counselor also allows insurance companies and consumers to invest in treatment that has higher skilled professionals, and this increases that monetary value of the job—another component that supports staff retention.
- You also have a strong background in the field of criminal justice and corrections. In your opinion, how do drug reformation and policy changes to criminalization impact the criminal justice system and addiction counseling? Have you seen any advancements in care and rehabilitation as a result of these changes?
Drug reformation and policy changes for the use of marijuana and the continuing rise of opioids impact the criminal justice system greatly. Drug addiction impacts a myriad of things. It impacts the individual, their family, the community, the judicial system, and health care, just to name a few. The local criminal justice system is designed to protect and serve the community. In the past, professionals in law enforcement and the criminal justice system lacked education and knowledge about addiction and mental health, which has caused many problems, especially in minority communities. I do believe today that many law enforcement agencies and criminal justice agencies are improving. They are hiring more professionals with knowledge of addiction and mental health and establishing collaborative relationships. SAMHSA offers a training for the criminal justice community, “How Being Trauma-Informed Improves Criminal Justice System Responses.” Several community supervision and corrections departments are now training their staff to be trauma informed. On a local judiciary level, because drug reformation has become an issue, many marijuana laws are being reviewed and how these will be managed legally. This continues to be an ongoing concern.
- As counseling professionals, we have a duty to promote social justice and advocate on behalf of our clients and profession. What has been your experience in this area and what shifts have you noticed within the profession and socially to illustrate this commitment?
As a Licensed Professional Counselor working in the criminal justice system for the past 17 years, I have had the opportunity on a regular basis to advocate for clients. In addition to my various duties as a program supervisor over the intensive treatment program at Tarrant County CSCD, I collaborate with two specific courts: FAIP (Felony Alcohol Intervention Project) Court and DWI Misdemeanor Court. In both courts, I am the therapist that offers input during court discussions with the judiciary, attorneys, and officers regarding substance use disorders and mental health as it pertains to clients/probationers. There are other courts within Tarrant County CSCD that collaborate with the judiciary, attorneys, officers, and counselors. What is most rewarding is that the judiciary welcomes the voice of the clinicians in the courtroom, and they value our feedback.
For example, there have been several clients who were experiencing a lot of anxiety. As a result, they were using illicit substances to manage their anxiety. During different court conferences, the judge asked me for my thoughts and feedback. We agreed that I would meet with these clients while they were in treatment in our Intensive Outpatient Program. Upon meeting with these clients, it was evident that they needed to meet with their medical doctor or psychiatrist. The clients were agreeable to this. Once the client was seen by their primary doctor or psychiatrist, we were able to explore the origin of the anxiety and those things that triggered the anxiety. I was able to share with the judge the progress of the clients. The judge was very patient with these clients and allowed these clients to work through some of these issues. Clients were allowed to heal and improve their cognition, causing them to stop using illicit substances and be successful on their probation.
- What has been your experience when interacting with national and local organizations, such as ACA, NAADAC, NBCC, etc.? Do you feel supported by professional organizations or leaders, and has this changed throughout your career?
I am honored to say that I am a member of TCA (Texas Counselors Association), NAADAC (Addiction Professionals) and its local branch (TAAP-Texas Association of Addiction Professionals), and hold certifications from NBCC (National Board for Certified Counselors). Each of these organizations are diligently working on behalf of the counseling profession and for the counselors. The organizations keep us abreast of legislative changes and create policies and implement trainings that support counselors. I feel these organizations are key elements that help to better our profession.
- Throughout your years of practice, what has been your experience when collaborating with other mental health, addiction, and medical professionals? How would you describe coordination of care and treatment options currently as we continue to navigate COVID-19 pandemic–related concerns?
I believe over the years, mental health, addiction, and medical professionals have become more collaborative. Here in North Texas, there are several collaborations that are working together to serve the client. Recently, I was selected to be a stakeholder and to be on the Community Advisor Board with a research project with Texas Christian University (TCU) that is working with our local city hospital, the mental health community, and the criminal justice community to address issues with those who have been infected with HIV and have an opioid use disorder within the criminal justice system. Here the researchers are looking at creating seamless lines for this population of people to receive services. TCU has created a community medical mobile unit to offer services to people in lower socioeconomic communities that are involved in the criminal justice system and those who are receiving mental health services. As a representative in the criminal justice community that offers therapeutic services, they can offer services to our clients. There are other collaborative services that are being offered in the community—connecting the local city hospitals and the mental health community and bridging these gaps in services. The increase of teletherapy has allowed services to go on uninterrupted during the height of the COVID-19 pandemic.
- For future mental health and/or addiction counselors, what advice would you have regarding their involvement in advancement and future development of the profession?
My advice for future clinicians—once you identify your passion, continue to be a forever learner. Our field is ever evolving. Working in addictions, new drugs are always on the rise. We must stay on top of things as changes are coming about. When I started in this profession in 1987 as a caseworker, the DSM-III was the clinical reference. By the time I became an addiction counselor in 1993, the DSM-III-TR was the clinical reference. Here we are in 2023, and the new clinical reference is the DSM-5-TR. Participating with local or national associations allows us to be a part of transitions within and around our profession. Create a voice in our profession that helps to support future clinicians.
This concludes the eighth interview for the annual Lifetime Achievement in Counseling Series. TPC is grateful to Joshua D. Smith, PhD, NCC, LCMHC, and Neal D. Gray, PhD, LCMHC-S, for providing this interview. Joshua D. Smith is an assistant professor at the University of Mount Olive. Neal D. Gray is a professor at Lenoir-Rhyne University. Correspondence can be emailed to Joshua Smith at jsmith@umo.edu.
Dec 22, 2022 | Book Reviews
edited by Derrick A. Paladino, Laura M. Gonzalez, and Joshua C. Watson
College students today face unique complexity in their world, distinct from the experience of any prior generation—such is the premise of College Counseling and Student Development: Theory, Practice, and Campus Collaboration as it undertakes both to resource and orient today’s college professionals. The text leverages the collective expertise of a diverse group of authors to supply a range and depth of information pertinent to the topic.
Several core chapters set the tone by describing the three waves of student development theory. The contributors provide relevant research and critique, helping developing professionals to consider the multiple possible frameworks from which to conceptualize students. The book appears well-suited to an audience of student counselors who can relate its material to personal experience and their observations of peers’ learning processes in the class environment. The text offers a holistic presentation of college counseling—development of the field, theory, neurobiology, ethics, key diagnostic presentations, and treatment models—reinforcing master’s-level readers’ learning from other courses.
College Counseling and Student Development also ushers developing professionals into the myriad expressions of the college counselor role. Chapters detail university to community college distinctions for each topic; track variance in triage and referral procedures; and spotlight a range of campus initiatives, such as suicide prevention outreach and other population-specific needs. Frequent case examples and application questions enable readers to visualize the differentiation of potential professional roles, for instance, academic advisor vs. career counselor. However, the text also engages the audience of administrators of college counseling centers (CCCs) through targeted resources for effective design of center structure and an organized approach to topics such as crisis policy.
As part of the book’s conceptualization of students, it briefly references a family systems view. A few chapters identify families as key contextual influences on students during their transition into college and young adulthood and consider possible engagement of the parental relationship within student affairs. Even so, the majority of the work frames students individualistically rather than systemically through the highlighted theories and models of treatment. This approach may overlook fully engaging readers of the family systems viewpoint.
However, College Counseling and Student Development appears comprehensive in its content as a whole. A strength of the text across topic areas is its diversity-focused lens, such as examining the distinct experiences of multiheritage students on campus. Similarly, in their presentation of research, the authors prioritize a social justice perspective. They acknowledge areas of possible bias within historic theories, describing how current models seek to supply the gap, including theories specific to college women’s development as learners.
The editors help readers navigate the extensive information innate to the topic through the text’s visual organization, multi-chapter student case studies, and explicit chapter goals. Early chapters on interlocking departments, roles, and resources within the college system establish clear definitions for various terms, though readers may still occasionally find themselves needing to refer back to these initial descriptions for clarity. Although the text format presents as lacking pictures, other than occasional charts, chapters engage readers through self-reflection exercises, transforming a rote perusal of the book into one that integrates reader experience.
College Counseling and Student Development lends itself well to an initial reading, and then as ongoing reference material for new professionals who may review theory frameworks and treatment models as they engage in the hands-on application of their work. The wealth of practical resources includes templates for development of outreach programs, such as student education on eating disorders, hotline numbers for mental health crisis support, and links to articles and webinars for further professional development. Additionally, the book shares free as well as membership-based resources for a variety of CCC demographics and administrative team needs—from behavioral intervention team training and risk evaluation tools to mental health assessments and models of treatment.
The details the authors provide develop readers’ appreciation for the unique niche of, and resources available to, CCCs. This information may encourage professionals to consider what off-campus, outpatient centers can glean from the advances in this micro-community model. Moreover, the text invites counselors on and off campus to conceptualize the students sitting across from them within the college microcosm, considering their challenges, resources, and cultural experiences, distinct from the average community member.
The book underscores the increasing complexity and frequency of mental health issues for the college population. It subsequently challenges the disparity of priority for college counseling in mental health education programs, which lack adequate orientation of counselors for service to this population. The book’s perspective sets a precedent for counselors, administrators, and educators alike to evaluate their respective roles in responding to this discrepancy. As a whole, College Counseling and Student Development: Theory, Practice, and Campus Collaboration represents a comprehensive text, rich with information and resources, orienting and beckoning developing counselors and administrators to the college counseling milieu.
Paladino, D. A., Gonzalez, L. M., & Watson, J. C. (2020). College counseling and student development: Theory, practice, and campus collaboration. American Counseling Association.
Reviewed by: Ellie S. Karle, NCC
Nov 9, 2022 | Volume 12 - Issue 3
Melissa J. Fickling, Matthew Graden, Jodi L. Tangen
The purpose of this phenomenological study was to explore how feminist-identified counselor educators understand and experience power in counselor education. Thirteen feminist women were interviewed. We utilized a loosely structured interview protocol to elicit participant experiences with the phenomenon of power in the context of counselor education. From these data, we identified an essential theme of analysis of power. Within this theme, we identified five categories: (a) definitions and descriptions of power, (b) higher education context and culture, (c) uses and misuses of power, (d) personal development around power, and (e) considerations of potential backlash. These categories and their subcategories are illustrated through narrative synthesis and participant quotations. Findings point to a pressing need for more rigorous self-reflection among counselor educators and counseling leadership, as well as greater accountability for using power ethically.
Keywords: counselor education, power, phenomenological, feminist, women
The American Counseling Association (ACA; 2014) defined counseling, in part, as “a professional relationship that empowers” (p. 20). Empowerment is a process that begins with awareness of power dynamics (McWhirter, 1994). Power is widely recognized in counseling’s professional standards, competencies, and best practices (ACA, 2014; Association for Counselor Education and Supervision [ACES], 2011; Council for the Accreditation of Counseling and Related Educational Programs [CACREP], 2015) as something about which counselors, supervisors, counselor educators, and researchers should be aware (Bernard & Goodyear, 2014). However, little is known about how power is perceived by counselor educators who, by necessity, operate in many different professional roles with their students
(e.g., teacher, supervisor, mentor).
In public discourse, power may carry different meaning when associated with men or women. According to a Pew Research Center poll (K. Walker et al., 2018) of 4,573 Americans, people are much more likely to use the word “powerful” in a positive way to describe men (67% positive) than women (8% positive). It is possible that these associations are also present among counselors-in-training, professional counselors, and counselor educators.
Dickens and colleagues (2016) found that doctoral students in counselor education are aware of power dynamics and the role of power in their relationships with faculty. Marginalized counselor educators, too, experienced a lack of power in certain academic contexts and noted the salience of their intersecting identities as relevant to the experience of power (Thacker et al., 2021). Thus, faculty members in counselor education may have a large role to play in socializing new professional counselors in awareness of power and positive uses of power, and thus could benefit from openly exploring uses of power in their academic lives.
Feminist Theory and Power in Counseling and Counselor Education
The concept of power is explored most consistently in feminist literature (Brown, 1994; Miller, 2008). Although power is understood differently in different feminist spaces and disciplinary contexts (Lloyd, 2013), it is prominent, particularly in intersectional feminist work (Davis, 2008). In addition to examining and challenging hegemonic power structures, feminist theory also centers egalitarianism in relationships, attends to privilege and oppression along multiple axes of identity and culture, and promotes engagement in activism for social justice (Evans et al., 2005).
Most research about power in the helping professions to date has been focused on its use in clinical supervision. Green and Dekkers (2010) found discrepancies between supervisors’ and supervisees’ perceptions of power and the degree to which supervisors attend to power in supervision. Similarly, Mangione and colleagues (2011) found another discrepancy in that power was discussed by all the supervisees they interviewed, but it was mentioned by only half of the supervisors. They noted that supervisors tended to minimize the significance of power or express discomfort with the existence of power in supervision.
Whereas most researchers of power and supervision have acknowledged the supervisor’s power, Murphy and Wright (2005) found that both supervisors and supervisees have power in supervision and that when it is used appropriately and positively, power contributed to clinical growth and enhanced the supervisory relationship. Later, in an examination of self-identified feminist multicultural supervisors, Arczynski and Morrow (2017) found that anticipating and managing power was the core organizing category of their participants’ practice. All other emergent categories in their study were different strategies by which supervisors anticipated and managed power, revealing the centrality of power in feminist supervision practice. Given the utility of these findings, it seems important to extend this line of research from clinical supervision to counselor education more broadly because counselor educators can serve as models to students regarding clinical and professional behavior. Thus, understanding the nuances of power could have implications for both pedagogy and clinical practice.
Purpose of the Present Study
Given the gendered nature of perceptions of power (Rudman & Glick, 2021; K. Walker et al., 2018), and the centrality of power in feminist scholarship (Brown, 1994; Lloyd, 2013; Miller, 2008), we decided to utilize a feminist framework in the design and execution of the present study. Because power appears to be a construct that is widely acknowledged in the helping professions but rarely discussed, we hope to shed light on the meaning and experience of power for counselor educators who identify as feminist. We utilized feminist self-identification as an eligibility criterion with the intention of producing a somewhat homogenous sample of counselor educators who were likely to have thought critically about the construct of power because it figures prominently in feminist theories and models of counseling and pedagogy (Brown, 1994; Lloyd, 2013; Miller, 2008).
Method
We used a descriptive phenomenological methodology to help generate an understanding of feminist faculty members’ lived experiences of power in the context of counselor education (Moustakas, 1994; Padilla-Díaz, 2015). Phenomenological analysis examines the individual experiences of participants and derives from them, via phenomenological reduction, the most meaningful shared elements to paint a portrait of the phenomenon for a group of people (Moustakas, 1994; Starks & Trinidad, 2007). Thus, we share our findings by telling a cohesive narrative derived from the data via themes and subthemes identified by the researchers.
Sample
After receiving IRB approval, we recruited counselor educators via the CESNET listserv who were full-time faculty members (e.g., visiting, clinical, instructor, tenure-track, tenured) in a graduate-level counseling program. We asked for participants of any gender who self-reported that they integrated a feminist framework into their roles as counselor educators. Thirteen full-time counselor educators who self-identified as feminist agreed to be interviewed on the topic of power. All participants were women. Two feminist-identified men expressed initial interest in participating but did not respond to multiple requests to schedule an interview. The researchers did not systematically collect demographic data, relying instead on voluntary participant self-disclosure of relevant demographics during the interviews. All participants were tenured or tenure-track faculty members. Most were at the assistant professor rank (n = 9), a few were associate professors (n = 3), and one was a full professor who also held various administrative roles during her academic career (e.g., department chair, dean). During the interviews, several participants expressed concern over the high potential for their identification by readers due to their unique identities, locations, and experiences. Thus, participants will be described only in aggregate and only with the demographic identifiers volunteered by them during the interviews. The participants who disclosed their race all shared they were White. Nearly all participants disclosed holding at least one marginalized identity along the axes of age, disability, religion, sexual orientation, or geography.
Procedure
Once participants gave informed consent, phone interviews were scheduled. After consent to record was obtained, interviewers began the interviews, which lasted between 45–75 minutes. We utilized an unstructured interview format to avoid biasing the data collection to specific domains of counselor education while also aiming to generate the most personal and nuanced understandings of power directly from the participants’ lived experiences (Englander, 2012). As experienced interviewers, we were confident in our ability to actively and meaningfully engage in discourse with participants via the following prompt: “We are interested in understanding power in counselor education. Specifically, please speak to your personal and/or professional development regarding how you think about and use power, and how you see power being used in counselor education.” After the interviews, we all shared the task of transcribing the recordings verbatim, each transcribing several interviews. All potentially identifying information (e.g., names, institutional affiliations) was excluded from the interview transcripts.
Data Analysis
Data analysis began via horizontalization of two interview transcripts by each author (Moustakas, 1994; Starks & Trinidad, 2007). Next, we began clustering meaning units into potential categories (Moustakas, 1994). This initially revealed 21 potential categories, which we discussed in the first research team meeting. We kept research notes of our meetings, in which we summarized our ongoing data analysis processes (e.g., observations, wonderings, emerging themes). These notes helped us to revisit earlier thinking around thematic clustering and how categories interrelated. The notes did not themselves become raw data from which findings emerged. Through weekly discussions over the course of one year, the primary coders (Melissa Fickling and Matthew Graden) were able to refine the categories through dialoguing until consensus was reached, evidenced by verbal expression of mutual agreement. That is, the primary coders shared power in data analysis and sometimes tabled discussions when consensus was not reached so that each could reflect and rejoin the conversation later. As concepts were refined, early transcripts needed to be re-coded. Our attention was not on the quantification of participants or categories, but on understanding the essence of the experience of power (Englander, 2012; Moustakas, 1994). The themes and subthemes in the findings section below were a fit for all transcripts by the end of data analysis.
Researchers and Trustworthiness
Fickling and Jodi Tangen are White, cis-hetero women, and at the time of data analysis were pre-tenured counselor educators in their thirties who claimed a feminist approach in their work. Graden was a master’s student and research assistant with scholarly interests in student experiences related to gender in counseling and education. We each possess privileged and marginalized identities, which facilitate certain perspectives and blind spots when it comes to recognizing power. Thus, regular meetings before, during, and after data collection and analysis were crucial to the epoche and phenomenological reduction processes (Moustakas, 1994) in which we shared our assumptions and potential biases. Fickling and Graden met weekly throughout data collection, transcription, and analysis. After the initial research design and data collection, Tangen served primarily as auditor to the coding process by comparing raw data to emergent themes at multiple time points, reviewing the research notes written by Fickling and Graden and contributing to consensus-building dialogues when needed.
Besides remaining cognizant of the strengths and limitations of our individual positionalities with the topic and data, we shared questions and concerns with each other as they arose during data analysis. Relevant to the topic of this study, Fickling served as an administrative supervisor to Graden. This required acknowledgement of power dynamics inherent in that relationship. Graden had been a doctoral student in another discipline prior to this study and thus had firsthand context for much of what was learned about power and its presence in academia. Fickling and Graden’s relationship had not extended into the classroom or clinical supervision, providing a sort of boundary around potential complexities related to any dual relationships. To add additional trustworthiness to the findings below, we utilized thick descriptions to describe the phenomenon of interest while staying close to the data via quotations from participants. Finally, we discuss the impact and importance of the findings by highlighting implications for counselor educators.
Findings
Through the analysis process, we concluded that the essence (Moustakas, 1994)—or core theme—of the experience of power for the participants in this study is engagement in a near constant analysis of power—that of their colleagues, peers, students, as well as of their own power. Participants analyzed interactions of power within and between various contexts and roles. They shared many examples of uses of power—both observed and personally enacted—which influenced their development, as well as their teaching and supervision styles. Through the interviews, participants shared the following:
(a) definitions and descriptions of power, (b) higher education context and culture, (c) uses and misuses of power, (d) personal development around power, and (e) considerations of potential backlash. These five categories comprised the overarching theme of analysis of power and are described below with corresponding subcategories where applicable, identified in italics.
Definitions and Descriptions of Power
Participants spent much of their time defining and describing just what they meant when they discussed power. For the feminist counselor educators in this study, power is about helping. One participant, when describing power, captured this sentiment well when she said, “I think of the ability to affect change and the ability to have a meaningful impact.” Several participants shared this same idea by talking about power as the ability to have influence. Participants expressed a desire to use power to do good for others rather than to advance their personal aspirations or improve their positions. Use of power for self-promotion was referenced to a far lesser extent than using power to promote justice and equity, and any self-promotional use was generally in response to perceived personal injustice or exploitation. At times, participants described power by what it is not. One participant said, “I don’t see power as a negative. I think it can be used negatively.” Several others shared this sentiment and described power as a responsibility.
In describing power, participants identified feelings of empowerment/disempowerment (Table 1). Disempowerment was described with feeling words that captured a sense of separation and helplessness. Empowerment, on the other hand, was described as feeling energetic and connected. Not only was the language markedly different, but the shifts in vocal expression were also notable (nonverbals were not visible) when participants discussed empowerment versus disempowerment. Disempowerment sounded like defeat (e.g., breathy, monotone, low energy) whereas empowerment sounded like liveliness (e.g., resonant, full intonation, energetic).
Table 1
Empowered and Disempowered Descriptors
| Descriptors |
| Empowered |
Disempowered |
| Authentic
Free
Good
Heard
Congruent
Genuine
Selfless
Hopeful
Confident
Serene
Connected
Grounded
Energized |
Isolated
Disenfranchised
Anxious
Separated Identity
Not Accepted
Disheartened
Helpless
Small
Weak
Invisible
Wasting Energy
Tired
Powered Down |
Participants identified various types of power, including personal, positional, and institutional power. Personal power was seen as the source of the aspirational kinds of power these participants desired for themselves and others. It can exist regardless of positional or institutional power. Positional power provides the ability to influence decisions, and it is earned over time. The last type of power, institutional, is explored more through the next theme labeled higher education context and culture.
Higher Education Context and Culture
Because the focus of the study was power within counselor educators’ roles, it was impossible for participants not to discuss the context of their work environments. Thus, higher education context and culture became a salient subtheme in our findings. Higher education culture was described as “the way things are done in institutions of higher learning.” Participants referred to written/spoken and unwritten/silent rules, traditions, expectations, norms, and practices of the academic context as barriers to empowerment, though not insurmountable ones. Power was seen as intimately intertwined with difficult departmental relationships as well as the roles of rank and seniority for nearly all participants. Most also acknowledged the influence of broader sociocultural norms (i.e., local, state, national) on higher education in general, noting that institutions themselves are impacted by power dynamics.
One participant who said that untenured professors have much more power than they realize also said that “power in academia comes with rank.” This contradiction highlights the tension inherent in power, at least among those who wish to use it for the “greater good” (as stated by multiple participants) rather than for personal gain, as these participants expressed.
More than one participant described power as a form of currency in higher education. This shared experience of power as currency, either through having it or not having it, demonstrated that to gain power to do good, as described above, one must be willing or able to be seen as acceptable within the system that assigns power. Boldness was seen by participants as something that can happen once power is gained. Among non-tenured participants, this quote captures the common sentiment: “Now, once I get tenure, that can be a different conversation. I think I would feel more emboldened, more safe, if you will, to confront a colleague in that way.” The discussion of context and boldness led to the emergence of a third theme, which we titled uses and misuses of power.
Uses and Misuses of Power
Participants provided many examples of their perceptions of uses and misuses of power and linked these behaviors to their sense of ethics. Because many of the examples of uses of power were personal, unique, and potentially identifiable, participants asked that they not be shared individually in this manuscript. Ethical uses of power were described as specific ways in which participants remembered power being used for good such as intervention in unfair policies on behalf of students. Ethical uses of power shared the characteristics of being collaborative and aligned with the descriptors of “feeling empowered” (Table 1).
In contrast, misuses of power were described in terms of being unethical. These behaviors existed on a spectrum that ranged from a simple lack of awareness to a full-blown abuse of power on the most harmful end of the continuum. Lack of awareness of power, for these participants, was observed quite frequently among their counselor education colleagues and they noted that people can negatively affect others without realizing it. In some cases, they reported seeing colleagues lack cultural awareness, competence, or an awareness of privilege. Although many colleagues cognitively know about privilege and speak about it, the lack of awareness referred to here is in terms of the behavioral use of privilege to the detriment of those with less privilege. One example would be to call oneself an LGBTQ+ ally without actively demonstrating ally behavior like confronting homophobic or cis-sexist language in class. Moving along the spectrum, misuses of power were described as unfairly advantaging oneself, possibly at the expense or disadvantage of another. Misuses of power may or may not be directly or immediately harmful but still function to concentrate power rather than share it. An example shared was when faculty members insist that students behave in ways that are culturally inconsistent for that student. At the other end of the spectrum, abuses of power are those behaviors that directly cause harm. Even though abuses of power can be unintentional, participants emphasized that intentions matter less than effects. One participant described abuses of power she had observed as “people using power to make others feel small.” For example, a professor or instructor minimizing students’ knowledge or experiences serves to silence students and leads to a decreased likelihood the student shares, causing classmates to lose out on that connection and knowledge.
One participant shared a culture of ongoing misuses of power by a colleague: “And then they’re [students] all coming to me crying, you know, surreptitiously coming to me in my office, like, ‘Can I talk to you?’ I’m like, ‘Yeah, shut the door. What’d he do now?’ I’m happy to be a safe person for them, it’s an honor, but this is ridiculous.” The irony of feeling powerless to stop another’s misuses of power was not lost on the participants. One participant expressed that she wished to see more colleagues ask questions about their use of power:
We have to ask the question, “What is the impact? What is happening, what are the patterns?” We have to ask questions about access and participation and equity. . . .
And from my perspective, we have to assume that things are jacked up because we know that any system is a microcosm of the outer world, and the outer world is jacked up. So, we have to ask these questions and understand if there’s an adverse impact. And a lot of time there is on marginalized or minoritized populations. So, what are we going to do about it? It’s all well and good to see it, but what are we doing about it, you know? . . . How are you using your power for good?
Personal Development Around Power
Participants reflected deeply on their own development of their thinking about and use of power. All participants spoke early in the interviews about their training as counselors and counselor educators. Their early training was often where they first fully realized their feminist orientation and recognized a need for greater feminist multicultural dialogue and action in counseling. Participants were all cognizant of their inherent personal power but still not immune to real and perceived attempts to limit their expression of it. In general, participants felt that over time they became more able and willing to use their power in ethical ways. One participant shared the following about her change in understanding power over time:
I’ve never really been a power-focused person, and so I just don’t know that I saw it around me much before that. Which now I realize is a total construct of my privilege—that I’ve never had to see it. Then I started realizing that “Oh, there’s power all around me.” And people obsessed with power all around me. And then once I saw it, I kind of couldn’t un-see it. I think for a long time I went through a process of disillusionment, and I think I still lapse back into that sometimes where I’ll realize like, a lot of the people in positions of power around me are power-hungry or power-obsessed, and they’re using power in all the wrong ways. And maybe they don’t even have an awareness of it. You know, I don’t think everybody who’s obsessed with power knows that about themselves. It almost seems like a compulsion more than anything. And I think that’s super dangerous.
Nearly all participants reflected on their experiences of powerlessness as students and how they now attempt to empower students as a result of their experiences. Working to build a sense of safety in the classroom was a major behavior that they endorsed, often because of their own feelings of a lack of safety in learning contexts at both master’s and doctoral levels. Vulnerability and risk-taking on the part of the counselor educator were seen as evidence that efforts to create safety in the classroom were successful. Speaking about this, one participant said:
I think it’s actually very unethical and irresponsible as a counselor educator to throw students in a situation where you expect them to take all these risks and not have worked to create community and environments that are conducive to that.
Participant feelings toward power varied considerably. One said, “I think overall I feel fairly powerful. But I don’t want a lot of power. I don’t like it.” One participant shared, “I am not shy, I am not afraid to speak and so sometimes maybe I do take up too much space, and there are probably times for whatever reason I don’t take up as much space as I should,” showing both humility and a comfort with her own power. These quotes show the care with which the participants came to think about their own power as they gained it through education, position, and rank. No participants claimed to feel total ease in their relationship with their own power, though most acknowledged that with time, they had become more comfortable with acknowledging and using their power when necessary.
One participant said of her ideal expression of power: “Part of feeling powerful is being able to do what I do reasonably well, not perfect, just reasonably well. But also helping to foster the empowerment of other people is just excellent. That’s where it’s at.” This developmental place with her own power aligns with the aspirational definitions and descriptions of power shared above.
Along with their personal development around power, participants shared how their awareness of privileged and marginalized statuses raised their understanding of power. Gender and age were cited by nearly all participants as being relevant to their personal experiences with power. Namely, participants identified the intersection of their gender and young age as being used as grounds for having their contributions or critiques dismissed by their male colleagues. Older age seemed to afford some participants the confidence and power needed to speak up. One participant said:
We are talking about a profession that is three-quarters women, and we are not socialized to grab power, to take power. And so, I think all of that sometimes is something we need to be mindful of and kind of keep stretching ourselves to address.
Yet when younger participants recalled finding the courage to address power imbalances with their colleagues, the outcome was almost always denial and continued disempowerment. To this point, one participant asked, “How do we get power to matter to people who are already in the positions where they hold power and aren’t interested in doing any self-examination or critical thinking about the subject?”
Finally, power was described as permeating every part of being an educator. To practice her use of power responsibly, one participant said, “I mean every decision I make has to, at some point, consider what my power is with them [the students].” Related to the educator role, in general, participants shared their personal development with gatekeeping, such as:
I think one of the areas that I often feel in my power is around gatekeeping. And I think that is also an area where power can be grossly abused. But I think it’s just such an important part of what we do. And I think one of the ways that I feel in my power around gatekeeping is because it’s something I don’t do alone. I make a point to consult a lot because I don’t want to misuse power, and I think gatekeeping—and, really, like any use of power I think—is stronger when it’s done with others.
Again, this quote reflects the definition of power that emerged in this study as ideally being “done with others.” Gatekeeping is where participants seemed to be most aware of power and to initially have had the most anxiety around power, but also the area in which they held the most conviction about the intentional use of power. The potential cost of not responsibly using their power in gatekeeping was to future clients, so participants pushed through their discomfort to ensure competent and ethical client care. However, in many cases, participants had to seriously weigh the pros and cons of asserting their personal or positional power, as described in the next and final category.
Considerations of Potential Backlash
Participants shared about the energy they spent in weighing the potential backlash to their expressions of power, or their calling out of unethical uses of power. Anticipated backlash often resulted in participants not doing or saying something for fear of “making waves” or being labeled a “troublemaker.” Participants described feeling a need to balance confrontations of perceived misuses of power with their desire not to be seen as combative. Those participants who felt most comfortable confronting problematic behaviors cited an open and respectful workplace and self-efficacy in their ability to influence change effectively. For those who did not describe their workplaces as safe and respectful, fear was a common emotion cited when considering whether to take action to challenge a student or colleague. Many described a lack of support from colleagues when they did speak up. Some described support behind the scenes but an unwillingness of peers to be more vocal and public in their opposition to a perceived wrong. Of this, one participant said, “And so getting those voices . . . to the table seems like an uphill battle. I feel like I’m stuck in middle management, in a way.”
Discussion
For the participants in this study, analysis of power is a process of productive tension and fluidity. Participants acknowledged that power exists and a power differential in student–teacher and supervisee–supervisor relationships will almost certainly always be present. Power seemed to be described as an organizing principle in nearly all contexts—professionally, institutionally, departmentally, in the classroom, in supervision, and in personal relationships. Participants found power to be ever present but rarely named (Miller, 2008). Engaging with these data from these participants, it seems that noticing and naming power and its effects is key to facilitating personal and professional development in ways that are truly grounded in equity, multiculturalism, and social justice. Participants affirmed what is stated in guiding frameworks of counseling (ACA, 2014) and counselor education (ACES, 2011; CACREP, 2015) and went beyond a surface acknowledgement of power to a deeper and ongoing process of analysis, like Bernard and Goodyear’s (2014) treatment of power in the supervisory context.
Contemplating, reflecting on, and working with power are worthwhile efforts according to the participants in this study, which is supported by scholarly literature on the topic (Bernard & Goodyear, 2014). Participants’ personal and professional growth seemed to be catalyzed by their awareness of gender and power dynamics. Participants expressed a desire for a greater recognition of the role of power and the ways in which it is distributed in our professional contexts. For example, although mentioned by only two participants, dissatisfaction in professional associations—national, regional, and state—was shared. Specifically, there was a desire to see counselor educators with positional power make deliberate and visible efforts to bring greater diversity into professional-level decisions and discussions in permanent, rather than tokenizing, ways.
The ongoing process of self-analysis that counselors and educators purport to practice seemed not to be enough to ensure that faculty will not misuse power. Though gender and age were highly salient aspects of perceptions of power for these women, neither were clear predictors of their colleagues’ ethical or unethical use of power. Women and/or self-identified feminist counselor educators can and do use power in problematic ways at times. In fact, most participants expressed disappointment in women colleagues and leaders who were unwilling to question power or critically examine their role in status quo power relations. This is consistent with research that indicates that as individual power and status are gained, awareness of power can diminish (Keltner, 2016).
These feminist counselor educators described feelings of empowerment as those that enhance connection and collaboration rather than positionality. In fact, participants’ reports of frustration with some uses of power seemed to be linked to people in leadership positions engaging in power-over moves (Miller, 2008). Participants reported spending a significant amount of energy in deciding whether and when to challenge perceived misuses of power. Confronting leaders seemed to be the riskiest possibility, but confronting peers was also a challenge for many participants. The acknowledgement of context emerged in these data, including a recognition that power works within and between multiple socioecological levels (e.g., microsystems, mesosystems, macrosystems; Bronfenbrenner, 1979). The culture of academia and higher education also contributed to unique considerations of power in the present study, which aligns with the findings of Thacker and colleagues (2021), who noted counselor educator experiences of entrenched power norms are resistant to change.
Contextualizing these findings in current literature is difficult given the lack of work on this topic in counselor education. However, our themes are similar to those found in the supervision literature (Arczynski & Morrow, 2017; Bernard & Goodyear, 2014). The participants in our study were acutely aware of power in their relationships; however, they appeared to feel it even more when in a power-down position. This finding is similar to research in the supervision context in which supervisees felt as though power was not being addressed by their supervisors (Green & Dekkers, 2010). Further, just as the supervisors researched in Mangione et al.’s (2011) study attended to power analysis, our participants strived to examine their power with students. The distinction between positive and negative uses of power was consistent with Murphy and Wright (2005). Participants conceptualized power on a continuum, attended to the power inherent in gatekeeping decisions, managed the tension between collaboration and direction, engaged in reflection around use and misuse of power, and sought transparency in discussions around power. More than anything, though, our participants seemed to continually wrestle with the inherent complexity of power, similarly to what Arczynski and Morrow (2017) found, and how to address, manage, and work with it in a respectful, ethical manner. As opposed to these studies, though, our research addresses a gap between the profession’s acknowledgement of power as a phenomenon and actual lived experiences of power by counselor educators who claim a feminist lens in their work.
Implications
The implications of our findings are relevant across multiple roles (e.g., faculty, administration, supervision) and levels (e.g., institution, department, program) in counselor education. Power analysis at each level and each role in which counselor educators find themselves could help to uncover issues of power and its uses, both ethical and problematic. The considerable effort that participants described in weighing whether to challenge perceived misuses of power indicates the level of work needed to make power something emotionally and professionally safe to address. Thus, those who find themselves in positions of power or having earned power through tenure and seniority are potentially better situated to invite discussions of power in relatively safe settings such as program meetings or in one-on-one conversations with colleagues. Further, at each hierarchical level, individuals can engage in critical self-reflection while groups can elicit external, independent feedback from people trained to observe and name unjust power structures. Counselor educators should not assume that because they identify as feminist, social justice–oriented, or egalitarian that their professional behavior is always reflective of their aspirations. It is not enough to claim an identity; one must work to let one’s actions and words demonstrate one’s commitment to inclusion through sensitivity to and awareness of power.
Additionally, we encourage counselor educators to ask for feedback from people who will challenge them because self-identification of uses or misuses of power is likely not sufficient to create systemic or even individual change. It is important to acknowledge that power is differentially assigned but can be used well in a culture of collaboration and support. Just as we ask our students to be honest and compassionately critical of their own development, as individuals and as a profession, it seems we could be doing more to foster empowerment through support, collaboration, and honest feedback.
Limitations and Future Directions
Although not all participants disclosed all their demographic identifiers, one limitation to the current study is the relative homogeneity of the sample across racial and gender lines. The predominance of White women in the present study is of concern, and there are a few possible reasons for this. One is that White women are generally overrepresented in the counseling profession. Baggerly and colleagues (2017) found that women comprised 85% of the student body in CACREP-accredited programs but only 60% of the faculty. These numbers indicate both the high representation of women seeking counseling degrees, but also the degree to which men approach, but do not reach, parity with women in holding faculty positions. Further, in Baggerly et al.’s study, about 88% of faculty members in CACREP-accredited programs were White.
Another potential reason for the apparent racial homogeneity in the present sample is that people of color may not identify with a feminist orientation because of the racist history of feminist movements and so would not have volunteered to participate. Thus, findings must be considered in this context. Future researchers should be vocally inclusive of Black feminist thought (Collins, 1990) and Womanism (A. Walker, 1983) in their research design and recruitment processes to communicate to potential participants an awareness of the intersections of race and gender. Further, future research should explicitly invite those underrepresented here—namely, women of color and men faculty members—to share their experiences with and conceptualizations of power. This will be extremely important as counselor educators work to continue to diversify the profession of counseling in ways that are affirming and supportive for all.
Another limitation is that participants may have utilized socially desirable responses when discussing power and their own behavior. Indeed, the participants identified a lack of self-awareness as common among those who misused power. At the same time, however, the participants in this study readily shared their own missteps, lending credibility to their self-assessments. Future research that asks participants to track their interactions with power in real time via journals or repeated quantitative measures could be useful in eliciting more embodied experiences of power as they arise in vivo. Likewise, students’ experiences of power in their interactions with counselor educators would be useful, particularly as they relate to teaching or gatekeeping, because some research already exists examining power in the context of clinical supervision (Arczynski & Morrow, 2017; Green & Dekkers, 2010; Mangione et al., 2011; Murphy & Wright, 2005).
We initially embarked upon this study with a simple inquiry, wondering about others’ invisible experiences around what felt like a formidable topic. More than anything, our discussions with our participants seemed to indicate a critical need for further exploration of power across hierarchical levels and institutions. We are grateful for our participants’ willingness to share their stories, and we hope that this is just the beginning of a greater dialogue.
Conflict of Interest and Funding Disclosure
The authors reported no conflict of interest
or funding contributions for the development
of this manuscript.
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Melissa J. Fickling, PhD, ACS, BC-TMH, LCPC, is an associate professor at Northern Illinois University. Matthew Graden, MSEd, is a professional school counselor. Jodi L. Tangen is an associate professor at North Dakota State University. Correspondence may be addressed to Melissa J. Fickling, 1425 W. Lincoln Hwy, Gabel 200, DeKalb, IL 60115, mfickling@niu.edu.