Racial Trauma in Academia: Experiences of Black Women Counselor Educators

April D. Brown, LaShauna M. Dean, Matthew Lyons

This transcendental phenomenological study explored the lived experiences of Black women counselor educators mitigating experiences of racial trauma in the workplace. Bell’s critical race theory and Crenshaw’s intersectionality served as the frameworks for this study. Six participants were selected based on specific criteria: They held a PhD or EdD in counselor education and supervision, worked full-time in a CACREP-accredited program, were employed for at least 2 years, and self-reported that they experienced racial trauma in the workplace. Data collection involved semi-structured interviews, which were transcribed and analyzed for themes. Findings revealed the following textural themes: disrespect from colleagues and students, diminished well-being, lack of trust in competency, expressing concerns for safety/hypervigilance, a heightened awareness of intersectionality, awareness of social conditioning/exposure to sexualization, and the cognitive process. The final theme, surviving the environment, contributed to the structural description. Finally, the results provide implications for counselor educators, mental health professionals, and counselor education program administrators.

Keywords: racial trauma, Black women, counselor educators, workplace, transcendental phenomenological

 

The intersection of race and gender has long been a critical focal point in understanding the lived experiences of Black women, particularly in professional settings (Crenshaw, 1989). Black women occupy a unique space within the workforce, often navigating the compounded challenges of racism and sexism. These dual oppressions are pervasive and deeply ingrained in the structures of many workplaces, including counselor education. This study focuses on a central research question: What are the lived experiences of Black women counselor educators mitigating instances of racial trauma in the workplace? This article contributes to the body of literature that explores how Black women counselor educators experience oppression and racial trauma in the workplace.

Black women are disproportionately affected by workplace discrimination, and their experiences are often dismissed or minimized by colleagues and supervisors (Comas-Díaz et al., 2019; Williams, Printz, & DeLapp, 2018). Almost 92% of Black women reported racial discrimination in the workplace (Carter & Forsyth, 2010), which is compounded by a lack of representation of Black faculty within postsecondary institutions (National Center for Education Statistics [NCES], 2022). NCES (2022) found that among the 1.6 million faculty in degree-granting postsecondary institutions, Black women comprised 4% of full-time faculty. The 2024 Vital Statistics Survey of the Council for Accreditation of Counseling and Related Educational Programs (CACREP) revealed that 18.27% of full-time faculty in CACREP-accredited programs identified as Black, whereas 61.16% identified as White (CACREP, 2025). However, there is a lack of research explaining how Black women faculty in counselor education perceive racial trauma in the workplace.

Mental Health and Racial Trauma
     Racism has detrimental effects on mental health and can cause psychological distress (Clark et al., 1999; Pieterse & Carter, 2007; Pieterse & Powell, 2016). Carter and Forsyth (2010) found that encounters with racism resulted in several harmful emotions, such as guilt, shame, anxiety, and hypervigilance. Other effects of racism include identity issues, internalization, isolation, aggression, substance abuse, domestic violence, race-related stressors, sexual promiscuity, and suicidal ideation, all of which can look different individually, institutionally/structurally, and culturally (Hemmings & Evans, 2018; Pieterse & Powell, 2016).

There is a pressing need to address the effects of racism in all settings, as Black women experience more mental health problems than other racial groups (Allen et al., 2019; Catabay et al., 2019). Black women experience not only individual racism, but also institutional or structural racism, which can lead to health disparities (Holder et al., 2015; Jones, 1997; Knighton et al., 2022; Pieterse & Powell, 2016; Sotero, 2006). Workplace hostility can cause severe traumatic stress, including increased anxiety, depression, hypervigilance, avoidant reactions, and other poor mental health outcomes (Carter & Forsyth, 2010; Dickens & Chavez, 2018; Loo, 2003; Shih et al., 2013; Triana et al., 2015; Williams, Printz, & DeLapp, 2018).

Racial trauma is “a form of race-based stress referring to people of color and Indigenous individuals’ reactions to real or perceived experiences of racial discrimination” (Comas-Díaz et al., 2019, p. 1). Racial trauma results from overt acts of racial hostility and subtle, insidious forms of racism, such as microaggressions or the pressure of having to conform to predominantly White workplaces. For Black women counselor educators, instances of racism include racialized marginalization, pressure to prove their competence, and invalidation of their experiences (Haskins et al., 2016; Pérez & Carney, 2018). The cumulative effect of these experiences can lead to chronic stress, anxiety, depression, and other mental health challenges, which are exacerbated by the intersectional nature of Black women’s identities (Arday, 2022; Bernard et al., 2017; Crenshaw, 1989; Pieterse & Powell, 2016; Pizarro & Kohli, 2020).

Due to racialized and gendered microaggressions, Black women faculty might feel racial battle fatigue (Behar-Horenstein et al., 2012; Chancellor, 2019), which is often made worse by the Strong Black Woman schema, a cultural expectation for Black women to exhibit resilience in the face of adversity (Castelin & White, 2022; Liao et al., 2019). Similar to the effects of racial trauma, the Strong Black Woman schema can cause adverse psychological effects (Castelin & White, 2022; Liao et al., 2019). While this stereotype may serve as a coping mechanism, it can also discourage Black women from seeking mental health support, leading to a reluctance to acknowledge or address the psychological harm they endure.

Racial Trauma in the Workplace
     Because Black women are more susceptible to mental health concerns, exploring their lived racial trauma experiences in counselor education programs could provide insight into the associated mental health outcomes (Carter & Forsyth, 2010). Research supports that many Black women experience ongoing workplace discrimination (Dickens & Chavez, 2018; Holder et al., 2015; Shih et al., 2013; Velez et al., 2018). For Black faculty, racial trauma negatively impacts job satisfaction (DeCuir-Gunby & Gunby, 2016). Black women frequently feel the need to identity-shift or alter their cultural behavior, often through code-switching, causing psychological distress (Dickens & Chavez, 2018; Fields & Cunningham-Williams, 2021; Shih et al., 2013). Unfortunately, these changes do not always prevent adverse outcomes (O’Brien et al., 2016).

There is an unfulfilled need to discuss and address racial trauma in the workplace. While there are promising clinical approaches, such as race-based therapy (Bryant-Davis & Ocampo, 2006), racial trauma recovery (Comas-Díaz, 2016), feminist therapy (Brown, 2008), and trauma-focused cognitive behavioral therapy (TF-CBT; Phipps & Thorne, 2019), there are no empirically supported treatments for racial trauma (Comas-Díaz, 2016; Williams et al., 2018a). This research seeks to investigate how Black women faculty conceptualize and interpret the impact of racial trauma in academia, aiming to elucidate the nuanced meanings and implications.

Methods

The central research question guiding this study was: What are the lived experiences of Black women counselor educators mitigating instances of racial trauma in the workplace? This question was explored using Moustakas’s (1994) transcendental phenomenological design. Transcendental phenomenology allows the researcher to understand the natural essence of the phenomenon through intentionality and intuition (Descartes, 1977; Husserl, 1999). The researchers captured the essence of each participant’s experience by constructing textural descriptions of what the participants experienced and how they experienced it (Moustakas, 1994), which were constructed into composite textural and structural descriptions.

Research Positionality
     Three authors are involved in this study, and before discussing our results, we want to acknowledge our positionality in relation to this research. The first author, April D. Brown, originally developed this study for her doctoral dissertation. She is an African American cisgender woman and a practicing counselor who acknowledges experiencing racial trauma. As a licensed professional counselor, Brown has worked closely with clients who experienced racism and discrimination in the workplace. She also encountered her own internalized racism and experienced vicarious trauma as she listened to participant stories. She attended therapy, engaged in reflective meditation repeatedly, and consulted a peer reviewer to ensure objectivity in this study.

The second author, LaShauna M. Dean, is an African American cisgender woman who has been a faculty member in counselor education for 12 years. She recognizes that her social position may influence her interpretation of participant narratives, given her experiences as a Black faculty member. Dean has a strong commitment to accurately conveying participants’ stories, as she recognizes the potential benefits of addressing racial trauma in counselor education and has reflected on her own biases through the research process by engaging in critical self-reflection.

The third author, Matthew Lyons, is a White cisgender male counselor educator and academic administrator. Diversity is a significant part of his personal and professional priorities. Lyons acknowledges the ever-present reality of racism and the importance of sharing stories of racial trauma. He was the chair of the dissertation committee for Brown and, therefore, involved in this research from the early stages.

Recruitment and Participants
     All participants in this study were Black women counselor educators employed as full-time faculty in CACREP-accredited programs. Researchers recruited participants by first utilizing the CACREP directory to send emails to faculty, secondly by posting the recruitment flyer in the Facebook group for the Association for Multicultural Counseling and Development, and lastly by posting study details on the CESNET-L listserv. Each recruitment attempt included a description of the study, the interest and inclusion survey to verify eligibility and the contact information of the primary researcher. Eligible participants self-identified as a Black woman, held a terminal degree in counselor education and supervision, had at least 2 years of faculty experience, and self-reported experiencing racial trauma. Participants were provided with the Comas-Díaz et al. (2019) definition of racial trauma and responded “yes” or “no” to whether their experiences met the definition. Six participants met all recruitment criteria, including availability for the interview. One participant did not disclose gender pronouns and is referred to using gender-neutral pronouns (they/them) in this manuscript. Participants’ demographics and pseudonyms are presented in Table 1.

Table 1

Participants’ Demographic Characteristics

Participants Amber August Hazel June May Summer
Age 25–40 41–56 25–40 25–40 41–56 25–40
Gender pronouns She/her/

hers

She/her/ hers Prefer not

to say

She/her/ hers She/her/ hers She/her/ hers
ACES region NCACES SACES SACES NCACES SACES SACES
State of residence MN AL MD WI LA TN
Years of experience 6–10 11–14 2–5 2–5 2–5 6–10

Note. ACES = Association for Counselor Education and Supervision; NCACES = North Central Association for Counselor Education and Supervision; SACES = Southern Association for Counselor Education and Supervision. Regional classifications are based on the five ACES regions (ACES, 2021).

Data Collection
     Semi-structured interviews, lasting approximately 60 minutes, served as the primary source of data. The interview protocol included questions about experiences of racial trauma as well as supports that mitigated those experiences (see Appendix). The interview protocol was developed to address identified gaps in the literature around workplace trauma explicitly experienced by Black women in counselor education and was aligned with the principles of transcendental phenomenology.

Data Analysis
     Data analysis followed the eight-step process outlined by Moustakas (1994), which involves a systematic and reflective approach to understanding lived experiences. Our research team began by transcribing interviews and engaging in horizontalization, identifying all relevant statements with equal value. Through reduction and elimination, nonessential or overlapping data were removed, and significant expressions were distilled into invariant constituents, which were then clustered into core themes. We then verified the relevance of these themes in the final identification phase to ensure they authentically reflect participants’ experiences. Using these themes, we constructed individual textural descriptions (what was experienced) and structural descriptions (how it was experienced). These were then synthesized into textural–structural descriptions to capture the full essence of each participant’s experience. Finally, these insights were integrated into a composite description that represents the collective meaning and essence of the phenomenon across all participants, ensuring both depth and rigor in capturing the lived experience.

Interviews were conducted via Microsoft Teams video calls and transcribed using Rev, a transcription service. Following transcription via Rev (n.d.), the interview data were analyzed using Delve (n.d.), a cloud-based qualitative data analysis platform designed to support rigorous thematic analysis. Delve assisted the researchers in systematically coding, clustering, color-coding, and visually mapping qualitative data to identify patterns and themes across transcripts. This process facilitated an iterative and structured approach to data analysis consistent with phenomenological methodology. Delve and Rev comply with General Data Protection Regulation standards, ensuring participant confidentiality and the secure handling of sensitive data throughout transcription and analysis (Delve, 2022; Rev, n.d.). Upon completing the data analysis process, each participant received copies of the constructed descriptions from their interviews to provide feedback in alignment with member checking procedures.

Trustworthiness
     Several methods were employed to ensure trustworthiness during the study’s interview and data analysis portions. First, Brown used a detailed field log and reflexive journal to record decisions and processes throughout the research, which facilitated self-reflection and enhanced self-awareness throughout the research process. The journal documented thought processes and supported data interpretation (Silver & Lewins, 2014; Tobin & Begley, 2004).

Member checking was also used to ensure trustworthiness by sending participants their textural–structural descriptions after the interview. Participants could confirm or modify their descriptions in writing to ensure that they accurately reflected their experiences (Humphrey, 1991; Moustakas, 1994), and this feedback was used to make adjustments. For unresponsive participants, Humphrey (1991) suggested that their descriptions should reflect the researchers’ interpretation of the data.

Finally, an independent peer reviewer participated in the data analysis to confirm the findings and served as a sounding board to ensure objectivity throughout the research. The peer reviewer had experience conducting phenomenological research. Brown met with the peer reviewer three times to discuss the data analysis process, during which they reviewed the initial list of themes, reviewed the reduction and elimination process, identified core themes, and incorporated the relevant information into the study. All participants were aware of the peer reviewer’s role from the informed consent form.

Results

This transcendental phenomenological study explored the lived experiences of Black women counselor educators and their experiences of racial trauma in the workplace to highlight ways in which they navigated those experiences. Our results indicated that the experiences of Black women counselor educators were unique to their individual contexts and settings. The following themes emerged from our data: 1) disrespect from colleagues and students, 2) diminished well-being, 3) lack of trust in competency, 4) expressing concerns for safety/hypervigilance, 5) heightened awareness of intersectionality, 6) awareness of social conditioning/exposure to sexualization, 7) the cognitive process (i.e., how racial trauma experiences impacted their thought process), and 8) surviving the environment.

Theme 1: Disrespect From Colleagues and Students
     While discussing their experiences of racial trauma in the workplace, the participants described navigating disrespect from colleagues and students, such as name-calling, retaliation, microaggressions, and professional demotions (e.g., not being addressed by their professional titles or credentials). For Hazel, experiencing disrespect in predominantly White institutions was a “reality check.” They stated, “[In the] field of counseling and psychology . . . as a counselor educator, you will be called by your first name. You’ll be demoted by students, by faculty, by colleagues, by everyone.” They recalled, “I’ve gotten emails from students, ‘Hey, can you change [something]?’” August stated, “One student . . . didn’t get the A she thought she [would], and she stopped speaking to me.” She recalled another incident, stating, “I had another student [who] was like, ‘All you talk about is race.’” She also recalls being told, “I am the worst teacher.”

Theme 2: Diminished Well-being
     Participants expressed diminished well-being while navigating racial trauma at work. May described experiencing significant physical and psychological distress as well as social–emotional concerns, noting an unintentional 77-pound weight loss, disrupted sleep, diminished appetite, and medical issues such as elevated blood pressure, along with cognitive distortions and heightened perfectionistic tendencies. She explained:

My presentation changed, and [there were] rumors. I’ve gained the weight back, but I had lost a lot of weight rapidly, and I had started to become more isolated and closed-off and cryptic. So, some folks were like, “Your personality went from bubbly to more withdrawn.”

August also expressed how racial trauma affected her well-being. She noted that she was diagnosed with pneumonia, an autoimmune disorder, and shingles while navigating racial trauma at work. She stated, “Long story, it’s not really short, but health. Health was the main thing that [racial trauma] really impacted. And mental health as well.”

Theme 3: Lack of Trust in Competency
     Lack of trust in competency was a key theme that emerged from the participants’ experiences. While most participants described experiencing a lack of trust in competency in previous workplaces, one participant, June, was actively facing it in her current workplace. Her experience provides a critical perspective on how racial trauma manifests in real time. She recalled:

[The students would] ask me a question, and I’d respond. Then they’d look it up and be like, “Well, actually, dah, dah, dah.” Or I’d give them a response; they’d run to someone else and be just doing all this stuff. Or one group, they do an exit survey and stuff. They just ripped into every class that was specific to what I taught. No grace of, “Oh, it’s your first time teaching.”

June perceived a lack of trust in her competency as an ongoing issue in the workplace. She explained, “It was a reminder of, no matter what, it doesn’t matter if I’m super competent or know what I’m talking about, there’s always going to be people questioning every last thing I tell them.”

Theme 4: Expressing Concerns for Safety/Hypervigilance
     June expressed concerns for safety while actively navigating experiences of racial trauma. Unlike other participants, who had processed their experiences after leaving harmful workplaces, June was currently navigating a series of traumatic incidents. She was “fearful of things,” displayed hypervigilance, and frequently assessed potential threats at work. The first incident occurred when a magazine published content criticizing her work. She stated, “That moment was just like, whoa. There’s a lot of fear with that.”

After the incident, June expressed concerns for her safety by not wanting to put her location on her institution’s website. She stated, “I don’t want to make it easier for people to find me. I know they can find me if they really want to.” Her fears extended to food delivery. She explained, “Oh, my gosh. You never know who’s going to deliver [the food]. What if they recognize my name and want to harm me in some way, or what if I come on campus and something happens?” June worried about her safety returning to work in person during the COVID-19 pandemic. She described attending the “first all-college meeting” at her predominantly White institution and how she felt being the only Black person in the room. She stated, “Actually, it was kind of overwhelming because I was like, ‘We’re all in this room. I don’t like it.’” June recalled walking to class when she saw a van approaching her slowly. She stated, “The windows rolled down, and they yelled, ‘“Trump 2020’ or something.” She explained:

It was jarring because I wasn’t expecting that to happen. Then they drove off. I remember feeling so disoriented that I’ve been walking to class this whole time, that I started to, in a way, get lost, not remember where my classroom was, just because I was still in disbelief. I’m like, “It’s broad daylight.”

After these incidents, June took measures to protect herself. She stated, “I ended up buying a key chain. I forgot what it’s called, but it’s a little metal thing that I guess, worst-case scenario, you just jab someone with it, right, but it’s not sharp or anything.”

Theme 5: Heightened Awareness of Intersectionality
     Participants experienced a heightened awareness of intersectionality, recognizing that their intersections of race and gender impacted their workplace experiences. For participants, navigating these intersections in the workplace was the norm, something to be expected. August explained that in counselor education, “You’re the unicorn—you’re just unusual.” For Summer, navigating race and gender required a constant attunement to self-awareness. She stated, “It’s a constant knowing. It’s a constant double consciousness. I have to think about how other people are experiencing me [and] how I’m experiencing the situation. Also, [I’m] thinking about how I’m showing up in these particular environments.” Similarly, Amber shared, “I am very cognizant that I have a worldview and a perspective unique to being a Black woman.” She also said that navigating race and gender “takes a little bit of work,” including “learning how to do some compartmentalizing with my identity.”

Theme 6: Awareness of Social Conditioning/Exposure to Sexualization
     Awareness of social conditioning/exposure to sexualization described participants’ awareness of society’s assumptions of Black women and of being sexualized at work. Our participants believed that preconceived notions such as societal assumptions, stereotypes, and expectations for Black women exacerbated their racial trauma experiences. Summer reflected on how societal stereotypes prevent Black women from being seen as whole individuals. She noted that Black women are often perceived as strong, emotionless, or lacking intellectual credibility, leaving little room for their full humanity to be acknowledged. Consequently, she believed that her identity contributed to colleagues dismissing her experiences of racial trauma in the workplace.

June said, “I think it’s interesting because, on one hand, I feel like Black women are always kind of seen as strong, right, and scary, and angry, and whatever.” August’s awareness of social conditioning meant managing work and caregiving responsibilities. She mentioned, “Sometimes, it gets very stressful being a woman and being that nurturing person because that’s what is expected of me.” August believed that Black women are socialized to do it all. She explained:

I have to, in a sense, be a liaison for adjunct professors and everything. I’m doing all of this, I’m teaching, and I was trying to publish so I wouldn’t perish, going to conferences, and taking care of my mom. I was juggling [everything].

Participants were sexualized at work by colleagues and students. Summer perceived being sexualized by her colleagues as a form of name-calling. She stated, “I’d gotten an award for something, and someone said [I received the award] because my boss had jungle fever, [not] because of my expertise or my knowledge. They thought it was a joke.” Summer found the joke inappropriate, stating it “sexualized” her. She also felt “ostracized” and “traumatized.” In contrast, May experienced sexual harassment from a student. She recalled feeling stunned and in disbelief, noting that she never expected a student to address her in such a sexualized manner or to encounter this kind of harassment in a professional setting.

May attributed her experience to her identity. She noted that Black women are oversexualized in the media. As a result of her experience, she adjusted her appearance and behavior to reclaim her sense of agency and reduce unwanted attention. She stated:

At one point, I thought I was becoming the asexual mammy archetype because I was becoming more coddling, more docile, and more, whatever you say, let’s go with the flow. I remember how my dress had changed. I started wearing [what] I call the deaconess buns, like the braided buns, after the situation. I wouldn’t put on nothing but chapstick, and I would dress down. But the outfits I was picking were like those floral-pattern, shapeless [dresses] so you couldn’t see a single curve.

Theme 7: The Cognitive Process
     The participants described how their racial trauma experiences impacted their thought processes. May initially felt unsupported at her institution. She explained, “Being a Black woman in academia, in the beginning, it was very lonely, isolating, and tokenized for me for [the] years 2018, 2019, [and] 2020.” May’s perspective shifted when her department hired another Black woman. She stated, “I immediately felt the love; it was the missing component.”

June believed that her racial identity made her more susceptible to racial discrimination. She stated, “I know that it’s always going to be a thing because there’s always going to be students coming in who have never encountered a Black woman in a role like this.” She also viewed racial trauma as inevitable at a predominantly White institution. She explained:

I think, in some ways, I kind of expected to run into some stuff. In some ways, I maybe thought it might have been a little bit [worse], actually. I think that’s just having an awareness of, “Yeah, I’m entering a predominantly White environment.”

June perceived the incidents she experienced on campus as intense, which left her feeling threatened and intimidated.

Hazel expressed a mistrust of the institution. They refused to teach a course again after the administration withheld pertinent information about a student in their class. They stated, “I don’t trust the admin to be protective or to keep me safe. Yeah, the mistrust is definitely there.” Hazel became suspicious and questioned joining professional organizations and the integrity of the profession as a whole. They explained, “[Racial trauma] made me question my field, question my counterparts, and wonder, ‘How are we really helping?’”

Theme 8: Surviving the Environment
     Participants employed various strategies to reduce the impact of racial trauma in the workplace and maintain well-being. Many relied on spiritual and therapeutic practices. Summer shared that her “church family” provided support, and her spirituality increased as she navigated racial trauma. May echoed, “My church, my God, [and] my higher power [helped me cope].” Participants also used therapeutic resources. Summer stated, “For my mental health and well-being, I went to counseling.” May found individual therapy and coaching helpful, August benefited from group therapy, and June engaged in the sandplay process. August and Summer also found journaling beneficial. Similarly, Amber relied on self-awareness and shared, “The more I understand about myself . . . the better I’m able to navigate.” August found that “using [her] senses to ground [her]” was highly beneficial.

Community support was another key strategy. Amber noted, “I think it’s really important to have support, to not try to address it alone.” Summer emphasized “a positive support group, an affinity group . . . committed to actionable steps to help you navigate a racist academy.” May similarly highlighted the importance of forming “a united front” with colleagues. June’s relationships with marginalized colleagues created spaces to process, “support each other,” and have “all kinds of conversations.” She also found connecting with students “exciting” and meaningful.

Some participants coped by giving back to the community. June felt responsible for Black students, drawing on the concept of “other mothering” and expressing a desire to nurture and look out for students facing racism. Hazel continued working at an institution where they experienced racial trauma because they were committed to supporting a Black student. They stated, “I’m on a student’s dissertation. . . . She’s an African American student, and I really want to support her. I’m trying to hang in there.”

Participants also found relief through intentional diversity, equity, and inclusion (DEI) efforts. June routinely incorporated multiculturalism, equity, and social justice into her courses. She shared, “I tell students about [racial battle fatigue]. I find any reason to bring it up at least once.” She noted, “It gives you hope so that it’s healing in that way.” Summer similarly infused Ratts et al.’s Multicultural and Social Justice Counseling Competencies (MSJCC; 2015) across her program, explaining that diversity was present “not [in] just one day of the schedule but [in] every conversation we’re having.” Amber, as program chair, remained committed to promoting DEI and relied on a “social justice lens” to review policies and ensure equity.

Several participants turned to counseling literature as a coping strategy. Hazel described using exercises from The Racial Healing Handbook by Anneliese Singh and referencing Jennifer Fraser’s work on workplace bullying. May accessed the MSJCC and the work of scholars such as Derald Wing Sue, David Sue, Cirecie West-Olatunji, Kent Butler, and writers like Gwendolyn Brooks, bell hooks, and Patricia Collins.

Overall, participants’ coping strategies reflected key relational dimensions: self, others, space, and time. August’s and Amber’s focus on self-advocacy, self-awareness, and self-care fostered resilience. June and Summer emphasized relationality through peer and student connections. Spatial awareness informed decisions to leave unsafe environments, as seen in Hazel’s and Summer’s stories. May’s experience highlighted time as a resource that required boundaries and intentional management. Together, these strategies demonstrate the multidimensional ways Black women in counselor education coped with and made meaning of their racial trauma experiences.

Discussion

This transcendental phenomenological study explored Black women counselor educators’ lived experiences of racial trauma in the workplace, and our results indicate that those experiences of racial trauma were unique to the participants’ contexts and settings. The participants perceived their experiences of racial trauma in the workplace as a larger systemic issue that was beyond their control, supporting the idea that racial inequality results from institutional and structural factors rather than individual prejudice (Reece, 2018). Previous research has explored racial microaggressions in the workplace, racism on college campuses, racial battle fatigue among educators, and microaggressions among female faculty (Avent Harris et al., 2019; Blackshear & Hollis, 2021; Pérez & Carney, 2018; Rollock, 2021). Past research also indicated that Black women faculty in predominantly White institutions frequently experience microaggressions from students, colleagues, and staff (Blackshear
& Hollis, 2021).

Our study provided new insight into Black women counselor educators’ perspectives on their racial trauma experiences in the workplace. Participants described disrespect from colleagues and students, including microaggressions, name-calling, retaliation, and professional demotions that indicated being devalued in their professional roles. Participants also described feeling several negative emotions, such as hurt, frustration, and outrage, while navigating racial trauma in the workplace (Carter & Forsyth, 2010). As outlined in previous research (Anderson, 2012; Bernard et al., 2017; Carter & Forsyth, 2010; Pieterse & Powell, 2016), our participants confirmed that race-related stress resulted in physical and mental health challenges, which aligns with previous studies that link the prevalence of racism to ailments among people of color (Allen et al., 2019; Alvarez et al., 2016; Catabay et al., 2019; Loo, 2003; Williams et al., 2018) and the detrimental impact of workplace discrimination on overall well-being (Dickens & Chavez, 2018; Knighton et al., 2022; Shih et al., 2013; Triana et al., 2015). Black women often feel compelled to prove their competence and credibility to colleagues and students, particularly White colleagues (Haskins et al., 2016; Kelly et al., 2017; Pérez & Carney, 2018). Our study revealed that a lack of trust in competency was an ongoing issue for a participant working in a predominantly White setting. Results suggest that students primarily questioned and challenged this participant’s competence.

Participants expressed concerns about their physical and psychological safety, with a participant describing the need to protect herself after experiencing a series of traumatic incidents on campus. Two participants left the institutions where they experienced racial trauma to find safer work environments. This finding suggests that emphasizing the “E” stage (enhancing safety) within the TF-CBT PRACTICE framework may help reduce the impact of racial trauma (Metzger et al., 2020). Therefore, counselor education program administrators might focus on prioritizing psychological safety in the workplace to reduce racial trauma experiences among Black women counselor educators.

Participants knew their social locations, societal stereotypes, and assumptions negatively impacted their roles in the workplace and believed preconceived notions influenced their experiences of racial trauma. They were aware of the intersectionality of racism and sexism (Crenshaw, 1989), which they believed increased their susceptibility to workplace racism (Avent Harris et al., 2019; Behar-Horenstein et al., 2012; Chancellor, 2019; Rollock, 2021).

Past research showed that Black women encounter racism and sexism in higher education (Behar-Horenstein et al., 2012). Our participants described experiences of sexual harassment by colleagues and students, indicating that their intersecting identities exacerbated their racial trauma experiences. Participants’ heightened awareness of intersectionality developed as they navigated the complexities of race and gender in their workplace (Bell, 1995; Delgado & Stefancic, 2017). Their deep understanding of intersectionality, shaped by lived experiences of oppression at the intersection of race and gender, underscores the need for deeper exploration of the unique perspectives and worldviews that emerge from navigating these systemic barriers.

In alignment with previous research finding that Black faculty experience daily microaggressions in the workplace and feelings of victimization (Arday, 2022), our participants described feeling excluded and isolated within their institutions as they navigated the workplace alone. These experiences are consistent with previous research  highlighting the challenges that marginalized faculty face in counselor education (Haskins et al., 2016; Pérez & Carney, 2018). Another participant perceived her experiences of racial discrimination as inevitable, supporting past research that Black tenured faculty reported and expected racism in institutions (Blackshear & Hollis, 2021), while mistrusting the institution involved, feeling suspicious, and lacking confidence in the work environment. This finding supports previous literature that documents suspiciousness as a psychological effect of racial trauma (Bryant-Davis & Ocampo, 2006; Comas-Díaz et al., 2019). Our study’s results indicate that cognitively processing racial trauma experiences was an emotional release for participants.

Amidst their challenges, our participants navigated and processed racial trauma in distinct and deeply personal ways, reflecting varied coping strategies and resilience. Participants discussed how they employed several internal and external coping strategies to reduce the impact of racial trauma. The coping strategies described by participants parallel previous recommendations for addressing racial trauma, including Black women’s reliance on internal resources for coping (Stevens-Watkins et al., 2014), community support (Chioneso et al., 2020; Liu & Modir, 2020), and integrating relaxation techniques (Metzger et al., 2020).

Past research found that Black women and people of color are less likely to seek mental health services (Stevens-Watkins et al., 2014) and support for stress and racism (Carter & Forsyth, 2010); however, our study participants sought counseling to cope with their experiences. Two participants left their institutions when they felt unsafe, confirming that racism negatively impacts job retention and well-being (Pizarro & Kohli, 2020). Participants focused on DEI work as a strategy for coping, explicitly advocating for faculty diversity to reduce racial trauma experiences. Our study revealed that participants used counseling literature to cope and unknowingly applied Ratts et al.’s (2015) MSJCC advocacy domains. Despite this, study participants did not consciously consider using the MSJCC to address workplace issues such as racial trauma. This finding supports the recommendations of previous scholars to fully operationalize the MSJCC (Hays, 2020; Singh et al., 2020).

Implications for the Profession
     This study has implications for Black women counselor educators experiencing racial trauma in the workplace, mental health professionals supporting clients facing racial trauma, and counselor education program administrators who supervise Black women faculty and implement policies affecting their work. Black women counselor educators must consider how systemic issues contribute to their workplace experiences and overall well-being. Mental health professionals working with clients who may be experiencing racial trauma should identify and screen for racial trauma, use culturally relevant interventions and racial models of recovery to treat racial trauma, utilize cognitive and behavioral strategies that promote relaxation, and help clients identify internal and external resources for coping.

Mental health professionals also have a responsibility to address issues related to oppression, privilege, and social inequities (Lee, 2007). When working with Black women counselor educators, mental health professionals should be aware of anti-DEI policies and legislation while empowering clients to engage in social justice and advocacy to reduce racial trauma at work. As DEI programs are no longer permitted within federal government agencies (The White House, 2025), implications for counselor education program administrators include recognizing the impact of anti-DEI mandates, policies, programs, and activities on counselor education programs. Administrators should inform counselor educators, staff, and students about how these changes impact employment, hiring practices, workplace policies and procedures, and curriculum. Although recent executive orders emphasize advancing a policy of equal dignity and respect (The White House, 2025), counselor education administrators should consider strategies to foster a workplace culture that upholds federal civil rights protections for all employees. They should also familiarize themselves with anti-discrimination laws and focus on enhancing psychological safety and support to reduce the impact of racial trauma in counselor education programs.

Limitations
     Our recruitment strategy limited our sample size due to the criteria we set and the sensitive nature of the research topic, which consequently restricts the transferability of our findings. Our sample size also lacks racial and gender diversity, with all participants identifying as Black women. Black people experience racial trauma more than any other racial group (Comas-Díaz et al., 2019; Williams, Printz, & DeLapp, 2018). However, the exclusion of male participants is a limitation, and understanding Black men’s experiences as counselor educators is also worth exploring in depth.

Finally, bracketing personal experiences in phenomenological research is difficult because researchers always bring their own assumptions to the study (Moustakas, 1994; van Manen, 1990, 2014). Hence, our interpretation of the data could reflect our biases, beliefs, and values. Because all of us have counselor educator experience, our professional experiences may have shaped our interpretation of participants’ experiences. Therefore, we took intentional steps to minimize our biases and bracket our experiences, including journaling, member checking, and peer review throughout the research process.

Conclusion

This study aimed to explore Black women counselor educators’ lived experiences of racial trauma in the workplace. The findings showed that the participants had experiences unique to their contexts and settings. Participants experienced significant challenges, including disrespect from colleagues and students, diminished well-being, a lack of trust in their competency, expressing concerns for safety/hypervigilance, a heightened awareness of intersectionality, an awareness of social conditioning/exposure to sexualization, and the cognitive process. Despite these hardships, they employed various coping strategies to survive the environment, thus mitigating racial trauma in the workplace. This study contributes essential knowledge to counselor education by highlighting the systemic conditions that shape the experiences of Black women counselor educators and revealing a critical need for structural and institutional change to ensure safe, equitable, and culturally responsive environments that support the well-being and professional longevity of Black women faculty.

 

Conflict of Interest and Funding Disclosure
Data collected and content shared in this article

were part of a dissertation study, which was
awarded the 2024 Dissertation Excellence Award
in Qualitative Research by The Professional Counselor
and the National Board for Certified Counselors.

 

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April D. Brown, PhD, NCC, CPCS, LPC, is a licensed professional counselor at The Wellness Room LLC. LaShauna M. Dean, PhD, NCC, ACS, LPC, is an associate professor at University of the Cumberlands. Matthew Lyons, PhD, is a professor and dean at University of the Cumberlands. Correspondence may be addressed to April D. Brown, 2870 Peachtree Rd NW Suite 915-8596, Atlanta, GA 30305,  info@trythewellnessroom.com.

 

Appendix

Interview Protocol

  1. What does it mean to be a Black woman counselor educator?
  2. Tell me about your experiences working as a Black woman counselor educator.
  3. Tell me about the racial trauma you have experienced in the workplace.
    1. What was it like for you? How did these experiences impact you?
  4. Tell me what areas in your life were most impacted due to these experiences.
  5. How would you describe the role that race and gender played in these experiences?
  6. Let’s talk about what you have done to mitigate experiences of racial trauma in the workplace.
    1. How would you describe the intentional choices you made to deal with these experiences?
    2. What specific actions did you take?
    3. What specific interventions helped you overcome these experiences?
  7. Tell me, was there anything from the counseling literature that helped you?
    1. What about the Multicultural Social Justice Counseling Competencies?
  8. Tell me who was a part of your work experience and helped you overcome racial trauma in the workplace.
  9. What external factors helped you overcome these experiences?
  10. As you reflect on your experiences, is there anything else you want me to know about your experiences mitigating racial trauma in the workplace?

“They Stay With You”: Counselor Educators’ Emotionally Intense Gatekeeping Experiences

Daniel A. DeCino, Phillip L. Waalkes, Amanda Dalbey

Emotionally intense gatekeeping experiences can require counselor educators to engage in a complicated, time- and energy-consuming, and draining series of events that can last years and involve legal proceedings. Research related to counselor educators’ experiences of intense emotions while gatekeeping remains limited. The aim of this transcendental phenomenological study was to investigate counselor educators’ (N = 11) emotionally intense gatekeeping experiences. Five themes emerged from the data: early warning signs, elevated student misconduct, dismissal, legal interactions, and change from experience. By being transparent about their feelings and challenges regarding emotionally intense gatekeeping experiences, counselor educators may compel other faculty, counselors in the field, and doctoral students to be better prepared for emotional gatekeeping experiences.   

Keywords: gatekeeping, counselor educators, transcendental phenomenological, emotionally intense, experiences

 

Gatekeeping is an important role for counselor educators in order to uphold ethical standards within the counseling profession and to protect clients, students, and faculty (Homrich & Henderson, 2018). Allowing unprepared individuals to become counselors can impede positive client outcomes in therapy and even harm clients (Homrich & Henderson, 2018). The American Counseling Association’s ACA Code of Ethics (2014) defined gatekeeping as “the initial and ongoing academic, skill, and dispositional assessment of students’ competency for professional practice, including remediation and termination as appropriate” (p. 20). In addition, the Council for Accreditation of Counseling and Related Educational Programs (CACREP; 2015) standards require counseling program faculty to follow gatekeeping procedures in line with university policy and the profession’s ethical codes.

Previous researchers have explored gatekeeping procedures (Swank & Smith-Adcock, 2014), gatekeeping policy (Rust et al., 2013), models for evaluating student counselor competence (Lumadue & Duffey, 1999), and problematic student behaviors (Henderson & Dufrene, 2013). Although research has focused on gatekeeping in counselor training, how counselor educators experience emotions tied to gatekeeping practices remains relatively unknown. Faculty who have engaged in some gatekeeping practices (e.g., remediation and dismissal) have reported experiencing strong emotions that may negatively impact the gatekeeping process (Wissel, 2014). Therefore, the purpose of this transcendental phenomenological study was to illuminate counselor educators’ emotionally intense gatekeeping experiences. We defined emotionally intense gatekeeping experiences as multilayered, complex, time-extended events that counselor educators identify as emotionally memorable.

Emotions and Gatekeeping
     In more serious cases, gatekeeping can be a multilayered series of interactions with administrators, university appeals boards, and lawyers (Homrich & Henderson, 2018). Ziomek-Daigle and Christensen (2010) framed counselor educators’ gatekeeping in terms of preadmission screening, postadmission screening, remediation plan, and remediation outcome phases. In many cases, students and educators often proceed through Ziomek-Daigle and Christensen’s linear gatekeeping phases, but in other cases, gatekeeping is non-linear. In these non-linear cases, a student may be dismissed from their program, file an appeal, and be granted re-admittance. In these intense gatekeeping scenarios, a considerable amount of attention, time, and energy are often required of counselor educators. Although Ziomek-Daigle and Christensen’s phases are aimed to promote more structured gatekeeping practices, little is known about what phases, specific topics, or dimensions of counselor educators’ experiences with intense gatekeeping may exist.

A fear of legal consequences as a result of gatekeeping practices can influence counselor educators’ decision making (Crawford & Gilroy, 2013). Homrich et al. (2014) found that gatekeepers experience negative emotions, including fear and apprehension, surrounding student dismissals. Recently, Schuermann et al. (2018) utilized consensual qualitative research to reaffirm counselor educators are fearful of some gatekeeping outcomes (e.g., threats of lawsuits or legal consequences). Despite this potential for negative feelings, little is known about how counselor educators’ emotions may be tied to gatekeeping-related lawsuits and how these experiences are processed and managed.

Gatekeepers can pay an emotional price for gatekeeping students (Gizara & Forrest, 2004). In a collective case study of 12 counseling psychologist site supervisors, participants unanimously expressed that student impairment issues (e.g., when students acted unprofessionally at clinical sites) were the most painful events to confront with supervisees (Gizara & Forrest, 2004). Similarly, participants interviewed in Wissel’s (2014) phenomenological study on counselor educators’ experiences of terminating students for non-academic reasons (e.g., students causing harm to clients during practicum) reported these experiences were uncomfortable because of role dissonance and responsibility. Kerl and Eichler (2005) claimed counselor educators may experience a “loss of innocence” as a consequence of emotionally taxing, isolating, and professionally challenging gatekeeping experiences (p. 83). Kerl and Eichler also stressed that counselor educators should emotionally explore the meaning of their gatekeeping experiences to uncover how these feelings interact with their gatekeeping practices. Unless emotions surrounding gatekeeping are addressed, counselor educators may “remain stuck in a place that holds on to us with powerful and overwhelming emotions” (Kerl & Eichler, 2005, p. 84).

Because gatekeeping can generate intense emotions, counselor educators’ failure to understand and bracket their emotions could result in flawed decision making that serves their needs instead of the ethical codes of the profession (Brear & Dorrian, 2010). Providing specific insights and strategies to help counselor educators become aware of their emotions during intense gatekeeping experiences may help them protect themselves, other faculty, peers, and future clients. Yet, there is currently a lack of depth in our understanding of counselor educators’ emotions related to gatekeeping. Therefore, guided by Moustakas’ (1994) notion that transcendental phenomenological studies should seek to uncover the essential structure of a particular phenomenon, our study sought to answer two research questions: First, what are the common elements of counselor educators’ emotionally intense gatekeeping experiences? Second, what, if any, important insights did counselor educators gain from emotionally intense gatekeeping experiences?

Method

Phenomenological research generates descriptions of experiences that “keep a phenomenon alive, illuminate its presence, accentuate its underlying meanings, enable the phenomenon to linger, and retain its spirit, as near to its actual nature as possible” (Moustakas, 1994, p. 59). Therefore, we chose to use a transcendental phenomenological approach for this study to capture and share the essence of counselor educators’ lived experiences with emotionally intense gatekeeping (Lopez & Willis, 2004). Transcendental phenomenology allowed us to (a) explore how emotionally intense gatekeeping experiences affect counselor educators personally and professionally, (b) bracket our own assumptions about emotionally intense gatekeeping, and (c) understand the common elements of participants’ gatekeeping experiences.

Participants
     Participants qualified for inclusion in this study if they self-reported at least one emotionally intense gatekeeping experience and were currently employed as a counselor educator at a CACREP-accredited institution. Eleven counselor educators participated in this study, representing years of experience between 2 and 37 years (M = 19.8, SD = 11.58). Table 1 provides a snapshot of participant demographics.

 

Table 1

Participant Demographics

Name Gender Race or Ethnicity Rank Degree Major Degree Type Yrs. Exp. CES
Sue Female White Assistant CES PhD     0–5
Rosie Female White, Caucasian Full CP PhD 20–25
Rose Female White, Caucasian Associate CES PhD 15–20
Mike Male Caucasian Full CEs EdD 25–30
Mark Male White Full CES PhD 35–40
Maria Female White, Caucasian Associate CES PhD   5–10
Lila Female Multicultural Full CP PhD 25–30
Frank Male Caucasian Full CES EdD 20–25
Rita Female Hispanic Associate CES PhD 20–25
Herbie Female Asian Assistant CES PhD   5–10
Dan Male White Adjunct CES EdD 30–35

Notes. All participant names are pseudonyms. For gender, race, or ethnicity, participants’ responses were recorded verbatim. CES = Counselor Education and Supervision. CP = Counseling Psychology. PhD = Doctor of Philosophy. EdD = Doctor of Education. Yrs. Exp. CES = Years Working as a Counselor Educator and Supervisor.

 

Recruitment Procedures
     To seek out counselor educators with emotionally intense gatekeeping experiences (Miller et al., 2018), we recruited participants through three purposeful sampling and screening procedures. First, participants were recruited based on their authorship of at least one gatekeeping article published in a journal or magazine that noted their professional experiences with gatekeeping. Four articles addressing the authors’ personal experiences with gatekeeping were identified. Those authors were sent an email inviting them to participate in this study. Second, we used a purposeful sample of accredited counselor education programs listed on CACREP’s official website. This search yielded a total of 880 potential counselor training programs. We generated a stratified sample three times that resulted in three separate batches of 23 programs. Program coordinators were sent emails asking them to share the study invitation with their faculty members who may identify as having one or more emotionally intense gatekeeping experiences. Third, snowball sampling was used by asking all participants to identify other potential participants who fit our criteria for participation. To meet the study’s eligibility requirements, participants were required to (a) be employed at a CACREP-accredited counselor training program; (b) be instructors or adjunct, full, associate, or assistant professors (Schuermann et al., 2018); and (c) have been involved in at least one emotionally intense gatekeeping experience as a counselor educator.

Data Collection Procedures
Semi-Structured Interviews
     After the lead researcher obtained IRB approval, we collected interview data through telephone and Skype interviews. We contacted potential participants with a description of the study, including our definition of emotionally intense gatekeeping, and a copy of the informed consent form. Interested participants responded to our requests via email and the lead researcher scheduled a time to interview them. Semi-structured interview questions were designed from a review of the relevant literature on gatekeeping and our own professional experiences with gatekeeping as counselor educators to gather rich and thick descriptions of the phenomenon (Creswell & Poth, 2018). Interview questions, including “What do you remember most vividly about your emotionally intense gatekeeping experiences?”, were emailed to all participants prior to their interviews. Before audio recording began, all participants created a pseudonym to protect their confidentiality. All interviews were audio-recorded using Garageband. Interviews were between 24 and 45 minutes and were transcribed by Rev.com. Once interviews were transcribed, audio files were deleted.

Letter-Writing Activity
     Once interviews were completed, participants also were invited to complete a letter-writing activity based on their emotionally intense gatekeeping experiences. Letter writing can provide a concrete and lasting record of one’s experiences as opposed to spoken words, which usually disappear after they are spoken (Goldberg, 2000). We used this letter-writing activity to help triangulate the data. The letter-writing instructions asked participants to revisit their emotionally intense gatekeeping experiences, if other prior life events may have influenced their perceptions of gatekeeping, and what, if anything, they learned from these experiences. We received three letters, ranging from 94 to 2,027 words (M = 786).

Data Analysis
     We used Moustakas’ (1994) five-step transcendental phenomenological process to analyze the data. First, prior to reading the transcribed interviews and letters, the research team (composed of all three authors of this article) met and existentially bracketed (Gearing, 2004) their experiences with emotionally intense gatekeeping, identifying biases or presuppositions. Next, we read the transcripts and letters twice independently and began familiarizing ourselves with participants’ experiences. We reconvened to discuss our initial impressions of the data and engaged in horizontalization (Moustakas, 1994), or highlighting and clustering significant statements into groups with similar meaning. Forty-six initial codes were created and grouped into clusters to generate textural descriptions of the phenomena. We met three more times to discuss our emerging themes, reconcile any discrepancies in our analysis, and reach consensus on the findings. In between each meeting, team members independently reflected on the codes and emerging phenomena. We reconvened a fifth time and developed nine larger themes that were organized as textural and structural clusters, or meaning units (Starks & Brown Trinidad, 2007). Through this process of phenomenological reduction (Moustakas, 1994), we refined our themes and identified the crucial elements of participants’ experiences. At this point, two themes were discarded because of inconsistent support and a lack of consensus among the research team. Next, an external auditor, who was a counselor educator with qualitative research experience and numerous publications in counseling journals, reviewed the initial coding and theme construction and provided feedback to the research team. The auditor suggested the removal of one theme and the consolidation of two others. The research team discussed the external auditor’s feedback and incorporated their theme reduction suggestions to help clarify the meaning and representation of the data. Finally, we met one more time to discuss our final five themes and confirmed that our findings accurately represented the essence of participants’ experiences of emotionally intense gatekeeping.

Trustworthiness
     In this study, we used several measures to achieve congruent trustworthiness within the phenomenological research tradition (Flynn & Korcuska, 2018). First, in order to uncover the essence of our experience without completely detaching from the world, we bracketed our prior theories, interpretations, and assumptions of the phenomena through multiple team discussions (Gearing, 2004). To track our discussions during the data collection and analysis phases, the lead author kept a reflexive journal to help us account for our presuppositions and interpret the data accurately. Second, we offered participants a member check of their interview transcripts. Each participant was asked to review their transcript for accuracy and was provided an opportunity to elaborate further on their initial statements. Five participants elaborated on their thoughts to clarify meaning. Third, the lead author kept an audit trail detailing the times and dates of participant interviews, sampling procedures, and member checks, and a summary of the discussions between the researchers (Creswell & Poth, 2018). Fourth, the letter-writing activity yielded another data source to triangulate our findings (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). Finally, the auditor in this study challenged the research team to revisit our prior assumptions of emotionally intense gatekeeping experiences to ensure monitoring of potential bias.

Reflexivity Statement
     The research team included two counselor educators employed as full-time faculty at two different midsized universities in the Midwest United States, and one graduate student with knowledge of gatekeeping and research experience at the first author’s university. The first author identifies as a White, able-bodied, middle-aged male and pre-tenured counselor educator. The second author identifies as a White, able-bodied, middle-aged male and pre-tenured counselor educator, and the third author identifies as a White, able-bodied, young adult female counseling graduate student. Our main assumptions before starting this study were that (a) emotionally intense gatekeeping experiences elicit only negative emotions from faculty; and (b) discussion of emotionally intense gatekeeping experiences is considered taboo for fear of litigation or unwanted attention. These assumptions stemmed largely from our own experiences as students in counselor training programs. Each of us experienced times when we knew faculty were engaged in gatekeeping. These experiences modeled gatekeeping for us and demonstrated how faculty balance protecting students from peers who may be engaged in problematic behaviors.

Results

We identified five themes from counselor educators’ emotionally intense gatekeeping experiences: (a) early warning signs, (b) elevated student misconduct, (c) student dismissal, (d) legal interactions, and (e) change from experience.

Early Warning Signs
     Most participants (n = 10) discussed behavioral and academic issues with students that, at first, appeared to be fixable through remediation and interventions. During these experiences, participants reported feeling shock, frustration, irritation, and sadness. For example, Rose shared how faculty noticed that a student was making poor choices and how they tried to intervene quickly:

She really had tried to push herself too far, farther than she was ready to go. . . . I just knew the person, in spite of the faculty repeatedly saying don’t push yourself too hard to where you’re not even able to show up at your practicum internship site on a regular basis. They ignored our advice. And when somebody is simply not showing up on a regular basis, that’s behavior that can’t go on.

In other examples, participants shared stories of students exercising poor boundaries. In these experiences, students displayed behaviors that were symptomatic of larger issues that would reveal themselves later. Dan shared:

This student was chronically late, and when the student arrived, instead of just sliding in quietly, the student would make an entrance. . . . After this became a chronic problem, there seemed to be resistance. The next semester was similar, except by now, I could see that the student was being avoided by many of his classmates.

Like Dan, participants discussed a variety of outcomes after their early interventions with students regarding their problematic academic and professional behavior(s). Often counselor educators’ interventions helped students remediate and correct their behaviors. In other cases, students continued to act inappropriately or committed more serious infractions.

Elevated Student Misconduct
     All 11 participants described a more serious student violation after initial warning signs. These violations required a higher level of faculty intervention. In these interactions, participants felt anger, betrayal, and confusion. Sue discussed her emotions and process surrounding discovering her students had cheated:

I had one earlier this year that was very emotionally intense, that affected me personally and professionally, that was around academic honesty and integrity. During one of my classes, I discovered that a group of students cheated on an examination—a group of five out of a classroom of 12, so a very significant percentage. It was really shocking at first. I really did go through the stages of grief now looking back.

For several other participants, more serious violations occurred during students’ practicum or internship courses. Mike described hearing about one student’s ethical violation from their practicum site supervisor: “She has taken it upon herself to recruit individual clients from her group to see on her own, at home!” These events brought out anxiety, despair, and anger in faculty members and required more direct interventions, including direct meetings with students, discussions of students during faculty meetings, or removal of students from a class or courses.

Student Dismissal
     Participants (n = 9) reported feeling many intense emotions in their experiences when dismissing students. Most expressed extreme sadness and frustration with students. Students were usually dismissed after failing to comply with remediation plans (e.g., retaking an ethics course, attending personal counseling) within the time frame allotted. Some remediated students chose to leave the program on their own account. Some participants questioned if they were acting in the best interests of the profession, program, and university. For example, Rose reflected on her personal feelings and professional responsibilities with emotionally intense gatekeeping:

I would say that [gatekeeping experiences] took a lot out of me, emotionally. It was exhausting. Even today, I don’t feel the intensity that I felt at the time. But there’s still emotion. There’s still kind of a sadness and disappointment that we had to have conversations. And certainly, I’m very hopeful that . . . the people who were removed from the program have found something else to do where they can be successful.

Participants’ decisions to dismiss students also impacted them unexpectedly. Lila explained:

Once in a while it’s also very sad because you see people with a lot of potential, good people, that because of what’s happening in their lives might make poor choices. And the sad part is to see somebody with so much potential getting themselves into trouble because of personal issues. And then the investment they have made in their education and all this money they have put into it, it comes to an end because they made poor choices. It’s very sad to see something like this. It stays with you. Those are the things that sometimes will wake me up at three, four in the morning and think, “Ah, I wish things were different.”

Legal Interactions
     Among the most disruptive and emotionally intense phase of many participants’ (n = 7) gatekeeping experiences were legal proceedings. These moments were often physically and emotionally taxing, confusing, and disruptive on personal and professional levels. Participants frequently second-guessed their thoughts and behaviors. Usually this phase started with notification of a lawsuit that was filed on behalf of the student against the faculty, program, or university. Mark shared his feelings after discovering he was one of the primary people named in a lawsuit:

I was the department chair, and I had to deliver the news. I was named in the lawsuit along with the dean, and the Board of Trustees, and one other faculty member. . . . I questioned whether I had done things properly. I felt vulnerable. I felt like that my reputation might be compromised.

Legal proceedings involving participants (n = 6) were jury and judge trials in either civil or criminal court and sometimes generated publicity outside of their institutions. Several participants shared that legal proceedings came with an emotional cost to them and their respective programs. For example, Dan felt emotionally exhausted with his lengthy involvement with the legal system:

Along the way, there was tremendous amounts of angst, and time, and energy, and aggravation spent on this student, and on the trouble that he generated, and the accusations that he was making . . . 12 or 18 months later, we were notified that he had hired an attorney, and that he was going to sue the college. Depositions followed, hours of depositions. Because I was the faculty member that had the most time with him, I was deposed for about a day and a half, where his attorney asked me every imaginable question six different ways from Sunday. It was not a pleasant experience. Anyway, there would be many, many months that would go by without hearing anything, and then we’d be told that, “Okay, we’ve been scheduled for a trial.” Then we get up to the trial and there’d be some continuance, and the can would get kicked down the road again. From the time the student was expelled from the program to deposition, it was four years. From the time of the actual jury trial, it was 10 years.

Most participants were surprised and saddened by students’ efforts to win legal proceedings. Participants were aware of the importance of their legal encounters, yet also unsure how to balance them with multiple professional responsibilities. Lila expressed:

This was a student that was terminated and the student sued, started a lawsuit. . . . The student re-mortgaged their home so they could hire that attorney and take the university to court, take us to court. It was disruptive to our teaching because . . . the trial was happening about an hour and a half away. So we would have to find somebody to cover our class. We would get there, there would be delays, so we would be asked to go again the next day. . . . And we won the case because we had followed the policy and the student had refused to remediate . . . so the student lost their home. I mean it was a really sad situation.

Change From Experience
     All participants in this study shared what they learned from their emotionally intense gatekeeping experiences. In this theme, participants offered advice and wisdom for other counselor educators.

All participants shared that their emotionally intense gatekeeping experiences reinforced their commitment to ethics, program standards, transparency, and fairness. Despite their feelings of guilt and humility resulting from their experiences, participants wanted to be more proactive and clear with their gatekeeping processes. Dan shared:

It was a learning, not just for me, but for our entire faculty that we need to be really clear every step of the way, about who we are as a program, what do we stand for, what expectations do we have? And that when those expectations are in some way violated or are bent, we need to be very clear with the student about what’s going on. And when or if we ever arrive at a place where we see a student who is having this kind of a problem, we need to take action sooner.

Every participant expressed a commitment to engage in future gatekeeping practices more effectively. Several expressed feeling unsure about gatekeeping initially but eventually replaced vacillating feelings with more confidence and greater self-efficacy. Herbie noted:

I think initially there was much more apprehension and dread. Just a lot of uncertainty and a lot of ambiguity about like, okay, how is it going to go? What do I need to say? How can I be clear? How am I wrapping up this conversation and their understanding of the message I’m trying to communicate? Well, at the same time as, you know, like being a counselor, like how can I be like positive and supportive at the same time, which is a hard place to be in when you’re also being the disciplinarian. And I think now because I’ve had many more experiences with gatekeeping, and having those tough conversations, it’s much clearer to me. I go in and I have in my mind a plan that I need to follow.

Nine participants shared how bracketing their personal beliefs, emotions, and opinions of students helped them become more effective and ethical gatekeepers. Frank commented:

I was less aware of my emotional triggers years ago. And realizing that there are lots of different values, beliefs, knowledge, and skills that I bring in that I use to judge a situation. And in doing so I have to remember to bring it into the present. That I have to be able to separate what my values and beliefs, skills, and competencies are and what is expected of the profession, especially as delineated in the code of ethics.

Most participants also discussed how their programs and departments changed as a result of their intense gatekeeping experiences. Changes often occurred at multiple levels. For example, Sue shared, “I tightened my syllabi. I went back through the code. I actually advocated and we re-wrote all of the syllabi for my entire university in grad counseling.”

     All but one participant (n = 10) offered current and future counselor educators advice on emotionally intense gatekeeping experiences. Eight participants specifically mentioned that counselor educators should rely on trusted and supportive colleagues to help navigate emotionally intense gatekeeping. Dan said:

I want to say how critically important it is to make sure that you build a team of faculty, not just for the day when you’re going to have to engage in a gatekeeping process, but for all kinds of reasons. Building a team where there’s real trust, where there’s emotional vulnerability, and where differences about ideas . . . can be addressed is so very important.

In other examples, participants shared how each faculty member in their program developed a role. These roles helped faculty share responsibility with gatekeeping duties while also promoting due process and professionalism. Rosie commented:

We look at [gatekeeping] in a behavioral way, but certainly with a respect for the student’s interpersonal processes and personality style. . . . We’re always good at keeping each other (faculty) accountable. . . . We balance each other out. Then, when we do meet with the student as a faculty, if on one of those occasions we think that is necessary, we take different roles. We decide who’s going to be what person in that process.

Several participants offered tips for working with administrators (e.g., deans, human resource representatives, university lawyers, provosts, presidents), including how faculty may need to explain ethical codes, program policy, and gatekeeping philosophies to them. Lila shared, “Be prepared outside of the department, there are appeals committees. They may see it differently than you and your faculty see it.” Maria offered more proactive advice:

At the beginning of a semester, reach out to deans or upper administration, that, “we are looking to tweak or update our gatekeeping policy; we’d like to run it by you and get your feedback, and we’d also like to run it by legal counsel through university.” And that helps everybody be informed up front, and things tend to go much better when everybody knows what to expect and what our obligations are as gatekeepers.

Finally, all participants talked about ways in which counselor educators and counselor programs can better prepare doctoral students and support early career faculty for emotionally intense gatekeeping experiences. Herbie offered:

[The] messages I received and modeling that I saw were really helpful in me understanding the need for gatekeeping. Because the parameters that were set forth in both my master’s and my doctoral program, were just really clear on what’s okay and what’s not okay. And then having a cohort family . . . and having that support network and being able to talk about experiences that I was observing . . . within a safe container was really helpful.

Discussion

To ensure the counseling profession is composed of qualified, competent, and ethical counselors, counselor educators must gatekeep even if they may experience intense emotions. The emotions stemming from participants’ intense gatekeeping experiences included dissonance, discomfort, guilt, anger, and role confusion, as well as empathy, compassion, and sensitivity for students. These emotions were similar to those reported by participants in other studies (Gizara & Forrest, 2004; Wissel, 2014). Regardless of the type (i.e., professional or academic) and the level of severity of gatekeeping counselor educators experienced, participants’ experiences were persistent and draining. Counselor educators engaged in intense gatekeeping should prepare for exhausting, emotionally layered events that will impact them professionally and personally. In addition, the time-intensive nature of emotionally intense gatekeeping is noteworthy. Several counselor educators reported that numerous years (the longest being 10) were needed for due process (i.e., academic appeals and legal proceedings).

The findings from this study also extend the concept of gatekeeping beyond the boundaries of what happens within a counseling student’s program and institution. Ziomek-Daigle and Christensen (2010) noted that unsuccessful remediation efforts may yield either students leaving their program voluntarily or being dismissed. This study highlights that when students challenge dismissal decisions, the dismissal process can involve legal proceedings that can last for numerous years. Over half of the participants in this study discussed legal encounters of some kind related to intense gatekeeping, and this may indicate that legal encounters related to gatekeeping may be occurring more frequently among counselor educators (Homrich et al., 2014; Schuermann et al., 2018).

Most participants expressed that their gatekeeping experiences fostered their professional growth, but also came with personal emotional costs. Many participants said that their intense gatekeeping experiences unexpectedly affected them personally. Some participants indicated they felt trapped because they could not share details of their emotionally intense gatekeeping experiences with partners, family, or others outside their department because of student confidentiality constraints. This finding aligns with Kerl and Eichler’s (2005) assertion that unless faculty actively take steps to process emotionally intense gatekeeping experiences, the experiences themselves may hold power over faculty until they are properly addressed.

Finally, as a result of their intense gatekeeping experiences, many participants took more preventative and systematic approaches to protect the counseling profession, students, and future clients by preparing for future intense gatekeeping encounters. Participants reported processing their feelings about gatekeeping as well as reassessing individual responsibilities plus program and university polices to better align with the ACA Code of Ethics (2014). Homrich (2009) suggested that faculty, including adjunct instructors and clinical supervisors, should plan for challenges that may arise when gatekeeping students. Multiple faculty stressed that their admissions decision making and criteria for new students were improved as a result of their emotionally intense gatekeeping. For instance, faculty reported recognizing rigid beliefs and concerning behaviors more quickly during admissions interviews and when students were starting their graduate training (Swank & Smith-Adcock, 2014.) Participants also reported how changes in gatekeeping practices at the individual (e.g., confronting problematic behaviors quicker), institutional (e.g., discussions with provosts and deans about professional ethics and gatekeeping practices), and professional (e.g., publishing articles) levels often took time and focused effort to change perceptions among stakeholders and others connected to their programs.

Implications for Counselor Educators and Counselors
     Based on our findings, we noted several implications for counselors and counselor educators. First, counselor educators should consider how doctoral training programs can facilitate learning related to emotionally intense gatekeeping experiences that include discussion of students’ potential emotional reactions to gatekeeping. Doctoral students may benefit from more transparency among current counselor educators in discussing their emotionally intense gatekeeping experiences. Discussions may help normalize how maintaining professional relationships with students and navigating intense emotions can be useful learning experiences during their doctoral training. Doctoral student gatekeeping training may inadvertently create dual relationship conflicts between master’s students and doctoral students if there are pre-existing relationships. Although a faculty mentor’s sharing of a student’s gatekeeping context may help doctoral students learn, faculty should balance this with the need to maintain the student’s confidentiality (Rapp et al., 2018).

Furthermore, more mentorship for future and beginning counselor educators regarding emotionally intense gatekeeping experiences may help alleviate adverse feelings. Departmental discussions of gatekeeping policies, a culture of openness, and mentorship from senior faculty (Homrich, 2009) can help reduce feelings of isolation, anger, sadness, betrayal, and other negative emotions for future and inexperienced faculty. Over half of participants mentioned mentorship from experienced faculty as support that helped them manage feelings of stress, anxiety, and fatigue during emotionally intense gatekeeping experiences. In addition, several participants in this study, regardless of prior experience with emotionally intense gatekeeping, sought consultation and comfort from other faculty within their departments. Counselor education programs should have a designated mentor for faculty who may feel overwhelmed with an emotionally intense gatekeeping experience and keep open lines of communication for all faculty (Homrich & Henderson, 2018). Of note, two participants expressed that they were aware of colleagues at other institutions who were unable to find encouragement and mentorship while imbued in intense gatekeeping, and those faculty either found other jobs or left the profession entirely.

Third, participants in this study experienced challenging and intense emotions surrounding legal proceedings. Counselor educators and clinicians should consider that lawsuits related to gatekeeping, impairment, and professional competence are on the rise (Schuermann et al., 2018). Counselor educators and counselors in the field should be better prepared for lawsuits and retain legal counsel, consult with colleagues, utilize personal counseling, and take other protective and therapeutic measures (Gaubatz & Vera, 2002). In addition, counselor educators and counselors may want to utilize self-care strategies to help bracket and monitor their emotions to allow for clear thinking and more ethical and intentional decision making if confronted with a lawsuit (Dugger & Francis, 2014).

Limitations
     This study has three limitations. First, only three participants had less than 10 years of experience. Because perspectives, practices, and philosophies on gatekeeping can differ with experience (Schuermann et al., 2018), early counselor educators may have different experiences of emotionally intense gatekeeping. Second, only one participant in this study identified as an adjunct instructor. As institutions of higher education increase the number of their courses taught by non–tenure-track faculty, perspectives from adjuncts, lecturers, instructors, and other non–tenure-track training professionals, who are held to the same ethical standards and gatekeeping expectations, may be warranted. Likewise, site supervisors can play a vital role in the gatekeeping process and their perspectives on gatekeeping are important as well. Finally, given the complex and ongoing nature of emotionally intense gatekeeping experiences reported by participants, another data source (e.g., follow-up interviews) and more letters from participants might have provided a more thorough understanding of emotionally intense gatekeeping experiences.

Implications for Future Research
     This study was a first step in describing counselor educators’ emotionally intense gatekeeping experiences. Researchers of future studies might explore faculty groups’ collective emotionally intense gatekeeping experiences through focus groups. More understanding of how counselor education programs collect and document student information, make gatekeeping decisions, develop gatekeeping policies and procedures, and rely on gatekeeping-related ethical codes and standards are needed. Additionally, insights from adjunct instructors and clinical site supervisors who have experienced emotionally intense gatekeeping or students who have successfully completed remedial plans may provide unique perspectives on gatekeeping. Understanding how students navigate remediation plans and their emotional reactions to them may inform counselor educators and the profession as to what matters most to students and how to better reach them (Foster et al., 2014). Similarly, site supervisors often have more knowledge of students’ work with clients than counselor educators and may be an underutilized resource in gatekeeping practices. Finally, more research on counselor educators’ experiences with legal proceedings are warranted. Although several legal cases have generated considerable attention (see Plaintiff v. Rector and Board of Visitors of the College of William and Mary, 2005; Ward v. Wilbanks, 2009), this study seems to be the first that qualitatively explored counselor education faculty members’ experiences specifically with legal encounters. How counselor educators balance lawsuits and professional responsibilities, the prevalence of lawsuits against counselor education faculty for gatekeeping practices, and counselor educators’ levels of legal preparedness are rich topics for future study.

Conclusion

In conclusion, findings of this transcendental phenomenological study reveal the intense emotions counselor educators may experience when gatekeeping. In support of others’ research (Kerl & Eichler, 2005; Wissel, 2014), participants felt intense emotions such as anger, sadness, frustration, and vulnerability, as well as empathy for the affected students. Emotionally intense gatekeeping experiences seem time-consuming, usually involving multiple faculty members and administrators, as well as sometimes requiring legal counsel. The findings reveal how faculty should moderate their emotions and uphold ethical standards while engaging in emotionally intense gatekeeping. Finally, emotionally intense gatekeeping experiences can inspire counselor educators to revise their program policies, syllabi, and approaches to gatekeeping practices.

 

Conflict of Interest and Funding Disclosure
The authors reported no conflict of interest
or funding contributions for the development
of this manuscript.

 

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Daniel A. DeCino, PhD, NCC, LPC (Colorado), is an assistant professor at the University of South Dakota. Phillip L. Waalkes, PhD, NCC, ACS, is an assistant professor at the University of Missouri–St. Louis. Amanda Dalbey, MA, graduated from the University of South Dakota with a master’s degree in clinical mental health counseling. Correspondence may be addressed to Daniel DeCino, 414 E. Clark St., Vermillion, SD 57069, daniel.decino@usd.edu.