Rural Mothers’ Postpartum Social and Emotional Experiences: A Qualitative Investigation

Katherine M. Hermann-Turner, Jonathan D. Wiley, Corrin N. Brown, Alyssa A. Curtis, Dessie S. Avila

The social and emotional challenges experienced by new mothers residing in rural areas are distinct from those confronted by their urban and suburban counterparts. However, the existing literature on postpartum social and emotional experiences of rural mothers is limited. To address this gap in knowledge, we conducted a phenomenological study to explore the postpartum social and emotional experiences of rural mothers. The study revealed that rural mothers experience feelings of powerlessness, thwarted help-seeking, and resilience. Findings are discussed in the context of the wider discourse on childbirth and postpartum experiences of rural mothers and have important implications for professional counselors serving rural communities.

Keywords: rural mothers, postpartum, social, emotional, rural communities 

     It is estimated that approximately 3.6 million women give birth in the United States annually (Osterman et al., 2023). The process of becoming a mother is a challenging and transformative experience that may bring about emotional vulnerability, radical changes in identity, and the risk of adverse psychosocial outcomes (Darvill et al., 2010). This transition can have a significant impact on a mother’s overall social and emotional well-being, including their self-efficacy, self-esteem, and sense of empowerment (Fenwick et al., 2003). For example, mothers who have reported a traumatic birth described subsequent difficulties with maternal self-efficacy and emotional disconnection from their child after delivery (Molloy et al., 2021). Furthermore, balancing family responsibilities, caring for a newborn, and focusing on career postpartum provide less available time and fewer energy resources to support self-care behaviors and to manage stress (Dugan & Barnes-Farrell, 2020), factors that have been shown to be a part of the experience of maternal postpartum depression and anxiety (Cho et al., 2022).

The purpose of this study is to explore the experiences of postpartum biological mothers residing in rural communities. Through qualitative inquiry, the study seeks to provide a comprehensive understanding of social support networks, emotional health, and the overall adjustment of mothers living in rural areas following childbirth. While we recognize that many individuals are impacted by the birth of a child (biological parents, adoptive parents, surrogate parents, grandparents, kin, and friends), that the role of a mother can be assumed by various individuals in families, and that not all individuals who give birth identify as a mother, this study specifically investigated the experiences of women who identified as biological birth mothers. By exploring the unique contexts of rural settings, we aim to uncover the nuanced factors that influence psychological well-being during the postpartum period. The findings are intended to inform clinical interventions and support strategies that will ultimately contribute to improved postpartum support and family health in rural communities.

Postpartum Social and Emotional Experiences
     Social support or the absence of social support can be connected to maternal rates of depression, anxiety, self-harming behaviors, and general maladjustment (Bedaso et al., 2021; Milgrom et al., 2019). Enlander and colleagues (2022) qualitatively explored relevant themes regarding mothers’ perceptions of support as they related to perinatal distress and recovery. They found that mothers communicated themes of limited practical and emotional support, vulnerability to long-term relational or familial norms, and the relevance of sociocultural norms related to subjective feelings of perinatal distress. In addition, they found that having supportive and understanding relationships with friends and family can help protect against feelings of postpartum distress. On the other hand, a lack of such supportive relationships can reinforce unhelpful social norms related to motherhood and mental health (Enlander et al., 2022). These norms include both high expectations of new mothers and mental health stigma. Furthermore, the cumulative benefit of large support systems throughout the perinatal period can be beneficial in promoting psychological wellness (Vaezi et al., 2019).

Like the quantity of maternal social relationships, the quality of relational support is also an influential characteristic in new mothers’ social and emotional experiences. The quality of social relationships or support, including romantic and familial, can significantly minimize the maternal risk of postpartum psychosocial distress (Smorti et al., 2019). For example, the influence of new mothers having contact with other new mothers has been identified as beneficial social support in early postpartum recovery, as it promotes confidence and connection through shared history (Darvill et al., 2010; Enlander et al., 2022). Acknowledging the skills and abilities of mothers, as well as forming reliable and unconditional relationships where support is provided consistently, can not only serve as protective measures against postpartum depression, anxiety, and stress (Milgrom et al., 2019), but can also promote positive postpartum recovery (Zamani et al., 2019).

Given that social support has been found to be associated with a decreased probability of a mother developing postpartum depression (Cho et al., 2022), it can be inferred that public health guidance such as social distancing measures, neonatal visitation limitations, and reduced interpersonal contact with hospital staff during COVID-19 have had an impact on the maternal social and emotional experiences that can contribute to maternal psychosocial well-being or distress. For example, Ford and Ayers (2009) found that the support provided by hospital staff during childbirth had a more significant impact on mothers’ emotional responses to childbirth than perinatal and postpartum stressors.

Rural Postpartum Social and Emotional Experiences
     Mothers who reside in rural localities have unique challenges compared to their urban and suburban counterparts. Due to the scarcity of health care providers and infrastructure in rural communities, significant differences in access to critical care obstetrics in rural and frontier areas of the United States exist (Kozhimannil et al., 2016, 2019; Kroelinger et al., 2021). Mothers in these areas often cope with challenges such as poverty, transportation barriers, and long distances to health care facilities, sometimes beyond a 50-mile radius. Hung and colleagues (2017) found that 45% of rural counties had no hospitals with obstetric services, with 9% experiencing a loss of in-county obstetric services. Rural counties that did not have hospital obstetric services tended to be smaller in geographical area; more significant gaps in service increased with the removal of hospital-based obstetric care. This evidence points to an overall decline in critical infrastructure related to childbirth and postpartum care in rural communities.

Disparities in mental health outcomes, including symptoms of depression during pregnancy and the postpartum period, have been observed in rural areas among mothers when compared to those residing in urban areas (Nidey et al., 2020). Factors associated with poor mental health outcomes outlined by Nidey and colleagues (2020) included socioeconomic barriers commonly found in rural contexts, such as limited access to services. Additionally, mothers living in rural areas were more likely to be younger, unmarried, and publicly insured and to possess lower education levels than their urban counterparts (Nidey et al., 2020).

Geographic isolation, limited resources, and the stigma associated with mental illness can cause rural residents to avoid seeking mental health care (Letvak, 2002). Within low-income rural populations, maternal distress is significantly predicted by experiences of emotional abuse, recent stressors, and discrimination (Ruyak et al., 2022). New mothers in rural communities deal with several challenges regarding limited health care services and support access. These challenges can be further complicated by a history of trauma and rejection, which may create barriers to seeking social relationships and hinder their recovery (Hine et al., 2017). Building trust with others can be difficult when social support is limited. According to a study conducted in the midwestern United States (Eapen et al., 2019), pregnant women living in rural areas received significant support from their partners and female relatives. The mothers often expressed their desire to have access to emotional support and maintain social support throughout their pregnancy from partners and social networks of relatives and friends.

Understanding Rural Mothers’ Postpartum Social and Emotional Experiences
     Counseling researchers have not thoroughly explored the postpartum experiences of rural mothers. The current understanding of childbirth is limited to outdated studies related to prenatal care (Choate & Gintner, 2011) and postpartum depression (Albright, 1993; Pfost et al., 1990), with little to no understanding of the social and emotional factors contributing to these conditions. Furthermore, a lack of knowledge about rural mothers’ social and emotional experiences during the postpartum period exists, including what factors contribute to these experiences. This study sought to understand mothers’ postpartum social and emotional experiences in rural communities. We defined social experiences as the verbal, nonverbal, and interactive events that occurred between the postpartum women and individuals (e.g., friends, family, neighbors) in their community. We defined emotional experiences as events that impacted the mothers psychologically during the period after giving birth. The research question that this study aimed to address was: What are the postpartum social and emotional experiences of mothers in rural communities?

Method

We used a qualitative research approach to understand the postpartum experiences of women who identify as biological mothers in rural communities. Specifically, we selected transcendental phenomenology (Moustakas, 1994) for this study’s methodology. Drawing from a realist ontology and constructivist epistemology (Flynn et al., 2019), Moustakas’s (1994) transcendental phenomenology is congruent with this study’s purpose and research question, which desired to understand the lived experiences of postpartum mothers in rural communities. Additionally, Moustakas’s (1994) transcendental phenomenology provided a methodological context that emphasized the bracketing of prior assumptions and knowledge (i.e., epoche) among the members of the research team to distinguish, understand, and describe the particular postpartum experiences of the participants.

Participants
     Institutional Review Board approval was obtained prior to recruitment from the university with whom we were affiliated at the time this study was conducted. Participants were recruited from five rural counties in the Appalachian region of the Southeastern United States. Each of the five counties identified was selected based on its classification as rural by the Federal Office of Rural Health Policy (2022). Purposive criterion sampling was used to recruit participants based on the following selection criteria: biological mothers, at least 18 years old, residing in one of the identified rural counties, and having a child under the age of 2. Recruitment materials in the form of flyers were shared (in person and via email) with various community venues within each of the five counties, such as childcare facilities, medical clinics, and public libraries. The flyers included information on the study, inclusion criteria, and notification of a $100 gift card for compensation (research was supported by a grant from the Tennessee Tech Center for Rural Innovation). Members of our research team contacted representative gatekeepers from these recruitment venues and gained permission to share the recruitment flyers with potential participants within these settings. Potential participants interested in the study could voluntarily communicate their interest in participating to the research team; a member of our research team screened each participant based on the study’s inclusion criteria.

Our recruitment strategy resulted in a sample size of 16 participants from four counties. We organized focus groups based on the geographic residency of the participants within the four counties. This approach resulted in participants from the same rural county being grouped into the same focus group. The mean composition of participants per focus group was four, with a standard deviation of 2.3 across the four focus groups. Participants ranged from 25 to 34 years of age (M = 30, SD = 2.6). Fifteen participants identified as White/Caucasian and one as multiracial/multiethnic. The total household income reported by participants included $10,000–$24,999 (n = 1), $25,000–$49,999 (n = 5), $50,000–$74,999 (n = 5), $75,000–$99,999 (n = 4), and $100,000–$149,999 (n = 1). The participants had between one and four children (M = 2.25, SD = 0.9), who at the time of the study were between the ages of 4 months to 14 years (M = 4.2, SD = 3.3). Thirteen participants reported being married, two reported being in committed relationships, and one reported being single. Five participants were high school or equivalent graduates. One engaged in some college coursework, three earned associate degrees, six earned bachelor’s degrees, and one earned a master’s degree. Ten participants reported being employed; six reported not being employed outside of the home at the time of the study. Twelve participants reported that they did not receive any postpartum professional counseling, while four participants indicated they had received some form of postpartum professional counseling services.

Data Collection and Analysis
     Data was collected through focus group interviews led by Katherine M. Hermann-Turner. Discussions were held in large meeting spaces familiar to that community (e.g., library, church hall, community center). Participants provided informed consent before engaging in research activities. Participants attended one of four focus groups and engaged in a semi-structured interview designed to last 90 minutes. Focus groups were moderated by Hermann-Turner, who has extensive qualitative interviewing experience, and were conducted in person and audio recorded. At each focus group meeting, institutionally approved childcare specialists offered participants no-cost childcare in a designated area of the meeting space.

The semi-structured interview protocol consisted of three primary areas of focus related to understanding participants’ descriptions of their postpartum social and emotional experiences (e.g., What are your feelings about this experience?), processing of postpartum social and emotional experiences (e.g., What has helped you process your postpartum social and emotional experiences?), and their experiences of postpartum social and emotional meaning-making (e.g., Who have you talked to about your postpartum social and emotional experiences since you went home with [your baby]?). To increase the accuracy of participants’ recall during data collection, Hermann-Turner asked the participants to discuss their last birth experience and if they had multiple children. The research team provided each participant with contact information for mental health resources and services should they want to follow up on any topics discussed during the focus groups. The focus group audio recordings were manually transcribed by the research team to ensure the accuracy of the transcripts used for data analysis.

Hermann-Turner, Jonathan D. Wiley, and Corrin N. Brown served as the data analysis team. They worked together to analyze the data by meeting as a group and reaching a consensus during each stage of the research process. Once the focus group interviews were transcribed, the team used the guidelines Moustakas (1994) provided to analyze the data. Based on these data analysis guidelines, they selected the Stevick-Colaizzi-Keen phenomenological data analysis method. This method, completed for each focus group transcript, involved identifying salient descriptions of participants’ experiences. These descriptions were then grouped into themes that were used to create a detailed description of the meanings and essences of the participants’ experiences. They then constructed a composite textual–structural description of the meanings and essences of participants’ experiences across all the focus group transcripts, including verbatim examples from the transcripts to describe the themes reported in this study.

Trustworthiness and Positionality
     Epoche—setting aside prejudgments, biases, and preconceptions throughout the research process—is essential to transcendental phenomenological research (Husserl, 1931; Moustakas, 1994). As such, we aspired to maintain epoche by employing trustworthiness strategies focused on bracketing our prejudgments, biases, and preconceptions throughout the research process. Before engaging in any research activities, we explored our subjectivity related to the phenomenon of the study by engaging in a reflective writing process to explore the connections we had with the conceptualization of the study, the phenomenon of study, the participant population, and the context of the research.

Collectively, we acknowledge how our anecdotal observations and experiences guided us to explore this topic and understand how mothers’ postpartum social and emotional experiences in rural communities can be enhanced. Although we share this unified belief, we represent a variety of backgrounds and experiences related to the present study. Specifically related to the phenomenon of inquiry, two researchers are biological mothers and have had their own postpartum social and emotional experiences. One of the researcher’s postpartum recoveries was in a non-rural context. In contrast, the other researcher’s postpartum recovery was within a rural community. The remaining three researchers have not experienced postpartum social and emotional experiences as biological parents. Concerning experience with rural communities, three of the five authors have direct experience with rurality, as they reside and serve as counselors in rural communities. The remaining two authors acknowledge limited experience related to living and working within rural communities.

We employed several trustworthiness strategies that supported the bracketing of our various experiences to the study phenomenon and context. In addition to the a priori reflective writing exercise mentioned above, all researchers engaged in weekly reflexive journaling during study formulation, recruitment, and data collection. Weekly reflexive journal entries were discussed among the research team. These group-based reflexive discussions focused on making sense of and, when necessary, bracketing the influence of prejudgments, biases, and preconceptions in relation to the study such as our personal and professional commitments to advocating for the presence of familial support, family-oriented community structures, and greater accessibility to postpartum services. As the research process transitioned to the data analysis phase, we reserved our reflexive responses and primary interpretations of the data for discussion in face-to-face meetings. Containing the data analysis process to the group milieu supported our use of analyst triangulation, providing that no one member of the data analysis team engaged in the analysis and interpretation of the data alone.

Findings

Four themes were found using Moustakas’s (1994) transcendental phenomenology methodology: powerlessness, help-seeking, recovering power, and here and now. Below, we present these themes, building on the theme of powerlessness and culminating with the participants’ empowering experience of being heard in the present moment during the focus groups. While this data is presented in a progressive sequence that seemingly indicates a transition from powerlessness to empowerment, we would like to note that we are not proposing a developmental model. Each theme is described and elaborated upon below using the participants’ words.

Powerlessness
     The first theme pertains to the feelings of powerlessness experienced by participants from rural communities regarding childbirth and postpartum recovery (i.e., physical and emotional). Participants expressed feelings of powerlessness within childbirth by sharing ways this feeling impacted their delivery and how the experience of being inadequate, out of control, or powerless extended into their role as mothers and sometimes into their postpartum recovery.

In talking about childbirth, the participants recounted intense experiences where they felt that they did not have a choice or a voice when birthing their child or have autonomy over their body. One participant stated, “I could have pushed. But the doctor was busy, and I was like, this is ridiculous.” Others collectively described the limitations of epidurals: “My back looked like I had been shot with a BB gun because they kept trying to poke. And I’m like, can you please get somebody that’s going to get it right the first time at this point?” Another participant noted the disregard for knowledge of her own body:

But the epidural didn’t work for me either. I had a hot spot, so they kept trying to put it back in and there was one spot that it wasn’t working on, which I knew would happen because of my back problems.

     Other participants shared their lack of voice when deciding to have a vaginal delivery or an epidural, stating:

The doctor was like, well, we’ll schedule C-section for tomorrow. I was like, oh no we will not! What’s my options here? So, I had a C-section with her at 38 weeks. When she came out, I got to see her for a minute, but they told me all kinds of things were wrong with her. And then she went to the NICU.

Another similarly recounted:

I was in labor for 4 nights with my first. Four nights, we’re talking contractions 5 minutes or less apart for 4 days and all the trauma on my body. . . . I begged for a C-section towards the end, and they just kept telling me “No.” On the fourth night, I begged, and I begged, and begged. They said, “No, no, no.” No one listened to me. And then when his heart rate started dropping, they were like, “Okay, we have to do a C-section.’’

     Powerlessness within participants’ postpartum recovery was also expressed. Similar to the statements above concerning powerlessness within the birth experience, participants described continued barriers to recovery, bonding with their baby, and building memories due to external constraints (e.g., physical recovery or sleep deprivation). One participant stated, “I kind of don’t remember any of his first couple of months because I had three surgeries after he was born, and I couldn’t take care of him by myself.” Another shared, “I was so sleep deprived . . . I don’t remember their first year of life.” Participants’ ability to fully embrace the experience with their newborn was seemingly governed by secondary factors.

In addition, participants stated a lack of empowerment in their follow-up care and in making decisions regarding the care of their newborn. Two participants shared, “When I breastfed, I had no idea what I was doing. Nobody helped me,” and “I skipped my appointment because I just felt not heard. I didn’t want to go . . . I felt like it was pointless.” One participant shared, “They’re almost pushing formula . . . ‘No, you’re giving me an out. I really want to do this [breastfeed],’ like ‘Let me do this please.’ . . . They’re not hearing you at all.” Another participant expressed the weight of expectation of “having it together,” where seeking support is met with, “You got it, you’re such a super mom,” communicating a further sense of perceived abandonment.

Powerlessness in postpartum recovery also emerged through participant disclosures concerning their position as a mother. One participant stated, “We don’t get the option to walk away,” communicating the longevity and sense of direct responsibility experienced as a new mother. Another participant shared, “I remember lifting her up and the midwife was like, ‘Now you have to burp her.’ And I’m like, ‘Every time I feed her, I have to burp her?’ and I just started crying.” Another participant described a similar moment realizing that having a child is “gonna take work. And that was just the beginning.”

Experiencing powerlessness extended beyond overarching postpartum adjustment to subjective emotional aspects of recovery. Participants described a certain vulnerability to emotions that emerged, stating, “It hits you in the wildest of places. Like, I’m in Target.” And another shared, “I’d just be driving down the road in the car again . . . it’s so hard . . . babies are easy, but then it feels so hard, like in the moment.” Another participant shared her mechanism for navigating through intense emotions throughout postpartum recovery, stating, “I feel these feelings, I’ve had these thoughts run across my mind and I just shut them out” to cope in the moment.

Help-Seeking
     A salient theme in the participants’ interviews relates to the disparity that they faced in effectuating requisite emotional and physiological needs. Participants identified postpartum needs such as sustaining physiological routines, emotional processing of postpartum experiences, and exploring postpartum selfhood and identity. Alternately, they also identified inconsistencies in their ability to meet these needs. Overall, the participants communicated support-seeking incongruities through their use of affective language relating fear and shame.

Participants described complexities related to sustaining the physiological routine needs of those in their care quickly after birth. Many participants described the rapid speed at which they returned to caring for their families after giving birth. For example, one participant stated, “We aren’t told to rest. We’re told to . . . have your baby and then keep going with your life.” This rapid transition to caring for their families after birth was described by several participants as a bewildering time. One participant illustrated this perplexing time by sharing, “I don’t know what I need. I don’t even know. My husband says, ‘What do you need from me?’ I don’t really know. I don’t know what I need.” This explanation describes the bewilderment many of the participants expressed.

Many participants described an interdependent relationship between meeting their and others’ physiological needs and their individual emotional experiences. For example, one participant stated, “I’m struggling physically, which is making me struggle mentally.” Many of the participants described challenging experiences related to the physical process of birth concerning the safety and livelihood of their child. Also, several participants described the postpartum period as more difficult emotionally. When asked to compare their emotional experiences of childbirth to the postpartum period, one participant answered, “That’s more postpartum, postpartum experience because that was harder for me than the births.” A few participants used words such as “debilitating” and “extreme” to characterize their postpartum emotional experience. One participant stated she “just didn’t understand how everybody else could be so normal around me, and I felt such extreme anxiety and fear.”

Another need frequently described by participants was the exploration of their postpartum identity and sense of self. Participants characterized this need as navigating the changes to their selfhood and identity due to their transition to parenthood. One participant candidly stated this need: “Like you’re still a person.” Within the context of parenthood, one participant described a process of “figuring out who you are outside of that [parenthood].” Many participants described challenges in integrating their individuality within their new role as a mother. For example, one participant explained, “It would help me to not just talk about the kids. Of course, your kids are a big chunk of your life, but actually being a person and having adult problems is a big chunk, too.” Explicitly referring to parenthood, one participant remarked, “I get resentful because I still deserve to be treated like a woman and not just like ‘mom and dad.’”

Whereas the dimensions above describe the postpartum needs of mothers for physiological routines, emotional processing, and identity exploration, most participants in the study had challenges in accessing these identified needs. These challenges were particularly noted in seeking social and emotional support. Most of the participants within this study described the accessibility they experience related to social support postpartum in affective terms; one of the most prominent affective dimensions identified was shame in seeking postpartum support. For example, one participant described their experience seeking available interpersonal and intrapersonal resources in their community: “There are resources all around me, but it’s like you feel ashamed.”

For some of the participants in this study, the experience of shame was associated with a fear of the consequences of being open and authentic with health care providers about their social and emotional experiences. One participant explained this shame and fear, stating:

You feel ashamed to say it. At one of my postpartum follow-ups, they’re like, “Oh, you feel like hurting yourself?” And, I’m thinking, “Yes, I want to die, I feel so depressed,” but you say “No” because you’re scared they’re gonna take your child away or they’re gonna call the police, they’re going to hospitalize you.

     Several participants described similar patterns of desiring to be honest with health care providers but instead choosing to refrain from sharing their social and emotional experiences. Most of the participants described these types of inconsistencies in self-advocating for social and emotional support postpartum, given the acceptability of mental health within their specific rural communities. In response to discussion of providers’ preferred responses when seeking emotional support, one participant declared she would prefer a provider said, “‘Let’s go to counseling. Let’s have another follow-up appointment.’ Instead of, ‘Maybe we should call DCS’ and assuming she’s harming these kids or herself. It’s not that type of situation.” The discrepancy between self-identified needs and the potential repercussions of sharing their need for support, particularly emotional and mental health support, was a common theme across participants.

Recovering Power
     Participants shared their processes of recovering their sense of power within the postpartum period. One participant explained their process of carving out personal time while navigating the challenges of the day:

Nursing her this whole time, I think has really helped with processing because I have to stop and sit down and breathe. So, I think it’s really helped having that 30–40 minutes of just sitting down because I don’t sit down when I’m home. I’m up cleaning and running, but yeah, nursing has really helped me process this birth a lot.

     Other participants shared experiences of recovering their sense of power through personal growth and adapting to life’s challenges as new mothers. One participant stated:

I think you find yourself in motherhood. Not to say that women aren’t their true selves before they’re a mother. Who you are as a mother is who you are, you don’t have to be different or go back to who you were. It’s a growing experience and it’s hard, definitely.

     Another participant shared how the experiences of childbirth and postpartum recovery helped shape her capacity for self-advocacy, stating, “I think through all of it, I learned to stand up for myself more than I ever have.”

Lastly, participants illustrated the moments of acceptance with their new roles as mothers and the decision to exercise gratitude for the profound changes associated with postpartum recovery. One participant recognized the position of mothers in providing care and support to their children with little acknowledgment or reciprocation, sharing, “You give so much, because you chose them, they owe you nothing in return. I think you come to terms with that too when you have babies because what are they going to give you?” Another participant shared the complexity of varied comfort levels of motherhood while recognizing the swiftness of childhood development, stating, “Postpartum is really hard for me. I’m just not good at it. But luckily, it’s such like a small time, I think just seeing them grow and knowing you’re doing it for a reason,” leading to assumed acceptance within the postpartum recovery process for many participants and that their efforts are not without meaning.

Here and Now
     In addition to the themes presented about the birthing and postpartum period, throughout the interview processes, we became aware of the connectedness among the participants. The participants spoke about their here-and-now experiences, feeling supported in the focus group setting. Participants commented about the experience of being together, expressed support and empathy, and described hopes for ongoing opportunities to connect.

We were aware of the vulnerability of the participants as they found a safe place to share their stories. One participant described how she felt that the group was different from her previous group experiences, stating, “I hate group therapy. I do not speak in group therapy, but obviously, I can’t shut up. It just came out so openly because there’s a comfort here; there’s no uppity.” Another participant playfully shared, “I’m sharing a lot. Don’t judge me,” identifying how she felt comfortable talking about herself in the focus group setting.

The ability to be open was likely encouraged by the experience of being in a group of mothers who shared similar histories. One participant stated, “It’s nice knowing that you’re not alone like, you know, whenever you feel sad or upset or whatever, like, knowing other moms feel that too,” which was a similar sentiment to a participant of another group who said, “You know, it makes you feel so much better. It’s like, man, [you’re] going through it too, I’m not crazy.” The mothers also appreciated one another’s support, stating, “Yeah, it’s nice for someone to say, ‘Yeah, I get it.’”

The participants’ willingness to be vulnerable could result from the expression of support and empathy among the participants. The participants made frequent comments like, “That’s right. That’s how I feel too,” “Oh, that’s a good idea. I never thought about that,” “I didn’t even realize it till you just said that,” and “You’ve done a great job!” Sometimes, these expressions were minimal encouragers as the participants supported one another with ongoing head nods, mm-hmms, and the occasional expression of “Oh my gosh!” or “It really is!” At other times, the expression of support was more overt, as in statements like, “I don’t blame you for not having any more [children] after everything you went through. I’d be done, too.” The participants seemed to connect even when there were differences in their experiences, such as one participant describing respect for the participants who had C-sections: “Y’all are the women having C-sections that terrifies me. They said something about the C-section, and I was like [gasp!] no, I will get her out. . . . y’all are amazing for doing that.”

The participants not only supported one another in the conversations related to the group, but they also expressed warmth toward one another’s children. As described in the methodology section, the participants’ children were in the same large room with caregivers provided by the study. In the instances where a child was drawing their mother’s attention, the participants were open to the children, such as the comment by one mother normalizing the behavior: “The one thing we know about being a mom is that kids are unpredictable.” The participants also frequently complimented one another’s family with statements about the other children like, “You’re so cute” or “They’re lovely, beautiful.” The participants seemed to accept one another wholeheartedly without judgment.

Another consistent occurrence at the end of the groups was the participants’ gratitude for the experience of being together and a desire to continue meeting. For instance, one participant stated, “It would be nice if there were a mom group here because I’m not aware of that, some kind of a meetup or something.” Another mother brainstormed, “We could take the kids to the park. That way, they could play, and we can talk.” Overall, the feeling was consistent among the participants. Being with other moms was enjoyable, as shown in the statement, “I could do this all day, every day. Like, let’s talk everything babies” and “I do love talking about birth with other people. The same as you. I’ve never met another person with experience like I have. This is really great.” Overall, while the participants described many personal struggles, they also demonstrated their individual strength and empathic ability to support one another.

Discussion

Overall, this study extends the understanding of rural mothers’ postpartum social and emotional experiences, which have been overlooked in the professional counseling literature. The present study provides a focused insight into the rurality and postpartum social and emotional experiences related to the broader category of childbirth experiences. Although there have been important and recent contributions to the literature related to counselors’ perceptions of rural women clients (Leagjeld et al., 2021), our study provides an even more focused account of a specific dimension of rural mothers’ postpartum social and emotional experiences. While the authors anticipated themes related to multigenerational support, postpartum family support, and community support due to the rurality of the setting, we were surprised to uncover more universal themes related to motherhood.

Perhaps the most compelling finding is how participants experienced social and emotional powerlessness, which directly impacted their postpartum recovery. As mentioned in the literature review, a mother’s sense of self-efficacy, self-esteem, and empowerment has been found to impact maternal mental health (Fenwick et al., 2003; Molloy et al., 2021). Given the importance of autonomy as one of the fundamental principles of ethical behavior, according to the National Board for Certified Counselors (NBCC; 2023) and the American Counseling Association (ACA; 2014), the findings of this study highlight an important area of advocacy for the counseling profession. Participants in this study described proximal and systemic factors that impacted their experience of social and emotional powerlessness.

Participants referenced these proximal factors through the way they described not having a choice or voice regarding their care during and after childbirth. Across the participants in this study, the experiences during and immediately after childbirth seemed to set a tone for their postpartum recovery, with powerlessness at birth serving as a precursor to powerlessness postpartum. Some of the participants hinted at what has been referred to in the anthropological literature as a technocratic model of birth whereby the birth experience is characterized by mechanistic separation and control, reducing mothers’ autonomy during birth (Davis-Floyd, 2004). Although this reference to this technocratic model pertains specifically to childbirth, the initial childbirth experiences of participants described as mechanical, separate, and informed by external control in this study point to the development of longer-term postpartum social and emotional powerlessness. This social and emotional powerlessness and autonomy might be related to the development of postpartum anxiety and depression. Although social support has been found to decrease the probability of a mother developing postpartum depression (Cho et al., 2022), it is possible, therefore, that social and emotional powerlessness may also contribute to the development of postpartum anxiety and depression. Although this relationship can be surmised through the findings of this study, additional explanatory (i.e., causal) analyses are needed to further confirm the social and emotional determinants of postpartum distress, such as powerlessness.

Another important finding is that rural mothers desired and expressed an active openness to support their postpartum social and emotional experiences. Participants identified postpartum needs such as sustaining physiological routines, emotional processing of postpartum experiences, and exploring postpartum selfhood and identity. However, the participants in this study described experiencing barriers to supporting their postpartum social and emotional experience due to systemic barriers that impacted their ability to realize this desired support. The help-seeking theme reported in this study highlights that participants desired social and emotional help-seeking that was ultimately thwarted based on a variety of sociocultural factors such as geographic isolation, mental health stigma, and cultural norms of help-seeking behavior in addition to the reduced availability and accessibility of postpartum social and emotional supports in rural localities. This finding is consistent with previous studies that indicate an overall decline in critical structure related to childbirth and postpartum care in rural communities (Hung et al., 2017; Kozhimannil et al., 2016, 2019; Kroelinger et al., 2021). However, the findings of this present study provide localized insight into the demand side of postpartum social and emotional help-seeking. Although the supply of postpartum social and emotional support, in addition to critical health care infrastructure, was lacking, the rural mothers who participated in this study readily identified and desired needed social and emotional support.

Implications
     The study’s results have various implications for counselors, particularly those working in rural communities or with a perinatal population. While there is a precedence for targeted interventions to support postpartum women through mental health programs (Geller et al., 2018), traumatic birth recovery support (Miller et al., 2021), and postpartum post-traumatic stress disorder recovery (P-PTSD; Cirino & Knapp, 2019), we did not observe these practices being implemented in any of the rural communities studied. The participants frequently described impactful, possibly traumatic, birth experiences and identified a lack of support during delivery and after being released from the hospital. Counselors, especially in rural communities, would benefit from establishing systems for support for postpartum mothers.

The participants also described a desire to feel supported by the medical community. Although they described crafting birth plans, they often felt that these were disregarded or ignored during childbirth, which contradicts recommendations to use birth plans to create security for women (Greenfield et al., 2019). The women also expressed apprehension toward assessment for postpartum depression by their doctor. Creating an environment where mothers feel safe with an emphasis on both depression and a holistic understanding of life’s current difficulties provides a more effective assessment (Corrigan et al., 2015). Counselors could benefit from providing psychoeducation to the medical community, particularly nurses in OBGYN clinics, or those having a role in supporting mothers within a medical setting.

A final implication for counselors is to help new mothers find social support and connections in their community. While literature supports the need for social support in rural communities (Letvak, 2002) and for postpartum mothers (Geller et al., 2018), throughout the groups, the mothers frequently identified the desire to stay connected yet being unable to find mothers’ groups. However, they identified a lack of opportunities within the community (e.g., no community meeting space and parks that are inaccessible in winter months) and not having the time, energy, or knowledge to form a group themselves. As a result, counselors can help by advocating for community spaces and creating postpartum support groups, which would greatly benefit the rural communities we studied.

Recommendations for Professional Counselors

Given the findings of this study, we propose the following strategies for professional counselors to employ in supporting the social, emotional, and overall mental wellness of postpartum mothers in rural areas:

  • Empowerment practices: In the context of postpartum mothers, it is crucial for counselors to address feelings of powerlessness that can impact mental health. Counselors should focus on empowering practices such as positive self-talk, affirmations, and promoting self-care to counteract external factors that diminish autonomy and control.
  • Client autonomy: Autonomy is a fundamental ethical principle, and counselors must recognize the systemic relationship between clients’ life experiences and the support they can offer. Building a strong therapeutic alliance and emphasizing foundational counseling skills and relational dimensions can help establish a sense of safety and comfort in the therapeutic relationship.
  • Support and counseling groups: We recommend providing support and counseling groups for postpartum mothers, as participants in this study responded positively to the group format. These groups can provide safe spaces for mothers to share their experiences and connect with one another. Counselors specializing in this area should facilitate the development of these groups to leverage the therapeutic benefits of group counseling.
  • Telemental health infrastructure: The challenges related to the availability and accessibility of counseling services in rural areas have been well-documented. A commonly proposed solution is telemental health counseling, which enables facilitating support groups, conducting individual counseling, and working with postpartum mothers in remote communities. Professional counselors must advocate for improving physical infrastructure in rural areas in order to enhance telemental health services, including better internet access to facilitate the provision of these services.
  • Continuing education and training: When providing telemental health counseling in rural areas, it is important to consider cultural competencies and approach differences with humility. Counselors not located in the same geographical areas as their clients may need more clarification on the specific context of their rural clients. Continuing education and training opportunities should be provided to counselors in rural communities, and they should be encouraged to share their work at state- and national-level conferences.
  • Integrated primary and mental health care: Advocacy for counselors includes encouraging the integration of primary and mental health care services. This integration is critical in rural areas where the accessibility and availability of primary and mental health care is limited. Therefore, we suggest that counselors reach out to physical health professionals in their communities in order to find ways to integrate services and to address the physical and mental aspects of wellness for clients in rural areas.

Limitations and Future Research
     A robust research methodology is incomplete without recognizing limitations, and we identify minor limits in recruitment, sampling, and interviewing. We intentionally selected a focus group format to create a sense of community and facilitate memory recall. Due to the rural environment, participants often had preexisting relationships. We speculated that the relationships among participants could affect their interactions, leading to either selective sharing or a sense of comfort with disclosure. We felt that the latter context was present, as the participants supported one another in vulnerable moments with empathy and self-disclosure.

Before collecting data, we identified an ideal group size of four to six participants; nevertheless, the four groups had significant variation as they had two, three, three, and eight participants. We held a fifth focus group, but because there was only one attendee, the data was not used for this study, as we felt the difference in setting was too great from the intended study. We also selected focus group times to accommodate mothers of young children (i.e., not offered during nap times or mealtimes). However, morning meeting times could have prevented mothers who worked during the day or outside of the home from attending. We also felt engagement in the community could have facilitated trust and recruitment, yet we did not have a preexisting connection to the communities. We considered that individual interviews could better accommodate participants’ schedules.

In addition, one participant was a mother of twins, which we recognize could lead to different experiences from the mothers of singletons, but at the time of the group, we felt creating a culture of inclusiveness outweighed the need for homogeneity. In retrospect, we felt the participant was a valuable contributor, and the decision toward inclusivity was correct. We recommend that future research on this population similarly create a climate of openness and community. Finally, we recognize that while using incentives is an accepted practice, the $100 gift cards may have not only motivated participants but also captured a specific demographic that was financially driven.

Additional research should pinpoint the specific challenges faced by new mothers and identify impactful support practices, especially for mothers in rural areas. Future research replicating this study in other rural areas could also strengthen the understanding of the population. As described in this study, every rural area is unique, so additional data from rural communities could further confirm this study’s understanding of women’s postpartum experiences. A final recommendation is the exploration of the impact of children in the family system as a source of postpartum support. One participant described her preteen daughter’s expression of curiosity about childbirth as a loving, supportive context where she could share developmentally appropriate information about her experience, and we wondered if this opportunity for processing is helpful for other postpartum women.

Conclusion

This study highlights the urgent need to address the disparities in postpartum support for mothers living in rural areas. The findings describe rural mothers’ social and emotional experiences, including feelings of powerlessness, a desire to seek help, and their resilience in the face of difficulties. By advocating for expansion of the overall infrastructure for care during childbirth and postpartum, counselors can enhance their support of rural mothers’ social and emotional needs. Counselors can play a vital role in developing this kind of support by being knowledgeable about the experiences of rural mothers and advocating for a holistic response to this identified need.

 

Conflict of Interest and Funding Disclosure
The authors reported no conflict of interest
in the development of this manuscript.
The research for this study was supported
by a grant from the Center for Rural
Innovation at Tennessee Tech University.

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Katherine M. Hermann-Turner, PhD, NCC, BC-TMH, LPC (TN), is an associate professor at Tennessee Tech University. Jonathan D. Wiley, PhD, NCC, LPC (VA), is an assistant professor at Tennessee Tech University. Corrin N. Brown, EdS, NCC, LPC-MHSP-Temp. (TN), is a doctoral candidate at Tennessee Tech University. Alyssa A. Curtis, MS, MA, is a graduate of Tennessee Tech University. Dessie S. Avila, MA, LPC-MHSP (TN), is a doctoral candidate at Tennessee Tech University. Correspondence may be addressed to Katherine M. Hermann-Turner, Tennessee Tech University, Box 5031, Cookeville, TN 38505, khturner@tntech.edu. 

Career Counselors Addressing Social Determinants of Mental Health in Rural Communities

Kaprea F. Johnson, Alexandra Gantt-Howrey, Bisola E. Duyile, Lauren B. Robins, Natese Dockery

Career counselors practicing in rural communities must understand and address social determinants of mental health (SDOMH). This conceptual article details the relationships between SDOMH domains and employment and provides evidence-based recommendations for integrating SDOMH into practice through a rural community health and well-being framework. Description of the adaptation of the framework for career counselors in rural communities, SDOMH assessment strategies and tools, and workflow adjustments are included. Conclusions suggest next steps for practice and research.

Keywords: social determinants of mental health, career counselors, rural communities, health and well-being framework, assessment

     Career counselors in rural communities address standard employment needs of the population, but they also must be aware of the socioeconomic circumstances that impact their community’s mental health and, in return, employment. Such socioeconomic factors are termed the social determinants of mental health (SDOMH). SDOMH are nonclinical psychosocial and socioeconomic circumstances that contribute to mental health outcomes (Office of Disease Prevention and Health Promotion [ODPHP], n.d.). Healthy People 2030, a government initiative to promote health and well-being, describes a five-domain framework of SDOMH which includes: economic stability, education access and quality, health care access and quality, neighborhood and built environment, and social and community context (ODPHP, n.d.). Collectively, SDOMH can disrupt overall well-being and have a cyclical relationship with employment. For example, in rural communities, minimal access to public transportation may make sustaining employment difficult, which can then impact health insurance. Without insurance, a person loses access to health care; with unmet health care needs, a person who is unwell and without access to treatment has less opportunity for employment. Thus, understanding and addressing SDOMH is critically important for career counselors working in rural and other underserved communities (Pope, 2011). This conceptual paper will define SDOMH, introduce a theoretical framework for addressing SDOMH, provide evidence-based recommendations for assessment and treatment, and conclude with national resources to support career counselors in rural communities as they incorporate addressing SDOMH into their work.

Rural Communities, Employment, and Career Counselors

The U.S. Census Bureau considers rural communities as a group of people, counties, and housing outside of an urban area. More specifically, the Office of Management and Budget defines rural as areas with an urban core population of fewer than 50,000 people (Health Resources and Services Administration, 2017). After the 2010 Census, it was estimated that approximately 15% of the population lives in rural communities (Health Resources & Services Administration, 2017). Rural communities experience higher rates of unemployment and poverty, and residents are therefore more likely to live below the poverty line (United States Department of Agriculture [USDA], 2014). This is largely rooted in the fact that rural communities experience underdevelopment, economic decline, and neglect (Dwyer & Sanchez, 2016). Economic focus in rural environments typically centers around agriculture, rather than technological advancement (Dwyer & Sanchez, 2016). This contributes in part to a dearth of economic resources and thereby to increased unemployment and poverty and reduced health and well-being outcomes (Bradshaw, 2007; Brassington, 2011; Dwyer & Sanchez, 2016).

According to research conducted by the USDA, the unemployment rate in rural communities steadily declined for approximately 10 years prior to the COVID-19 pandemic; in September of 2019, the rural unemployment rate was 3.5% (Dobis et al., 2021). However, unemployment in rural communities reached 13.6% in April 2020, with unemployment disparately affecting those in more impoverished communities (Dobis et al., 2021). The role and goal of the career counselor is to help individuals in a specific community obtain or retain employment (Landon et al., 2019). For example, career counselors start the counseling process by systematically assessing clients’ needs, qualifications, and job aspirations. They provide career planning services and effective job search strategies. They help with résumé writing, interview preparations, skill development, and training opportunities (Amundson, 1993). Further, career counselors provide case management services by tracking and monitoring their clients’ progress. They record client information, document counseling sessions, track job applications, and survey employment outcomes (Amundson, 1993). Through tailored support, the career counselor works with the client throughout the life span to support the search for and maintaining of employment, while building client resilience and feelings of empowerment along the way.

However, rural communities have limited employment options and self-employment opportunities, which makes the role of the career counselor difficult in rural settings. Individuals in rural communities seeking employment may find it difficult to trust an outside counselor, and they may experience limited or no access to mental health services, health care practitioners, and transportation services, thereby negatively impacting their ability to participate effectively in the employment process (Landon et al., 2019). Career counselors in rural settings must develop a broader range of skills and connections to better serve their clients. These inequities experienced in rural settings reflect SDOMH and are factors which interfere with the role of the career counselor.

Social Determinants of Mental Health and Employment
     SDOMH are the nonmedical factors shaped by the unequal distribution of power, privilege, and resources that influence the health outcomes of individuals and communities (World Health Organization, 2014). SDOMH concern the environmental living conditions that affect a wide range of health, functioning, and quality-of-life outcomes and risks (Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, 2020). In the Healthy People 2030 framework, the ODPHP (n.d.) defined social determinants of health (SDOH) through five primary domains: Economic Stability, Education Access and Quality, Health Care Access and Quality, Neighborhood and Built Environment, and Social and Community Context. These five domains are important to understand within the context of employment. In the Economic Stability domain, employment is the most pertinent issue (ODPHP, n.d.), as a lack of employment typically influences both mental and physical health (Norström et al., 2019). A few distinct factors related to economic stability and employment include job security, work environment, monetary factors (e.g., pay), and the demands of the job (ODPHP, n.d.). For example, in rural communities, agriculture is a significant source of employment for individuals. However, this source of income is seemingly unstable, as farming and agriculture are mostly dependent on the season (Liebman, 2010). In the Education Access and Quality domain, enrollment in higher education or holding a higher education degree has been found to have a positive impact on employment, as well as yielding more positive overall health outcomes and optimal well-being (ODPHP, n.d.; USDA, 2017). For adults living in rural communities, unemployment rates are higher for those with lower education attainment, further supporting the connection between education and employment (USDA, 2017). Regarding the Health Care Access and Quality domainspecifically in rural communitiesfactors such as proximity to hospitals, lack of insurance, and the overall cost of health care can reduce accessibility. Health care, especially higher-quality health care, aids in preventing disease and improving individuals’ quality of life (ODPHP, n.d.). However, inadequate health care leads to higher rates of disease, which have a direct impact on individuals’ ability to sustain employment, due to factors such as missing work because of illness or having to travel further to receive health care (Dueñas et al., 2016).

Ability to travel is also a cause for concern in rural communities and is closely related to the Neighborhood and Built Environment domain. Healthy People 2030 proposed various objectives related to neighborhood and built environment, with one being to increase access to mass transit (ODPHP, n.d.). It is apparent that a lack of reliable transportation is directly tied to unemployment, especially in rural communities due to distance and limited accessibility (U.S. Department of Transportation, 2019). Public transportation carries many noteworthy benefits, such as reducing air pollution, being inexpensive compared to purchasing a car, minimizing the cost of fuel and upkeep for personal vehicles, and increased convenience. Although these positive aspects of public transportation are ideal, individuals living in rural communities may not be able to reap these benefits due to the lack of public transportation in these areas, perhaps also limiting employment options (Shoup & Homa, 2010; U.S. Department of Transportation, 2019).

Lastly, the fifth domain, Social and Community Context, is interrelated with employment, as it tends to have a significant impact on workplace conditions, influences individuals’ overall mental and physical health, and can hinder growth and development (Norström et al., 2019). Additionally, social cohesion and adequate support in communities can be leveraged to locate and obtain employment and other helpful resources; however, this often falls short in rural communities. For example, in rural communities, the inability to secure gainful employment is notably linked to geographical disparities, such as those within the Neighborhood and Built Environment SDOH domain. Examples of such geographic disparities which affect employment include limited or nonexistent options for public transportation, a lack of available local jobs, and a lack of childcare facilities for use by working parents. Rural communities also often experience a lack of resources to improve the employment outlook and overall well-being of their population (Bradshaw, 2007; Dwyer & Sanchez, 2016). In addition, structurally, it has been observed that economic resources tend to cluster or aggregate together. For example, businesses that have been successful in a community invite and attract more businesses, thus pulling resources away from rural communities that might not have such a history of business success. Meanwhile, communities that are left behind experience economic restructuring and delays in receiving new technologies, leading to fewer employment opportunities (Bradshaw, 2007; Landon et al., 2019). Thus, providing employment or vocational services in rural America can be particularly challenging.

Furthermore, unemployment, poverty, and mental health concerns are inextricably linked. When career counselors uncover and address these factors in rural America, they must consider the surplus of needed services and resources to systemically address interrelated issues. To be intentional, career counselors practicing in rural communities should consider using a theoretical foundation that provides direction for action on the SDOMH which impact their clients’ lives and ability to be gainfully employed. The Rural Community Health and Well-Being Framework (Annis et al., 2004) is a framework that would be exceedingly helpful in this pursuit.

Theoretical Framework for Action: Rural Community Health and Well-Being Framework

Rural communities make up over 20% of the population and are often classified by a lack of necessary resources, lower levels of education, and persistent economic inequities (Hughes et al., 2019; Mohatt et al., 2006). Although they face many challenges, individuals in rural communities have been found to be resilient, especially when the proper resources are available (Annis et al., 2004). Application of a theoretical framework to practice centered on the unique needs of rural communities is important in addressing SDOMH through career counseling. The Rural Community Health and Well-Being Framework (Annis et al., 2004) strategically builds upon community resiliency and identifies economic, social, and environmental factors which are seen as essential components of health in rural communities. This framework also implores career counselors to consider how SDOMH indicators impact the community as a whole as well as individual people. For example, the framework provides specific areas for increased career counselor awareness and action: health, safety and security, economics, education, environment, community infrastructure and processes, recreation, social support and cohesion, and the overall population. These specific areas for rural communities are within the SDOMH domains, but emphasis is placed on recognition of the specific areas within the SDOMH domains that have the greatest impact on the community.

This comprehensive framework centers the needs of rural communities and provides direction for assessing and addressing SDOMH that impact employment and overall well-being. This framework will assist in uncovering employment issues and barriers faced by individuals within rural communities. Using this framework to assess SDOMH conditions (e.g., economic, social, environmental) will aid in developing employment and mental health interventions that are socially conscious and address root causes of unemployment and poor mental health. Overall, this framework provides a model for assessing and addressing SDOMH in rural communities.

Adaptation for Career Counselors
     Career counselors in rural communities who wish to use the Rural Community Health and Well-Being Framework for practice should consider doing the following: (a) increasing their awareness and understanding of SDOMH and the framework, (b) increasing their understanding of the specific community needs outlined by the framework, and (c) assessing the values and needs of the community. However, because the framework is primarily focused on community-level indicators of need, career counselors will need to adapt what they learn about the community to inform their practice with individual community members. The role of the career counselor is multifaceted; thus, career counselors can engage various aspects of their role, such as listener, leader, and evaluator, in their advocacy efforts.

To begin this process of learning about community and individual needs, Annis et al. (2004) suggested the importance of listening. For example, based on the community-level indicators of need, career counselors can assess individual clients for their unmet needs within those specific areas. By understanding how members of the community are experiencing indicators such as health, recreation, social support, transportation, and resources, career counselors will become better equipped to understand and address issues that are impacting their clients’ ability to obtain and maintain employment. Beyond the use of assessments, this framework equips career counselors to broach important conversations about social needs (Andermann, 2016) with their clients, to inform potential connection with community resources. These conversations may include explicit discussion about particular SDOMH challenges (e.g., education, safety, access to affordable childcare), as well as about the client’s sense of belonging, or lack thereof, within their community. These conversations should allow for increased understanding and rapport building through genuine listening and empathy (Annis et al., 2004; Covey, 1989).

Finally, the framework implores career counselors to advocate with and for individuals within their rural community to provide equitable employment opportunities (Crumb et al., 2019). Such advocacy may take place through connection with local rural community leaders, who may have power to alter or increase the distribution of certain resources within the community setting. For example, a career counselor may advocate on behalf of their clients to the local county board of commissioners for increased budget toward affordable transportation access within that county, thereby broadening clients’ access to job opportunities. Advocacy with local leaders outside of government might include collaboration with community college administrators for provision of additional support for working adults and parents who wish to return to school, such as more evening course options, advisor support, or readily available information on scholarships. Again, considering the aforementioned roles career counselors may have (e.g., leader, evaluator), career counselors may also consider further training in program evaluation—or collaboration with those who have such training—to better understand the efficacy of their community partnerships, referrals, and other advocacy-related efforts made toward supporting clients’ SDOMH.

Assessing and Addressing Social Determinants of Mental Health
     As noted earlier, SDOMH are inextricably linked to employment, which means career counselors in rural communities must acknowledge these challenges and seek to address these issues with their clients. However, researchers have also highlighted the importance of considering both facilitators and barriers to addressing SDOMH challenges (Browne et al., 2021). In a qualitative case study of staff at a community health center and hospital, participants identified practical facilitators of SDOMH response, including community collaboration and support from leadership, as well as barriers such as time limitations and lack of resources (Browne et al., 2021). As career counselors hold similar client outcome goals as community mental health providers, they can take these findings into consideration when determining how to best respond to clients’ SDOMH challenges through attention to opportunities for collaboration with community leaders (e.g., religious leaders, politicians) and resources within the community (e.g., food banks, health care providers). Another study highlighted the importance of collaboration, partnerships with local agencies, and understanding the role of the counselor in SDOMH response (Johnson & Brookover, 2021; Robins et al., 2022). With these findings in mind, career counselors in rural communities are well positioned to assess for and address SDOMH challenges faced by their clients (Crucil & Amundson, 2017; Tang et al., 2021) through individual-level action (i.e., counseling) and systems-level advocacy action.

Systems-Level Advocacy Through Assessment
     To effectively engage in systems-level advocacy, it is important for career counselors to recognize and understand the needs of their rural communities. When using the Rural Community Health and Well-Being Framework in practice, it is important to complete an assessment of the rural health of one’s community. Ryan-Nicholls and Racher (2004) purport that it is imperative to assess rural health within five categories: health status, health determinants, health behavior, health resources, and health service utilization. Counselors may consider these items when assessing the needs of their clients in rural communities, as these items provide a basis for assessment of other health factors, such as indicators of community health (e.g., environment and lifestyle) and economic well-being, and provide a foundation for systems-level advocacy and planning. This level of action focuses on improving the lives of the entire community through strategic advocacy efforts that improve population health and well-being (Ryan-Nicholls & Racher, 2004). A career counselor engaged at this level might focus their energy on advocating for increased economic development in their rural community, livable wages, universal health care, immigration issues, employment discrimination legislation, and other employment-related issues that impact the community directly or indirectly. Additionally, a career counselor may address client self-advocacy and utilize empowerment approaches to increase the voices of community members and their clients as related to work and employment needs.

In connection with this framework (Annis et al., 2004), career counselors can utilize this broader community-level assessment to inform specific points of advocacy. As an example, Annis et al. (2004) provided a sample form that may be utilized to collect community data on alcohol consumption (p. 79). Upon noting concern from individual clients on alcohol consumption, a career counselor may collaborate with public health professionals, for instance, to collect such data from the local community. Annis et al. encourage consideration of the implications for such findings, as well as opportunities for follow-up. After determining a need in the community for support regarding high alcohol consumption, the career counselor may utilize the framework to consider points of community resilience, including existing supports, attitudes about alcohol consumption, existing resources, and any actions the community is already taking in this area. Overall, assessment through the context suggested by Ryan-Nicholls and Racher (2004) may yield individual and community data to inform action to address SDOMH challenges through Annis et al.’s (2004) framework.

Individual-Level Action Through Assessment
     When a client seeks services from a career counselor, the relationship centers on exploration and evaluation of the client’s education, training, work history, interests, skills, personality, and career goals. Through engaging with the Rural Community Health and Well-Being Framework, the career counselor might also examine the SDOMH facilitators and barriers that impact a client’s employment goals. To address employment and SDOMH, a career counselor must understand the community-level needs (i.e., systems approach) and the individual needs of their clients; for these goals, one strategy is to use assessments. There are various assessment tools that career counselors may find helpful, including the Protocol for Responding to and Assessing Patients’ Assets, Risks, and Experiences (PRAPARE; National Association of Community Health Centers, 2017), an SDOH assessment tool purposed to empower professionals to not only understand their clients more holistically through assessment, but to better meet clients’ needs through the use of such information. The PRAPARE assessment tool includes questions related to four domains: Personal Characteristics, Family and Home, Money and Resources, and Social and Emotional Health. PRAPARE emphasizes the importance of assessing SDOMH needs of clients in order for providers to “define and document the complexity of their patients; transform care with integrated services and community partnerships to meet the needs of their patients; demonstrate the value they bring to patients, communities, and payers; and advocate for change in their communities” (https://prapare.org/). There are several benefits of using the PRAPARE assessment tool, such as it being free of charge, having a website linked to the tool with an “actionable toolkit and resources,’’ and being evidence-based. Barriers to using PRAPARE include that it is a long assessment tool that clients must complete in-office, which may slow workflow.

Another SDOH assessment tool is the WellRx Questionnaire (Page-Reeves et al., 2016). The WellRx Questionnaire is an 11-item screening tool that gathers information on various SDOMH, like food security, access to transportation, employment, and education. Participants are to answer “yes” or “no” to each item on the questionnaire. According to Page-Reeves and colleagues (2016), the WellRx Questionnaire provides a feasible means of assessing patients’ social needs and thereby addressing those needs. Benefits to using the WellRx include that it is free of cost, questions are at a 4th-grade reading level, and it can typically be completed by a client individually without the help of a professional. A potential barrier is that it does not assess a wide range of SDOMH challenges. Lastly, Andermann (2018) conducted a scoping review of social needs screening tools and found that the focus on such screening has increased over time. Andermann suggested that health care workers take advantage of the existing means of assessment, and made a number of specific resource recommendations, such as the Canadian Task Force on Preventive Health Care (2019) and the U.S. Preventive Services Task Force (2022).

Addressing SDOMH Through Action
     Documenting and defining the needs of clients through assessment is the first step in addressing SDOMH. The next step is taking action through an integrated career counseling approach. An integrated approach may include consistent collaboration with other professionals, like medical doctors, nurse practitioners, social workers, probation officers, or case managers. Additionally, scholars like Andermann (2016) suggest integrated efforts such as ensuring social challenges are included in client records and shared with other professionals to best support care. For “particularly isolated and hard-to-reach patients . . . [actions like] assertive outreach, patient tracking and individual case managers” may be helpful (para. 19). Another practical suggestion for beginning to address clients’ SDOMH challenges is adding an SDOMH assessment tool or specific SDOMH questions to an intake form that the client completes independently or during the intake session. Selection of specific questions can be derived from the data that displays community-level needs (e.g., systems-level advocacy through assessment). For example, if a community-level assessment found that public transportation was lacking, then transportation might be an important assessment question on the SDOMH screener.

Another consideration specific for career counselors is that counselors are obligated by their code of ethics to take appropriate action based on assessment results (American Counseling Association [ACA], 2014, Section E.2.b.). Appropriate action can include consultation and collaboration with other professionals within and outside of counseling and/or advocacy to address the SDOMH need. After establishing the need through assessment, it is important for the career counselor to support the client in understanding system-level challenges and to work to address SDOMH issues while simultaneously supporting employment needs. For example, a career counselor who determines that their client is struggling with food insecurity might address this issue in several ways. At the individual level, the counselor might print resources for local food pantries, assist the client in applying for SNAP benefits, and counsel the client on resources within the community to access food. They could establish a small food pantry within the office, collaborate with local restaurants to receive pre-packaged food that might otherwise be disposed of, or consult with local food pantries and free food kitchens to establish a mobile pantry and kitchen. At the systems level, a career counselor may build partnerships with local farmers to increase locations where fresh fruits and vegetables are available for little or no cost.

Collaboration and consultation are imperative to addressing the complex needs of clients in rural communities who are both seeking career counseling and challenged by SDOMH issues. For example, as noted earlier, health care access and quality are major disruptors of employment, and addressing these challenges will afford benefits for employment. The career counselor can consider using interprofessional collaboration and telehealth to support the health care needs of their rural clients (Johnson & Mahan, 2020). Interprofessional collaboration is a practice in which health care providers from two or more professional backgrounds interact and practice with the client at the center of care (Prentice et al., 2015). Using telehealth, the distribution of health-related services via telecommunication technologies is a useful strategy to support the health care needs of persons in rural communities. A career counselor can address health care access through telehealth in several ways, including education (e.g., introduce their client to telehealth; assist them in understanding the technology), telehealth (e.g., provide the telecommunication equipment in the office), and collaborative partnership (e.g., use a portion of the career counseling session to assist the client in connecting with health care providers using distance technology). As a collaborative partner in addressing health care access and quality, the career counselor can also use future sessions to follow up with the client on their experience with telehealth and, if needed, assist them in connecting to other health care providers. Figure 1 provides a visual for conceptualizing how career counselors may navigate the SDOMH needs of their clients, from assessment to action.

Figure 1
Working to Address Clients’ SDOMH Needs

Lastly, in the work of addressing SDOMH and employment, counselors should be aware of local, state, and national resources. Local and state resources are unique to every state but have similar purposes which include disseminating information on local resources and initiatives and providing public services that address SDOMH (e.g., food banks, public programs). National resources that are accessible to every community include 211 and the “findhelp.org” website. The Federal Communications Commission designated 211 as a national number in the United States that anyone can call for information and referrals to social services and other assistance. The services provided by 211 are confidential and free, available 24/7, and help connect people in the United States to essential community services. Moreover, the “findhelp.org” website is designed to help people search and connect with social care support based on their ZIP Code.

Integrating career counseling and social care support in rural communities is a strategy to facilitate the readiness of clients for work and the sustainability of employment for clients because basic needs are met or being addressed. While every rural community is unique, the foundation of understanding both systemic and individual SDOMH needs—and addressing those needs through strategic partnerships and individual counseling, as well as advocacy—is important in every rural community and to the success of any career counseling endeavor.

Discussion

In rural communities, career counselors hold a significant role. They are tasked with aiding individuals with employment needs; they may often address mental health concerns, and while doing so, it is important for them to be aware of and prepared to address SDOMH. Career counselors can gain more insight into issues related to SDOMH through consultation, collaboration, and advocacy, which should all be a part of the repertoire of a rural career counselor. The use of theoretical frameworks such as the Rural Community Health and Well-Being Framework (Racher et al., 2004) provides direction for career counselors seeking to understand the systemic issues impacting employment access and opportunities in the community, as well as direction for intervention. This framework will assist in identifying and minimizing barriers to employment that may exist within rural communities. More specifically, this framework will help to uncover SDOMH challenges that exist in the community and serve as barriers to well-being and employment and provide direction for advocating for resources necessary for equitable work opportunities and environments. Being that individuals in rural America experience various barriers that have huge impacts on their lives, such a guide for career counselors is essential.

Lastly, addressing SDOMH within career counseling is a social justice issue that counselors should address (ACA, 2014; Crucil & Amundson, 2017; Ratts et al., 2016). The Multicultural and Social Justice Counseling Competencies (MSJCC; Ratts et al., 2016) serve as a guide for counselors to address social justice issues and were endorsed by the ACA in 2015. Like the aforementioned framework and empirically based suggestions, the MSJCC includes four areas of competence: counselor self-awareness, client worldview, counseling relationship, and counseling and advocacy interventions. The authors of the MSJCC also implore counselors to consider “attitudes and beliefs, knowledge, skills, and action,” and suggest that competent counselors are aware of the experiences of marginalized clients (Ratts et al., 2016; p. 3). Thus, career counselors’ efforts to assess and address the individual and systems-based SDOMH challenges faced by their clients is social justice work that career counselors are trained and prepared to address.

Implications

Given this review, there are specific implications for career counselors practicing in rural communities, counselor educators training career counselors, and pertinent policy needs.

Practicing Career Counselors
     The role of the career counselor often entails identifying employment objectives, goals, and needs for both the job seeker and employer. In addition, the career counselor is responsible for résumé development, teaching job placement and retention skills, providing self-advocacy tips, teaching organizational goal–redefining skills, and many other components (Ysasi et al., 2018). However, providing these services can be difficult when the individuals reside in rural communities because of the SDOMH disparities such as limited available resources, isolation, increased poverty, and decreased educational and employment opportunities (Temkin, 1996).

Therefore, career counselors must actively work to ensure their visibility and accessibility to individuals in rural areas who are seeking employment opportunities. Further, career counselors need to market themselves and their skills to employers and job seekers of rural communities. Consequently, marketing generally entails engaging and developing community partnerships with employers and job seekers, which involves educating individuals unfamiliar with the specific services that career counselors provide. In addition, employers are often interested in services that improve their business (e.g., increase revenue), while job seekers may be searching for skill training to achieve employment goals (Richardson et al., 2010). Therefore, career counselors can enhance service delivery and provide adequate services when they intentionally market their services to the community members.

Furthermore, job insecurity has been linked to mental health concerns like stress and anxiety, financial concerns, and fear of organizational change (Holm & Hovland, 1999). Therefore, career counselors need to be aware of the impact of job insecurity on rural communities and devise strategies to help organizations and workers manage job insecurity. Managing job insecurity of workers in rural organizations could include helping organizations to redefine their present and future goals and commitments made to employees. Organizations could also manage organizational transitions depending on the skills and resources available to affected employees (Holm & Hovland, 1999). Clearly stated organizational objectives, goals, and plans can help employees feel less insecure about their jobs and increase focus on their roles and responsibilities instead of devising means to move out of the community for a better and more secure future. In addition, career counselors in rural communities should be aware of the mental health concerns experienced by employees and job seekers and connect them to available mental health resources.

Counselor Educators
     Counselor educators are responsible for the training and development of the next generation of counselors, including career counselors. It will be important for counselor educators to include training on SDOMH, interprofessional collaboration, and telehealth, as these are especially relevant for rural communities ( Johnson & Mahan, 2021; Johnson & Rehfuss, 2021). It is essential to provide adequate time to review and discuss SDOMH in all courses throughout the curriculum (Waters et al., 2022) to ensure the competence of career counselors. To ensure this continuity, counselor educators should advocate for an SDOMH module across the curriculum. This would ensure the inclusion of this content throughout the program, providing ample opportunity for the understanding of SDOMH and how they should be addressed. Career counselors must be prepared to address the complex employment and social health needs with which their clients might present. Without adequate education and training, these will seem much more difficult to address.

Policy
     In addressing both SDOMH and employment needs in rural communities, advocating for policy and legislative change is imperative. Lewis et al. (2002) described counselors’ roles in sharing public information as awakening the public to macro-systemic issues related to human dignity and engaging in social/political advocacy, or “influencing public policy in a large, public arena” (p. 2). Thus, career counselors are encouraged to benefit their clients through engaging in advocacy to influence policy at the local, state, and national levels. Similarly, Crucil and Amundson (2017) implore career counselors to engage in the work of influencing politics and policy and suggest awareness as a first step to enacting change through the sharing of information and impacting policy. To develop such awareness, career counselors may begin by reading about SDOMH disparities related specifically to employment issues from reputable sources. For instance, the National Alliance on Mental Illness (NAMI; 2014) has published various reports related to such issues, including the informative publication entitled Road to Recovery: Employment and Mental Illness. NAMI (2021) also published a legislative coalition letter written in support of increased SDOH funding to Congress. Career counselors may work to build their own awareness and understanding of the social and political events and influences which impact their clients, building toward eventual action in this realm.

Moreover, regarding policy change, researchers have suggested career counselors should be aware of and actively engaged in policy efforts (Crucil & Amundson, 2017; Watts, 2000). Watts (2000) described public policy considering career development as including four distinct roles: legislation, remuneration, exhortation, and regulation. Watts described these roles in detail and implored career counselors to influence these policy processes by seeking the support of interest groups and communicating with policy makers. Again, career counselors can work individually and within their own communities to increase their awareness and knowledge of policies and their impact. They can work toward influencing policies at the state and national levels to improve the accessibility and existence of important social programs and resources.

Conclusion

Career counselors in rural communities have a responsibility to acknowledge and address SDOMH challenges that are disproportionately impacting their clients. Collaboration, consultation, counseling framed through the lens of SDOMH, and advocacy appear to be strategies to support the employment needs of individuals and the rural community. Employment services in rural communities must be framed through a socially conscious (e.g., aware of the SDOMH systemic issues), action-oriented (e.g., prepared to engage in advocacy), and resiliency-focused lens that provides tailored individual services while simultaneously addressing systemic issues.

Conflict of Interest and Funding Disclosure
The authors reported no conflict of interest
or funding contributions for the development
of this manuscript.

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Kaprea F. Johnson, PhD, LPC, is a professor and Associate Vice Provost for Faculty Development & Recognition at The Ohio State University. Alexandra Gantt-Howrey, PhD, LPC (ID), is an assistant professor at Idaho State University. Bisola E. Duyile, PhD, LPC, CRC, is an assistant professor at Montclair State University. Lauren B. Robins, PhD, is a clinical assistant professor and distance learning coordinator at Old Dominion University. Natese Dockery, MS, NCC, LPC, CSAM, is a licensed professional counselor and doctoral student. Correspondence may be addressed to Kaprea F. Johnson, The Ohio State University, 1945 N. High Street, Columbus, OH 43210, johnson.9545@osu.edu.