Applying the Multicultural and Social Justice Counseling Competencies to Eating Disorder Treatment

Adriana C. Labarta, Danna Demezier, Alyssa A. Vazquez

Scholars, practitioners, and clients in the eating disorder (ED) treatment field emphasize the need for more culturally responsive approaches to improve care for marginalized communities. Treatment barriers, such as counselor biases, lack of access to care, and disempowering approaches, perpetuate these gaps across diverse groups with EDs. We propose that Ratts et al.’s (2016) Multicultural and Social Justice Counseling Competencies (MSJCC) can bridge these gaps by assisting counselors and other helping professionals working in ED treatment settings in deconstructing biases and implementing empowering treatment approaches for marginalized individuals with EDs. Using case vignettes, we illustrate how counselors can apply the MSJCC across counseling settings and engage in advocacy with the broader ED recovery community. We conclude by presenting implications for counselors, counselor educators, and supervisors, who all play a role in empowering clients and improving access to ED treatment for diverse populations.

Keywords: eating disorder, multicultural, social justice, marginalized, advocacy

     The SWAG myth has long persisted within the eating disorder (ED) treatment field, informing research and practice and centering the experiences of “skinny, White, affluent, girls” (Sonneville & Lipson, 2018). Abundant evidence highlighting the presence and impact of EDs across diverse cultural identities now discredits this stereotype (Halbeisen et al., 2022; Huryk et al., 2021; Schaumberg et al., 2017; Sonneville & Lipson, 2018). Nonetheless, scholars, practitioners, and clients alike point to prevailing gaps impacting minoritized populations with EDs and call for more inclusive, culturally informed practice (Burke et al., 2020; Hartman-Munick et al., 2021; Labarta et al., 2023). The American Counseling Association (ACA; 2014) Code of Ethics preamble highlights the importance of “honoring diversity and embracing a multicultural approach in support of the worth, dignity, potential, and uniqueness of people within their social and cultural contexts” (p. 3). Thus, multicultural competence is essential for the counseling profession to continue addressing the needs of culturally diverse clients, including social justice concerns that shape and contextualize mental health and wellness. The purpose of this article is to illuminate EDs as multicultural concerns that require counselors to challenge common, harmful stereotypes about EDs and to move toward more inclusive, culturally responsive treatment frameworks.

Multicultural Concerns Within Eating Disorders

Culturally responsive counseling requires counselors to understand clients’ diverse cultural and social identities as well as their mental health experiences (Ratts et al., 2016). Similarly, awareness of the intersection between EDs and multicultural concerns is imperative to culturally sensitive treatment. We begin with an overview of ED literature on underserved populations with particular attention to various aspects of cultural identity, including race and ethnicity, sexual orientation, gender identity, socioeconomic status and food insecurity, ability status, body size, and religion and spirituality. We conclude with a brief overview of intersectionality and ED literature.

Race and Ethnicity
     Although racial and ethnic minorities experience EDs at similar rates as non-Hispanic, White individuals (Marques et al., 2011), there is a lack of ED research using racial and ethnic minority samples (Burke et al., 2020; Egbert et al., 2022; Mikhail & Klump, 2021). For instance, Egbert et al. (2022) discovered that across 377 peer-reviewed manuscripts published between 2000 and 2020 in the International Journal for Eating Disorders, only 45.2% reported demographic information related to participants’ racial/ethnic identity. In studies that reported racial/ethnic demographic data, White participants comprised about 70% of the samples. Greater representation of racial and ethnic minorities in research is imperative in order to gain insight into the etiological and maintaining factors of EDs in diverse communities (Egbert et al., 2022), particularly because counselors may hold biases that contribute to significant disparities in ED diagnosis for people of color compared to White individuals (Sonneville & Lipson, 2018). Thus, researchers underscore the importance of exploring culturally and contextually relevant factors, such as sociocultural factors and acculturative stress (Kalantzis et al., 2023; Talleyrand, 2012; Warren & Akoury, 2020) and adopting therapeutic approaches that are collaborative and culturally sensitive (Acle et al., 2021).

Sexual Orientation
     Sexual minority populations experience increased risk for ED pathology and may present with higher ED pathology at admission to ED treatment compared to their cisgender, heterosexual peers (Mensinger et al., 2020). However, a recent systematic review examining ED literature from 2002 to 2022 revealed that ED risk varies across sexual minority groups (O’Flynn et al., 2023). Therefore, studies that combine sexual minority groups into one sample may provide an incomplete understanding of ED patterns across distinct identities (e.g., bisexual, gay, lesbian, pansexual). Counselors and researchers should assess sociocultural factors that influence ED risk (Engeln-Maddox et al., 2011) and minority stress experiences (Mason & Lewis, 2015; Meyer, 2003), as well as protective factors that serve as buffers against ED pathology, such as social support. It is important to move “away from heteronormative frameworks and toward more liberatory ones” (O’Flynn et al., 2023, p. 13). It is essential for counselors to recognize the expansiveness of sexuality and attraction, as well as how clients’ identities and experiences inform ED assessment and treatment approaches.

Gender Identity
     EDs impact people across diverse gender identities, including gender expansive and nonbinary individuals, transgender men and women, and cisgender men and women (Hartman-Munick et al., 2021; Nagata et al., 2020). However, because of assumptions surrounding EDs as female disorders, men may delay seeking treatment (Räisänen & Hunt, 2014) and feel like “the odd one out” (Kinnaird et al., 2019, p. 848). Nonbinary and transgender individuals with EDs also experience barriers to receiving inclusive care because of gender-based stereotypes (Hartman-Munick et al., 2021). Therefore, it is important for counselors to consider gender norms, ideals, and expressions (e.g., masculinity, femininity, androgyny) that may influence ED pathology and related body image concerns. For example, although EDs are typically associated with femininity and the thin ideal, research has shown that masculinity and muscularity ideals are also risk factors (Griffiths et al., 2015). Counselors should also avoid gender binary assumptions, as individuals who adhere to androgynous ideals are often overlooked in ED assessment and treatment (Cusack & Galupo, 2021). Gender-affirming ED treatment requires deconstructing traditional female-oriented approaches and considering the varied experiences of gender-diverse individuals.

Socioeconomic Status and Food Insecurity
     Another common harmful stereotype is that EDs primarily impact individuals of higher socioeconomic status (SES). A recent systematic review debunked this myth when it illustrated that EDs present across varied socioeconomic backgrounds (Huryk et al., 2021). Given that the cost of ED treatment is a significant barrier to care (Ali et al., 2017), individuals of lower SES may be less likely to seek treatment or may have limited access to specialized treatment (Huryk et al., 2021; Sonneville & Lipson, 2018). Relatedly, emerging research has drawn connections between food insecurity and EDs. Existing ED assessment tools often conceptualize food restriction as driven by weight or shape concerns (Hazzard et al., 2020; Middlemass et al., 2021). Individuals experiencing food insecurity, however, may engage in periodic dietary restriction because of fluctuations in food availability, which can lead to bingeing or overeating when food is more accessible (Rasmusson et al., 2019). Given the importance of addressing nutrition in ED treatment, counselors should broach the topic of food insecurity with clients in order to understand patterns of restriction and availability of food (Hazzard et al., 2020; Middlemass et al., 2021). Overall, scholars recommend that practitioners conceptualize SES as a multidimensional construct (e.g., income, occupation, wealth) during the assessment process to determine clients’ barriers and improve access to resources (Huryk et al., 2021).

Ability Status
      Individuals with disabilities are largely underrepresented in ED literature even though they are at increased risk of disordered eating behaviors (Cobbaert & Rose, 2023; Gesi et al., 2017; Nazar et al., 2016). Recent research has shown that autistic individuals experience more negative outcomes and barriers in ED treatment than neurotypical individuals (Babb et al., 2021). Cobbaert and Rose (2023) issued a call to action for ED health care professionals to engage in neurodiversity-affirming practices, specifically by rethinking the implementation and practice of ED treatment, which has historically centered the medical model and neurotypical experiences. Current recommendations include using strengths-based, trauma-informed approaches, challenging ableist expectations and treatments, and centering human rights and autonomy (Cobbaert & Rose, 2023). Research also suggests that individuals with physical disabilities have nuanced experiences with body image, which in turn can impact the development of EDs (Cicmil & Eli, 2014; Gross et al., 2000). For example, individuals may develop EDs as a means to cope with the psychological and social difficulties they experience related to living with a disability and navigating societal body image ideals and pressures (Cicmil & Eli, 2014). Ultimately, more research that examines the intersection of EDs and ability status is needed.

Body Size
     People of size, or larger-bodied individuals, often experience barriers to receiving quality care, including weight bias from clinicians and delays in being referred to ED treatment (Harrop et al., 2021; McEntee et al., 2023; Puhl et al., 2014). Because of fear of experiencing weight stigma in health care settings, people of size are less likely to seek treatment for health concerns, including EDs (Mensinger et al., 2018). Counselors may perpetuate weight loss–related treatment recommendations that can negatively impact clients’ long-term well-being (Chen & Gonzales, 2022; Puhl et al., 2014). Although larger-bodied individuals may experience significant psychosocial and medical consequences as a result of an ED, research demonstrates that fewer patients are referred to appropriate treatment because of assumptions of severity based on body size (Harrop et al., 2021). Scholars and advocates recognize the need for more research among this population (Ralph et al., 2022) and recommend increased training in the use of weight-inclusive and fat liberation frameworks when working with larger-bodied clients (Matacin & Simone, 2019; McEntee et al., 2023; Tylka et al., 2014).

Religion and Spirituality
     Religion and spirituality are critical sociocultural factors that can influence EDs and their treatment. Research has shown that religion and spirituality can serve positive, negative, or non-significant roles in ED recovery based on the individual’s lived experience (Akrawi et al., 2015; Buser et al., 2014; Richards et al., 2018). For example, Akrawi et al.’s (2015) systematic literature review revealed that a secure relationship with God was linked to decreased levels of disordered eating, while a doubtful or anxious relationship with God correlated with greater levels of disordered eating. Religious and spiritual coping strategies (e.g., prayer, meditation, meaning-making, and connecting with nature) can be protective in ED recovery (Buser et al., 2014; Richards et al., 2018). On the other hand, some individuals experience feelings of shame and guilt related to religious beliefs and bullying from members of their religious communities because of their ED (Richards et al., 2018). Because religion and spirituality are often personal and unique to the individual, Mintert et al. (2020) recommend that counselors explore their complex roles and potential relationship to clients’ presenting concerns and integrate evidence-based interventions affirming diverse religious and spiritual identities.

Intersecting Identities
     Intersectionality theory, which originates from Black feminist scholarship, describes how multiple marginalized social identities interact and impact mental health (Crenshaw, 1989). Because individuals with marginalized social identities experience inequities related to their ED presentation, counselors must consider the intersection of such identities in order to address specific concerns that impact underserved clients’ risk, treatment process, and outcomes (Burke et al., 2020; Burke et al., 2023). An intersectional approach considers the impact of one identity on another, including how several identities work to either place individuals at risk or support their resilience (Burke et al., 2023). Although more research is needed on EDs across diverse intersecting identities (Burke et al., 2020), scholars have started to explore intersectionality (Burke et al., 2023; Calzo et al., 2017; Diemer et al., 2015). Overall, the higher rates of EDs in marginalized individuals with intersecting identities imply a need for interventions that consider the inequities faced by these individuals and the impact on their risk for EDs (Burke et al., 2023).

Applying the MSJCC to Eating Disorder Treatment

Across ED literature, scholars have advocated for the development of culturally responsive models to address ongoing treatment disparities. We believe that the Multicultural and Social Justice Counseling Competencies (MSJCC; Ratts et al., 2016) can serve as a powerful framework for counselors and related helping professionals who work with clients with EDs. The MSJCC, centered on the values of multiculturalism and social justice, attend to essential constructs like intersectionality, including privileged and marginalized statuses within the counseling relationship. Four developmental domains outline essential areas for counselors to explore when working with clients with cultural sensitivity: Counselor Self-Awareness, Client Worldview, Counseling Relationship, and Advocacy Interventions. The first three domains are further organized into four aspirational competencies, namely attitudes and beliefs, knowledge, skills, and action. In the sections below, we review brief case vignettes illustrating various presentations of EDs across diverse intersecting identities, the application of the MSJCC across treatment settings, and relevant resources for counselors.

Counselor Self-Awareness
     Paul is a 13-year-old Hispanic, cisgender male with autism spectrum disorder (ASD). He is an only child and lives with his parents and paternal grandmother. Paul’s parents have described him as a picky eater throughout his life. He has an aversion to certain smells and/or textures in food and exhibits rigidity around mealtimes. For example, Paul rarely deviates from his comfort foods and often has the same daily meals, such as plain pasta that his mother prepares for lunch. One day at school, Paul realized that he had forgotten his lunchbox. When his teacher offered to assist him with getting food from the cafeteria, Paul became visibly distressed and began to panic. Paul’s teacher was concerned and contacted the school counselor to check in. Mrs. Walker, the school counselor, called Paul into her office and assessed his concerns, discovering his disordered eating behaviors.

Although Mrs. Walker had experience working with students with ASD, she found herself initially dismissing concerns related to his eating behaviors. After further reflection, Mrs. Walker recognized that her own cultural beliefs and biases related to gender were impacting her ability to fully assess his presenting ED symptoms. For example, she noticed that she held the erroneous belief that males don’t struggle with food. She consulted a colleague on next steps, as she did not want to violate any ethical codes or unintentionally harm Paul. Mrs. Walker began adjusting her attitudes and beliefs. She was surprised to find literature on EDs in males and learned about the unique experiences of those with ASD. Mrs. Walker reflected on internalized stereotypes of gender, disability, and mental health. She was challenged to consider Paul’s unique experience as a young Hispanic male with ASD and the cultural implications of ASD and EDs. To do so, she practiced cultural humility and reflected on her own cultural identities and biases and how they shaped her worldview.

Mrs. Walker sought to learn specific information about the intersection of ASD and EDs, such as their common comorbidity and clinical presentations like sensory sensitivities that may lead to food avoidance (Bourne et al., 2022). Mrs. Walker also used various resources to increase her knowledge of the risk factors of EDs in males, recognizing that risk factors often differ in females. She identified a need to take an individualized approach and developed skills to work with Paul through a culturally responsive lens. Specifically, Mrs. Walker implemented a tailored intervention to empower him and his family to connect with community referrals in order to support his recovery.

Mrs. Walker took action to support her work with Paul by sharing her newly attained knowledge about the intersection of disability and EDs. She initiated a campaign in her school to raise awareness of EDs and gender and disability biases, as well as the challenges that individuals with ASD face during their recovery process. These interventions allowed Mrs. Walker to work toward systemic change surrounding stigma on EDs, males, and people with ASD. She shared a list of local and national organizations that specialize in ASD or EDs (specifically, avoidant/restrictive food intake disorder, or ARFID) with Paul and his family to ensure that they had access to therapeutic support. Examples included Different Brains (https://differentbrains.org) for ASD and the National Alliance for Eating Disorders (https://www.allianceforeatingdisorders.com). Mrs. Walker remains in contact with Paul’s community mental health counselor to understand how she can support him within the school setting. After this experience, Mrs. Walker reflected on the importance of developing her own self-awareness as a counselor, which allowed her to challenge her biases and cultivate more meaningful relationships with diverse students.

Client Worldview
     Anita is a 19-year-old Black woman. Growing up in a low-income household, she and her family often struggled with food insecurity, leading to a scarcity mindset around food. Despite these challenges, Anita has always had a close, loving relationship with her family. About one year ago, she came out as pansexual to her parents and a few close friends. Although the experience was positive and empowering, Anita worries about her upcoming transition to college, being away from her family and friends, and connecting with other LGBTQ+ students on her campus. During her first semester, she would binge eat when feeling lonely or stressed. This was usually followed by intense feelings of guilt and shame which led to restriction of food. Anita decided to schedule an intake appointment at her college counseling center; she is scheduled to meet with Dalton, a new counselor who started his position this semester.

Dalton’s goal for the intake appointment is to gain a deeper understanding of Anita’s worldview. Although Dalton has experience working with clients with eating concerns in different settings, he has maintained an assumption that EDs primarily occur in affluent, White populations. Dalton recognizes the importance of challenging his attitudes and beliefs about EDs that could negatively interfere with the treatment process. As Anita shared her story, Dalton intentionally bracketed his biases and remained open to learning about her lived experience. After the session, he engaged in reflective practice by processing his reactions with a colleague at the center with expertise in EDs.

Pulling from his knowledge of culturally responsive theories, Dalton identified the role of intersectionality in Anita’s presenting concerns. As a pansexual woman of color raised in a low-income household, Anita’s experiences may be understood by considering her multiple minority identities. Anita faced significant challenges throughout her life (e.g., food insecurity, the coming out process, and recent transition to college), which may have led to an increased risk of developing an ED. Despite these risk factors, Dalton recognized that an intersectional approach also considers Anita’s strengths and protective factors (Chan et al., 2019), such as strong family support and willingness to seek counseling. Dalton used these insights to conceptualize Anita’s concerns and treatment plan from a strengths-based, culturally responsive lens.

Building on his understanding of theory, Dalton reflected on essential skills to help Anita in counseling. Dalton understood that it may take time for Anita to feel comfortable processing her experiences and sharing parts of her identity. Anita may fear rejection or misunderstanding from Dalton, particularly if he has a different upbringing or cultural background. Dalton understood that experiences of oppression can influence clients’ worldviews and experiences, potentially leading to feelings of disconnection. Given Anita’s complex relationship with food throughout her life, bingeing and restriction may have served as coping mechanisms to deal with uncertainty, loneliness, and fear of rejection. Thus, Dalton remained aware of the inherent power dynamic in the counseling relationship and intentionally shared power with Anita as she navigated her healing process (e.g., co-constructing the therapeutic focus and remaining open to feedback from Anita).

Dalton recognized the need for ongoing commitment, or action, to education and engagement with diverse communities. He sought opportunities to attend workshops or webinars on EDs in underserved populations in order to acquire more awareness, knowledge, and skills related to culturally sensitive approaches. Dalton learned about virtual LGBTQ+ support groups offered by Fighting Eating Disorders in Underrepresented Populations (FEDUP; https://fedupcollective.org) and shared this resource with Anita to expand her social support network. Dalton also reached out to organizations on campus, such as LGBTQ+ and Black, Indigenous, and people of color (BIPOC) student groups, to learn more about their experiences and needs as college students. He consulted with his new colleagues to familiarize himself with student resources, such as on-campus food pantries for food-insecure students. These action-based efforts allowed Dalton to deepen his understanding of Anita’s worldview, immerse himself in the campus community, and advocate for diverse students’ needs.

Counseling Relationship
     Jenna is a 40-year-old Jewish Orthodox, heterosexual, cisgender woman who identifies as having a larger body. She experienced significant trauma from her father as a teenager and is now estranged from her immediate family. This has impacted her body image and overall sense of self. Since being estranged, she has struggled with her religious and spiritual identity. Growing up, she learned to cope with difficult emotions with food. She experienced periods of bingeing to help soothe and numb her feelings, as well as periods of significant restriction stemming from attempts to control her body shape. She has reported significant shame regarding her body size and ED symptoms and has avoided seeking counseling because of perceived stigma. Jenna has decided to seek outpatient treatment to help manage ED behaviors after the urging of a friend. When beginning counseling, she realized that she may need to unpack some of her past trauma as well as how religious beliefs have shaped her relationship with food. Jenna began seeing Emily, an agnostic, gay, cisgender female counselor who identifies as “straight-sized,” or a person in a smaller body (Ashwell, 2020). Emily has been working in the field of ED for over 10 years.

While completing the intake assessment with Jenna, Emily asked questions to understand Jenna’s multicultural background. Emily reflected upon her own intersectional identities and how the differences in marginalized and privileged identities may impact the client–counselor relationship. Emily realized that Jenna holds more privilege as a heterosexual woman yet experiences more marginalization because of her Jewish Orthodox identity and larger body size. After the intake session, Emily reflected upon her own attitudes and beliefs about Jenna’s identities, critically evaluating her biases and assumptions, and considered how being in a straight-sized body may impact her client’s comfort or discomfort in the counseling relationship. Emily used curiosity and open communication to strengthen the counseling relationship.

After reflecting on her own attitudes and beliefs, Emily recognized that it was essential to increase her knowledge of her client’s experiences as a Jewish Orthodox woman. Emily learned about Jewish Orthodox beliefs and customs as well as the oppression and discrimination these communities may face. This knowledge was integral to establishing a connection with Jenna and preventing possible microaggressions (Mintert et al., 2020). Because of Jenna’s reported experience with her religious and ethnic background impacting her relationship with food, Emily also focused on exploring intersections between food, body image, and her cultural background.

Emily then explored skills for cultivating an open space for dialogue, particularly those related to addressing how different worldviews between the counselor and client could impact the counseling relationship. Emily demonstrated curiosity and avoided making assumptive statements regarding Jenna’s experiences, understanding the importance of broaching cultural differences in the client–counselor relationship (Day-Vines et al., 2007). Emily’s experience in the ED field prepared her to support clients in challenging diet culture in multiple ways, including discussing the impact of fat-oppressive culture on emotional health, being mindful of her language regarding body size, and creating an inclusive office space for clients in different bodies (Kinavey & Cool, 2019). When Jenna shared discomfort in working on body image issues with an individual in a “straight-sized” body, Emily utilized validation and reflecting skills to process these differences in lived body experiences, which helped Jenna feel safe to further process her body image experiences despite their differences.

Emily took action by holding more conversations with other professionals, joining online communities, and continuing her research to understand how to continue supporting clients of different religious and spiritual backgrounds and body sizes. Emily also supported Jenna in becoming more involved in advocacy, which Jenna found to be empowering and liberating and helped her to improve her relationship with her body. Emily provided resources for Jenna to learn about fat liberation through the Association for Size Diversity and Health (https://asdah.org) and the National Association to Advance Fat Acceptance (https://naafa.org). Emily also connected Jenna to an ED support group, the Larger Bodied Individuals Support Group offered by the National Alliance for Eating Disorders. Emily found that the counseling relationship was strengthened by advocating and taking action with and on behalf of her client.

Advocacy Interventions
     Ratts et al. (2016) indicated that counseling and advocacy interventions can occur at several levels (i.e., intrapersonal, interpersonal, institutional, community, public policy, international or global) on behalf of clients or counselors. Counselors are encouraged to consider contextual factors, such as client identities and counseling settings, and to determine the most appropriate and responsive advocacy interventions. The sections above covered several examples of intrapersonal and interpersonal advocacy efforts for counseling clients with diverse intersecting identities. Regarding counselor advocacy, another important intrapersonal consideration is the role of self-care in sustaining social justice and advocacy efforts (Mitchell & Binkley, 2021). The intensive nature of ED treatment (e.g., high mortality and relapse rates; Graham et al., 2020; Warren et al., 2013) emphasizes the need for self-care to maintain vitality and ensure ethical, culturally responsive care. Counselors can also reinforce the significance of wellness practices within their interdisciplinary collaborations that foster interpersonal advocacy within the ED treatment environment.

Counselors can critically evaluate the practices and policies within their institutions and counseling settings to foster inclusion beyond the counseling room. For example, Akoury et al.’s (2019) qualitative study discovered that some women of size experienced physical barriers in therapy waiting rooms, such as unaccommodating furniture. Ensuring that waiting areas and clinical settings accommodate clients of all sizes and abilities is essential to cultivating an affirming environment. It is also worth noting that there are institutional training gaps related to ED education, including within counseling programs (Labarta et al., 2023). Counselor educators and supervisors can address these gaps by adopting a culturally responsive approach to teaching about EDs, improving students’ awareness of EDs across populations, and advocating for the inclusion of ED education across curricula.

Counselors play an essential role in addressing their communities’ mental health needs. The majority of EDs go untreated, especially in minoritized populations (Bryant et al., 2022); thus, communitybased advocacy is crucial. One method to more deeply assess these needs is community-based participatory research (CBPR). Because of its strengths-based, collaborative approach, CBPR presents an opportunity for culturally responsive research to address health inequities and disparities impacting underserved groups (Rodriguez Espinosa & Verney, 2021). The core tenets of CBPR involve research with communities, implying shared power in the research process and giving marginalized communities a voice to express their perceptions on gaps and immediate needs (Hays, 2020). CBPR can be a powerful alternative to traditional methods in ED research, which have historically excluded the perspectives and experiences of marginalized groups. Action research methods allow researchers, practitioners, clients, and other stakeholders to collaborate and bridge research–practice gaps, which can improve access to ED and mental health treatment (Rodriguez Espinosa & Verney, 2021).

In addition to CBPR, counselors and other practitioners interested in community-based advocacy for EDs may partner with organizations to raise awareness regarding treatment barriers and challenges. Counselors can support underserved clients with accessing care through organizations like Project HEAL, with its mission to improve equitable treatment access (https://www.theprojectheal.org). Counselors may engage in targeted initiatives (e.g., mental health literacy) to reduce barriers that impact individuals who have an ED that is not yet diagnosed (Griffiths et al., 2018). Culturally responsive awareness campaigns can be initiated and situated within the community to reach individuals who may otherwise not have access to such information. In addition to settings like schools and community agencies, counselors may reflect on specific community venues to support marginalized individuals impacted by EDs, such as barbershops, hair salons, churches, and afterschool centers. Treatment recovery is sustained through early intervention, and increasing awareness may support treatment initiation (Griffiths et al., 2018).

On a larger scale, counselors can engage in public policy initiatives that advocate for improvements in health insurance coverage for ED treatment and research funding (Streatfeild et al., 2021), particularly because ED research remains underfunded compared to other mental health conditions (Austin et al., 2019). Further, remaining up to date on legislation impacting clients with advocacy organizations, such as the National Eating Disorders Coalition (https://www.eatingdisorderscoalition.org), can assist with advancing public policy efforts. Given that EDs are also global issues, international collaborations across disciplines may enhance ED prevention and intervention efforts, allowing for diverse cultural perspectives, deepening our understanding of sociocultural contexts, and extending the impact and reach of social justice and advocacy initiatives.

Implications for Counseling and Counselor Education

Counselors have an ethical responsibility to address the pervasive gaps impacting minoritized clients with EDs (ACA, 2014). The MSJCC are a comprehensive framework that assists counselors with exploring the client’s unique lived experience in addition to relational, systemic, and contextual factors influencing the treatment process (Ratts et al., 2016). The MSJCC can be easily integrated into a counselor’s theoretical approach, leading to a more robust, culturally responsive conceptualization and treatment plan. However, it is essential to note that nuances exist across ED treatment settings, particularly depending on the treatment approach used (e.g., manualized protocols versus individualized treatments). Thus, more extensive conversations within organizations may be necessary, including ways to make the treatment more accessible and inclusive to diverse clients. The MSJCC can serve as a resource to guide these discussions, allowing for a deeper understanding of issues at several levels of treatment (e.g., clients’ experiences, clinicians’ experiences, agency policies and procedures, community issues). For example, FEDUP (formerly Trans Folx Fighting Eating Disorders, 2020) presented a call to action in an open letter to ED organizations, providing essential recommendations, including, but not limited to, the following: hiring more diverse staff at treatment centers, moving away from gender-specific treatment, including inclusive language in handouts and resources (e.g., not defaulting to “she”), establishing scholarships for BIPOC and gender-diverse clients, and developing safe spaces for marginalized clients to connect.

Counselor educators and supervisors also play a role in bridging ED graduate training gaps by utilizing culturally responsive approaches when teaching and supervising ED concerns (Labarta et al., 2023). Suggested pedagogical strategies include applying deliberate practice, addressing countertransference issues, offering specialized coursework, infusing ED education across the curriculum, and collaborating with interdisciplinary professionals to serve as guest lecturers or speakers (Irvine & Labarta, 2024; Labarta et al., 2023; Levitt, 2006). Integrating the MSJCC into the counseling curriculum can assist educators and supervisors in enhancing ED training through a social justice lens. For example, a counselor educator teaching a psychopathology course can encourage counseling trainees to explore how diagnoses can perpetuate weight bias, such as with atypical anorexia nervosa (Harrop et al., 2021), a specified presentation of other specified feeding or eating disorder (OSFED). Counselor educators and supervisors can facilitate discussions on the historical and cultural context of idealized appearance norms, introduce weight-inclusive terminology, explore the limits of research related to weight and health, consider emerging research on fat scholarship, and help trainees remain accountable to their own weight bias and stigmas when working with clients of size (Muzacz et al., 2024; Rothblum & Gartell, 2019). In this way, educators and supervisors encourage trainees to remain critically reflexive of prevalent ED treatment practices and empower their diverse clients with EDs across the lifespan.

Future Research Directions
     Scholars have offered several recommendations to enhance culturally informed ED research by creating more inclusive demographic questionnaires and improving reporting in manuscripts (Burnette et al., 2022; Egbert et al., 2022), developing more inclusive assessment tools (Alexander et al., 2024), and designing outcomes-based studies with underrepresented samples (Emelianchik-Key et al., 2023). ED researchers can also use the MSJCC framework to ground their research. For example, counseling researchers have called for more research partnerships between academics and practitioners that can bridge existing research–practice gaps (Barrio Minton et al., 2021; Hays et al., 2019). Related research methods, such as CBPR, can meet this need and incorporate participant perspectives into the research process. Within ED research, this has important implications for marginalized populations who experience barriers to accessing treatment and are often underrepresented in treatment settings. Therefore, moving beyond clinical settings is critical to understanding the unmet needs of community members who may benefit from prevention-based interventions.

Conclusion

In this article, we presented the integration of the MSJCC (Ratts et al., 2016) into the treatment of EDs with marginalized clients. We believe that the MSJCC’s flexibility and social justice lens can assist counselors with bridging the existing gaps and empowering underserved clients across treatment settings. Furthermore, counselor educators and supervisors can utilize the MSJCC as a framework to reconceptualize ED training across counseling curricula, which will play a role in deconstructing dominant narratives on EDs and potentially improving the quality of care for marginalized communities.

 

Conflict of Interest, Funding Disclosure, and Author Note
The authors reported no conflict of interest or funding
contributions for the development of this manuscript.
The authors would like to thank Hayley Lovelace for
her insights and contributions during the initial
stages of this project.

 

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Adriana C. Labarta, PhD, NCC, ACS, LMHC, is an assistant professor at Florida Atlantic University. Danna Demezier, PhD, NCC, LMHC, is an assistant professor at Liberty University. Alyssa A. Vazquez, LMFT, is a doctoral student and adjunct faculty at Barry University. Correspondence may be addressed to Adriana C. Labarta, 777 Glades Rd., Bldg. 47, Rm. 274, Boca Raton, FL 33431, alabarta2018@fau.edu.

Shifting Paradigms: Exploring Multicultural Approaches to Psychedelic-Assisted Therapy in Counseling

Brittany L. Prioleau, Shama Panjwani

The integration of diverse and multicultural perspectives in psychedelic-assisted therapy represents an important element within this emerging field. As the therapeutic potential of psychedelics continues to capture the attention of mental health professionals, it is essential to underscore the critical significance of considering the diverse cultural backgrounds, belief systems, and systemic influences and barriers of individuals engaging in these therapies. This article explores the importance of embracing a multicultural and social justice lens within psychedelic-assisted therapy that examines the movement through a historical sociopolitical lens. It reviews the integration of social justice and advocacy into potential treatment, highlighting how psychedelic-assisted therapy has the potential to enhance effectiveness, accessibility, and ethical foundations within the counseling profession.

Keywords: psychedelic-assisted therapy, multicultural, social justice, advocacy, counseling

     Psychedelics are substances that alter states of consciousness (Nichols & Walter, 2021). This classification consists of substances derived from roots and plants, including cacti and fungi-like plants as well as synthetic substances that can affect perception. The association of psychedelics with the counterculture of the 60s and 70s created a stigma around usage and thwarted clinical research (Byock, 2018). However, in recent years, psychedelics have reemerged as a breakthrough therapeutic treatment modality for a variety of mental health disorders (Byock, 2018). The emergence of psychedelic-assisted therapy (PAT) and the results of clinical trials demonstrate significant improvements in treatment-resistant depression, increased psychological well-being, and overall long-lasting positive outcomes (Carhart-Harris et al., 2017; Davis et al., 2021; Mitchell et al., 2023; Ross et al., 2016). It is important to recognize the role that counselors and counselor educators will play in embracing diverse and multicultural aspects within the evolving and emerging field of PAT. Many communities of color face disproportionately high rates of mental health challenges because of a number of factors, including access to culturally competent treatment (Viña, 2024). PAT has the potential to address these disparities, but it can only do so effectively when treatment providers are cognizant of systemic barriers that may impact their clients. It is also important to recognize the influences of culture such as aspects of spirituality and the lived experiences from diverse and Indigenous perspectives within psychedelic therapeutic spaces. Psychedelic medicine use has a rich history in traditional cultures (Celidwen et al., 2023). However, the current psychedelic movement, including the research, predominantly represents Western perspectives, while leaders from Indigenous and diverse communities remain absent (Celidwen et al., 2023; George et al., 2020).

Within the current psychedelic science space, the voices and work of Indigenous communities, racial/ethnic minorities, and other historically marginalized populations often go unnoticed (George et al., 2020). Currently, much of psychedelic research excludes voices and perspectives of diverse populations, including those of women and ethnically diverse groups, in both research and practice. These groups must be acknowledged to ensure that they benefit from these novel approaches.

The diverse perspectives and cultural backgrounds of both counselors and their clients are important. In this article, we explore an array of multicultural considerations and address the importance of adopting a multicultural lens in the training and practice of counselors and counselor educators within the context of PAT. We aim to provide insights into and a comprehensive examination of the potential benefits, ethical considerations, and multicultural perspectives related to the potential integration of psychedelic training into counselor education and supervision. We also explore the urgent need for a culturally sensitive and inclusive approach within PAT, with a focus on areas such as cultural appropriation, legalization/criminalization, potential barriers to access, diversity in training, and research and future implications. Acknowledgment of multicultural perspectives in psychedelic therapy presents opportunities toward greater inclusivity and equity while expanding upon traditional healing approaches. Adopting this approach can enhance the efficacy and ethical foundation of these treatments within diverse communities.

Multicultural Considerations in Psychedelic-Assisted Therapy

Psychedelic substances have deep historical and cultural roots in many Indigenous and other traditional practices worldwide (K. Williams et al., 2022). Many Indigenous groups express concern over the cultural appropriation of psychedelics by Western medicine (Celidwen et al., 2023). Understanding the cultural meanings, rituals, and beliefs surrounding traditional plant medicine and psychedelic use can help counselors provide culturally competent care and avoid appropriating or misinterpreting these practices. Therefore, it is important that mental health professionals and educators approach PAT with sensitivity and awareness of diverse cultural perspectives. These considerations align with the American Counseling Association’s (ACA) Social Justice Competencies by encompassing and explaining the cultural contexts of psychedelic use, respecting traditional healing practices, and promoting inclusivity while ensuring equitable access to treatment (Ratts et al., 2016).

Disparities in Psychedelic Research
     Current research demonstrates that PAT is emerging as a promising therapeutic approach by offering potentially transformative treatments for a range of mental health–related issues. Early PAT researchers conducted controlled trials that demonstrated the safety and efficacy of psilocybin-assisted therapy in the context of end-of-life distress and cancer-related anxiety, depression, and addiction (Griffiths et al., 2006). The trial showed psilocybin-assisted therapy improved psychological well-being and reduced symptoms of anxiety and depression (Griffiths et al., 2016). In addition, controlled studies conducted in recent years have provided compelling evidence of the potential efficacy of psychedelics in treating mental health disorders, such as treatment-resistant depression, post-traumatic stress disorder, and substance use disorders (Bogenschutz et al., 2015; Mitchell et al., 2023).

The recent clinical trials pertaining to PAT offer great promise and beneficial impacts to mental health and well-being. However, these trials historically have limited the inclusion of Black, Indigenous, and people of color (BIPOC) and other marginalized populations (Michaels et al., 2018; K. Williams et al., 2022; M. T. Williams et al., 2020). For example, a study examining recent PAT clinical trials reported 85% of the participants identified as non-Hispanic White and 5% or less of the participants identified as people of color (Michaels et al., 2018). The lack of participation in the research may be due to factors such as historical mistrust (e.g., trauma linked to medical experimentation), lack of cultural sensitivity, accessibility, stigma and discrimination (e.g., legal ramifications), and non-inclusive recruitment strategies (George et al., 2020; Michaels et al., 2018; Thrul & Garcia-Romeu, 2021; K. Williams et al., 2022). Furthermore, in the most recent phase-2 MDMA trial, only 9.5% of the participants identified as being ethnically diverse (Mithoefer et al., 2011). Subsequently the sample from the phase-3 trial showed improvement toward diverse sampling (Mitchell et al., 2023). In a study examining ketamine-assisted therapy, researchers reported that all clinicians in the trial identified as White, while 89% of the participants also identified as White (Herzberg & Butler 2019). This data has important implications for current and future studies, as current results may not be as generalizable to the greater population (Michaels et al., 2018). Even with the increase and interest in psychedelic-related research, the recruitment and inclusion of diverse populations is lagging. Because researchers have primarily conducted empirical research in psychedelic medicine with a majority of White male participants, there is a lack of knowledge about the impact of PAT on minoritized populations (Viña, 2024). The absence of diverse ethnic and minority population representation may hinder the advancement of PAT. Inclusion of diverse groups may offer the opportunity to customize treatment approaches that may be better suited to people of color.

Cultural Impacts of Legalization
     The contexts of sociopolitical landscapes contribute to societal resistance and stigma around psychedelic therapy (Curtis et al., 2020; Hearn et al., 2022). The demonization of psychedelics in the media as well as government campaigns like the war on drugs not only contributed to the stigmatization of these substances and the perception that their use was inherently dangerous, but also fueled fears of a societal impact (Beckett et al., 2006; Sessa, 2016). This resistance can manifest both within counseling communities and the broader cultural context. Additionally, navigating the legal and regulatory challenges associated with multicultural psychedelic therapy adds layers of complexity to its integration into mainstream mental health practice (Marks & Cohen, 2021). The nature of the legalization and criminalization of psychedelic substances has led to hesitancy and resistance among both researchers and mental health professionals (Curtis et al., 2020; Hearn et al., 2022). Resistance to the integration of psychedelic therapy within counseling communities is often rooted in historical narratives, ethical concerns, and misconceptions associated with use (Smith et al., 2022). Many clinicians may fear the legal consequences, professional repercussions, and social stigma surrounding PAT. These impacts may discourage many educators and clinicians from exploring the therapeutic potential of these substances. This could perpetuate a lack of knowledge and formal training within counselor education, leaving educators and clinicians ill-equipped to integrate psychedelics into education and practice. Addressing this resistance requires comprehensive education initiatives within counseling programs. Educators and professional organizations must foster an open dialogue that provides accurate information about the therapeutic potential of psychedelics.

Some jurisdictions have begun to reconsider their approach through a growing recognition of the need for a more evidence-based and compassionate approach to drug policy. States like Oregon and cities like Denver, Colorado, have decriminalized the use of psychedelics (Siegel et al., 2023). The reevaluation of criminalization has opened doors for advancement in scientific research, leading to a resurgence of interest in therapeutic applications (Smith et al., 2022). Moreover, criminalization may limit access to PAT for individuals and communities that may benefit most from these treatments (Devenot et al., 2022). The illegal status of psychedelics presents challenges for patients to find qualified professionals who can provide these therapies legally and safely. Furthermore, the lack of access creates barriers for individuals to explore alternative and potentially transformative treatments for conditions that may be unresponsive to conventional approaches (Smith et al., 2022). Dismantling decades of stigma and overcoming criminalization will require continued advocacy from the counseling profession and mental health field.

Presently, ketamine stands as the only available legal substance that is often classified as psychedelic treatment in the United States. Ongoing research and evolving regulatory landscapes may pave the way for more legal options in the future (Dore et al., 2019). Although most psychedelics remain Schedule I controlled substances, making them illegal for recreational or therapeutic use, practitioners have legally used ketamine to treat treatment-resistant depression. Medical professionals have administered the drug under supervision in various clinical settings, offering hope to individuals who have not responded to conventional antidepressant therapies (Dore et al., 2019; Marks & Cohen, 2021). In the past, the legal classification of psychedelics as Schedule I substances, coupled with strict regulations, have made it challenging for researchers to obtain the necessary approvals and resources to conduct studies. However, researchers have put forth guidelines for testing psychedelics (Johnson et al., 2008). Although more federally funded clinical trials have emerged to highlight the benefits of PAT in recent years, underground use of the substances in community, therapeutic, and spiritual contexts has disproportionately impacted diverse and Indigenous communities (Williams et al., 2022). Furthermore, even with evidence of potential benefits of PAT, state and federal regulatory guidelines create barriers for the use of psychedelics in treatment (Byock, 2018).

Impacts of Criminalization
     The current sociopolitical climate and the overcriminalization of drug use continue to further stigmatize communities of color (Ching, 2019). Almost half of incarcerated individuals are in prison because of drug-related offenses (Buehler & Kluckow, 2024). Black men are imprisoned at a 5.7% higher rate than their White counterparts for similar convictions (Buehler & Kluckow, 2024). Racial disparities among drug arrests continue to persist. Because of these factors, people of color may feel less safe from a legal standpoint and may display more hesitancy to explore psychedelic-related therapeutics (George et al., 2020). People from historically marginalized communities may also be resistant to the use of psychedelics and PAT because of these implications (Ching, 2019). Additionally, psychedelic medicine has been underutilized to treat issues such as race-based trauma within communities of color. A study conducted by M. T. Williams et al. (2021) found a significant reduction in anxiety and depressive symptoms in participants who utilized psychedelics for the treatment of race-based trauma. However, if clinicians are not properly trained and do not understand the mechanics of racism, they can add to their clients’ trauma (Smith et al., 2022). In addition, researchers have argued that the current psychedelic-assisted model of therapy does not properly train counselors to treat BIPOC populations (Smith et al., 2022).

On a broader cultural level, because stigma surrounding psychedelic use persists, it often hinders individuals from diverse backgrounds from considering or openly discussing PAT (George et al., 2020). This stigma is rooted in societal misconceptions, fears, and historical prejudices; it may also include mistrust of the practitioners engaging in this mode of therapy (Smith et al., 2022). Addressing this stigma requires collaborative efforts between mental health professionals and community leaders. Public awareness campaigns that are culturally sensitive as well as education programs and community engagement initiatives can be utilized to challenge stereotypes and misinformation. These efforts should not only emphasize the potential benefits but also any associated risks of PAT. These efforts can assist in the destigmatization of PAT and validate its use as a legitimate therapeutic modality. Without legal access to psychedelic-assisted therapeutic modalities, historically marginalized populations remain vulnerable to criminalization. Advocacy efforts should focus on disseminating information geared toward acknowledging past drug policy harm and the potential for psychedelic healing. Addressing these barriers through advocacy and policy are essential to ensuring equitable access.

Ethical Considerations

The historical use of these substances for spiritual, cultural, and personal purposes challenges the notion of gatekeeping and medicalization. Therefore, ethical considerations extend beyond therapeutic settings to also encompass the possible recreational use of psychedelics (Pilecki et al., 2021). Gatekeepers who limit access to these substances raise questions about equity and personal autonomy. At the same time, there is a risk of overly medicalizing psychedelics, which may strip away the rich cultural and spiritual heritage that has been integral to their use.

Cultural Appropriation and the Commodification of Psychedelic Experiences
     Incorporating diverse and multicultural perspectives into the framework of PAT presents ethical challenges, particularly concerning the risk of cultural appropriation. Cultural appropriation refers to the adoption or use of elements from one culture by individuals or groups, often from a more dominant culture, without understanding, respect, or permission (Sue et al., 2022). Issues may arise in the context of PAT when people appropriate cultural practices or substances with deep historical or spiritual significance. One of the primary ethical considerations revolves around the respect for Indigenous knowledge and practices. Indigenous cultures have utilized psychedelic substances in their spiritual and healing rituals for centuries, and the current psychedelic movement faces challenges with the cultural and historical appropriation of these traditional healing methods (George et al., 2020). The appropriation of these practices without the involvement, permission, or benefit of Indigenous communities raises substantial questions about cultural exploitation and ethical responsibility. For example, the financial exploitation of plant medicines, without direct benefit to Indigenous peoples, could lead to unsustainable extraction of plant medicines, making them unavailable for communal use (Celidwen et al., 2023).

Indigenous and other cultures from around the world have long-standing traditions of working with psychedelic substances for spiritual and therapeutic purposes (Field, 2022). Many Indigenous cultures position the aspect of spirit as an integral component of healing and understanding (Field, 2022). The exploration and use of psychedelics in therapeutic contexts must confront the ethical challenges associated with cultural appropriation and the commodification of psychedelic experiences, which may exclude aspects of spiritual influences. Some may argue that in many Western-based PAT options, there is often an absence or underrepresentation of the integration of spiritual or transcendental aspects (K. Williams et al., 2022). Studies have shown that participants who undergo PAT, such as psilocybin-based therapy, highly correlate mystical or spiritual experiences with treatment (Reif et al., 2020). Although these treatments primarily focus on the clinical and therapeutic benefits of psychedelics, they may sometimes overlook the profound spiritual or mystical experiences that these substances can induce (Griffiths et al., 2006). The subjective nature of spirituality and the hesitance to incorporate it into scientific and clinical models that seek measurement of experiences as validation methods may be contributing factors (Sessa, 2016; K. Williams et al., 2022). However, for many individuals, the spiritual dimension of their psychedelic experiences is deeply meaningful and transformative (Griffiths et al., 2006). Recognizing the spiritual aspects and the potential for personal growth, healing, and enhanced well-being is important in order to offer a comprehensive and holistic approach to psychedelic therapy. This approach respects the diverse ways in which some individuals find meaning and make connections through these experiences.

Medicalization and Decolonization
     The historical exploitation of Indigenous practices, including the appropriation of sacred rituals, also encompasses commercialization of psychedelic substances (Devenot et al., 2022). Because of a number of promising studies, many companies and entities are positioned to profit from the therapeutic potential of psychedelic medicines by seeking to patent psychedelic substances (Marks & Cohen, 2021). Marks and Cohen (2021) argued that this may allow a small number of companies to act as gatekeepers, further restricting access to these emerging therapies. However, many marginalized groups, including Indigenous populations, do not receive these benefits (George et al., 2020; K. Williams et al., 2022). By not acknowledging the cultural roots of classic psychedelics, the colonization and appropriation of these practices may result in the erasure and exploitation of Indigenous knowledge and traditions (K. Williams et al., 2022). Mental health professionals engaging with psychedelic therapy must critically examine and address these concerns to ensure ethical and respectful practices.

As a profession, counselors must ensure that the voices of all cultures, including those who have stewarded plant medicines for millennia, are not lost and that advocacy becomes part of the PAT framework in order to create a more equitable future for all. Counselors should approach these practices with humility, respect, and a commitment to cultural preservation. PAT must acknowledge and address power dynamics, particularly in the context of historical and ongoing debate concerning the use of psychedelic substances. The Multicultural and Social Justice Counseling Competencies provide a guide for praxis to address these issues (Ratts et al., 2016). The current focus on medicalization and profit can overshadow the cultural, spiritual, and therapeutic significance of psychedelic experiences (Devenot et al., 2022; Schwarz-Plaschg, 2022). Furthermore, medicalization attempts to position Western approaches to Indigenous practices as the only legitimate way to utilize these substances may lead to restrictions and regulation of access (Schwarz-Plaschg, 2022). Mental health professionals need to recognize the impact of colonialism on Indigenous practices and the potential for appropriation of psychedelic plant medicines (Sessa, 2016). Educators and practitioners should actively work to dismantle power imbalances by engaging in ethical collaborations to promote the inclusion and empowerment of historically marginalized communities.

The Role of Counseling in Advocacy, Access, and Equity

PAT shows promise for addressing major facets of mental health disparities, particularly among vulnerable and underserved communities (Thrul & Garcia-Romeu, 2021). These communities often face higher rates of mental health–related issues, including trauma, depression, anxiety, and substance abuse, and they could potentially benefit significantly from these innovative therapies (Thrul & Garcia-Romeu, 2021). Counselors should prioritize access to these treatments in communities that are often disproportionately affected by mental health challenges (Herzberg & Butler, 2019; Michaels et al., 2018; Sevelius, 2017; Thrul & Garcia-Romeu, 2021; Williams & Labate, 2020). Psychedelic therapy should strive for equitable access, ensuring that individuals from all backgrounds can benefit from this modality. This requires addressing barriers such as costs and accessibility. Mental health professionals should work toward making PAT accessible and affordable (Herzberg & Butler, 2019; Michaels et al., 2018). This is particularly relevant for economically marginalized communities that have historically faced barriers to accessing quality mental health care. Many individuals from underserved and marginalized communities may face financial limitations that present as a barrier and could potentially limit access, preventing them from pursuing these investigative treatments (K. Williams et al., 2022). For PAT to be equitable, it is essential to consider financial accessibility. Being proactive and advocating for insurance coverage of PAT could significantly enhance access. This, in turn, can increase health and social disparities faced by these communities. As the field of PAT evolves, addressing these issues becomes increasingly important. Counselors must ensure future equitable access to PAT, as equity aligns with the broader goals of counseling and fundamentally links the idea that everyone, regardless of their cultural or socioeconomic background, should have access to innovative and effective mental health care.

Advocacy for policy changes is crucial for improving access to and equity in PAT. Counselors, counselor educators, and the broader mental health community can play a significant role in advocating for policy changes and greater access as these modalities become further legalized. Legal reforms can help decriminalize psychedelics and regulate access to PAT. The creation of standardized training and evidence-based guidelines is essential for those who wish to integrate PAT into their practice (Marks & Cohen, 2021).

Furthermore, counselors can embed PAT in a broader framework of multiculturalism and social justice advocacy by aligning it with the counselor social justice advocacy competencies. (Ratts et al., 2016). This involves addressing historical and ongoing injustices and actively working toward decolonizing practices and systems. Educators and clinicians engaging with PAT should recognize their role in advancing social justice and commit to principles of equity, inclusivity, and cultural empowerment. By approaching PAT with cultural humility and a commitment to ethical practice, professionals can contribute to a more inclusive, respectful, and responsible approach.

Moreover, multicultural perspectives bring depth to the therapeutic process itself. Different cultures have their unique healing practices, spiritual beliefs, and worldviews regarding altered states of consciousness. By embracing multicultural perspectives, counselors can expand their understanding of healing, embrace diverse approaches to well-being, and tailor PAT to meet the specific needs of individuals across cultural backgrounds (Sevelius, 2017). Promoting diversity and inclusivity within the field by training, providing educational opportunities to individuals from diverse backgrounds, and prioritizing the inclusion of diverse perspectives in research and practice can help promote equity. Development of inclusive policies that address historical injustices as well as ethical and cultural considerations aimed at reducing disparities in access related to psychedelics is crucial (M. T. Williams et al., 2020).

Multicultural Perspectives, Strategies, and Implications for Practice

Integrating multicultural perspectives into counseling practice is important for fostering inclusive and effective mental health care, particularly in emerging fields like PAT. Integrating diverse viewpoints and practices can help address systemic barriers, promote inclusivity, and enhance therapeutic outcomes for marginalized populations and other underrepresented groups. By addressing issues related to diversifying psychedelic research, diversifying the counseling workforce, and emphasizing culturally responsive approaches, counselors can create spaces that address diverse experiences. This section outlines actionable steps and strategies designed to incorporate multicultural frameworks into training, research, and practice.

Psychoeducation for Advocacy in Psychedelic-Assisted Therapy
     Counselors play a pivotal role in advocacy efforts for PAT by providing psychoeducation that empowers everyone—clients, marginalized communities, and the general public. Counselors can tailor psychoeducation to address the historical use of psychedelics and tackle issues related to marginalized populations, including common barriers to access. One strategic approach is to have counselors engage with clients and communities and educate them about the current changing legal landscape surrounding psychedelic substances, which includes regulatory changes and clinical trials that are shifting the conversation toward wider acceptance (Nichols & Walter, 2021). Providing accurate information about the safety, efficacy, and cultural history of psychedelics, specifically in non-Western and Indigenous contexts, can help reduce stigma and promote informed decision-making (George et al., 2020).

Additionally, professional counselors can offer a variety of workshops and community outreach programs that discuss the therapeutic potential of psychedelics and address concerns specific to underserved communities, such as fears of legal ramifications or historical trauma linked to medical experimentation (George et al., 2020; K. Williams et al., 2022). Legal reforms will help decriminalize psychedelics and regulate access to PAT. This approach should be culturally responsive to ensure that materials and discussions are tailored to the needs, values, and historical experiences of these populations.

Lastly, counselors can advocate for systemic change by collaborating with state and local organizations and policymakers to disseminate information about the potential benefits of PAT, specifically for treating trauma-related disorders in communities of color (Doblin et al., 2019; M. T. Williams et al., 2020). Counselors must also advocate for insurance coverage by lobbying through a call for action to reduce financial barriers for marginalized groups. Through a psychoeducational approach, counselors will advocate for more equitable access to PAT.

Diverse Representation in Psychedelic Research
     Discussing multicultural approaches in PAT helps researchers and counselors develop cultural competence, address biases, tailor treatment to individual needs, foster trust, empower clients, and promote social justice. By embracing a multicultural lens, researchers can create more effective and inclusive protocols for care that respect and acknowledge the diverse cultural backgrounds and identities of their clients (Scharff et al., 2010). Considering cultural factors in research of PAT is essential to ensure that therapy is relevant, respectful, safe, and inclusive (George et al., 2020). It promotes cultural sensitivity that acknowledges the diversity of human experiences, which aids counselors in providing effective and meaningful support to their clients so that PAT is accessible to individuals from diverse cultural backgrounds.

Diverse representation requires cultural sensitivity training to produce culturally competent research teams consisting of clinicians, researchers, and support staff. One strategy is to offer training that focuses on respecting and understanding diverse beliefs, values, cultural practices, and communication styles (Brennan & Belser, 2022). Diverse representation also entails having culturally different populations as participants in clinical trials. Engagement and collaboration must be addressed when tailoring recruitment strategies, dealing with barriers to access, enhancing language accessibility, and combating historical stigma through community education (Herzberg & Butler, 2019). Recruitment strategies using educational programs that specifically target underrepresented groups should involve culturally relevant communication channels to reduce stigma and increase awareness about psychedelic research within diverse communities.

Partnerships with community organizations and collaboration with community leaders will promote insight into specific cultural nuances and values and help build trust within diverse communities (Williams & Labate, 2020). Ethical considerations, including informed consent, privacy, and confidentiality, must be carefully addressed while also respecting and integrating the cultural contexts and values of participants (Smith et al., 2022). Along with increasing awareness, collaboration identifies barriers, such as financial constraints and transportation, that prevent marginalized individuals from participating. Adapting PAT protocols by incorporating traditional healing practices and spiritual elements that are meaningful to participants from diverse backgrounds creates additional cultural sensitivity around including culturally different populations (Celidwen et al., 2023). Diverse representation in psychedelic research is not only an ethical imperative, as outlined in the ACA Code of Ethics (ACA, 2014), but also is essential for producing results that impact diverse populations. It is vital to ensure that individuals from a broad spectrum of cultural and ethnic backgrounds understand the benefits and risks of PAT.

Diversifying Psychedelic Training and Workforce
     Specific guidelines for PAT vary and remain unclear (Schwarz-Plaschg, 2022). Moving forward, it is imperative that the counseling profession and governing bodies work together to create diverse training and treatment modalities. Furthermore, it is important that future PAT is reflective of people from diverse backgrounds to better fit the needs of people of color. Many current protocols and training programs are developed without input from diverse voices, which can result in a lack of cultural awareness regarding participants’ experiences (Buchanan, 2020). Incorporating a diverse array of clinicians from various backgrounds into psychedelic therapy training is a crucial step in ensuring the cultural relevance and effectiveness of these therapeutic approaches. Ensuring clinicians are culturally competent in training will help to build trust and rapport with clients from diverse backgrounds. Addressing mental health disparities within marginalized communities will also aid in culturally appropriate treatment approaches. Clinicians of color and clinicians from other diverse backgrounds bring valuable perspectives and cultural insights that enrich the field and promote a more inclusive, equitable, and effective approach to psychedelic therapy. Having a diverse workforce also aligns with and promotes the broader principles of social justice and health care equity. In the current landscape of psychedelic research and practice, people of color and women are often overlooked as leaders (Buchanan, 2020; George et al., 2020). Diversity in the workforce also reinforces the importance of making access to PAT equitable through representation. One strategy for diversifying the workforce is to encourage counseling programs to partner with other PAT training programs and offer scholarships and fellowships for training that create educational opportunities for marginalized students, thus promoting diversity and inclusivity. These scholarships and fellowships can specifically fund trainings for historically marginalized students.

As the counseling profession begins to explore ways to incorporate PAT into counselor training, embedding multicultural counseling competency as a foundational element of their PAT curriculum is recommended. One example could include introducing PAT in a counseling theories course as an emerging therapeutic framework to potentially treat treatment-resistant disorders. Exploration of PAT can also be included in a multicultural counseling course. This requires the inclusion of coursework that explores the history, cultural significance, and modern therapeutic applications of psychedelics across different cultures. Students should learn how various communities have actively integrated psychedelics into their healing practices for centuries, particularly in regions where plant medicines play a central role in traditional health and spiritual rituals.

Counseling programs may also include courses that provide specific training on addressing the cultural and historical trauma that may arise in clients from marginalized communities. For instance, the war on drugs disproportionately impacted Black and Indigenous communities in the United States, which may influence how they perceive psychedelics and PAT (Buchanan, 2020; Carhart-Harris et al., 2017). Counselors must receive training on acknowledging and addressing historical traumas when working with clients from these backgrounds, utilizing trauma-informed approaches that validate their experiences and build trust (Williams & Labate, 2020).

In addition, counselors must develop skills in culturally relevant communication to effectively engage with clients from various backgrounds. This includes being mindful of how different communities and clients may interpret the psychedelic experience. For example, some Indigenous groups may share experiences through a spiritual or shamanic lens, while others may relate their experience to their unique cultural background. Counselors should receive training from culturally competent PAT practitioners and established PAT programs to adapt their communication styles to respect cultural nuances and avoid the imposition of a singular Western therapeutic approach (George et al., 2020).

Community Collaboration
     Collaborating with diverse communities in the context of PAT is crucial for fostering culturally sensitive practices that honor traditional knowledge and ensure ethical integration into modern therapeutic frameworks. A potential strategy is for counselors to form community partnerships with individuals from the cultures whose practices are being integrated and ask these individuals to offer valuable insights and guidance on ethical considerations. An example from the literature describes panels from Indigenous communities creating a list outlining eight ethical considerations for engaging in psychedelic medicine. They include concepts pertaining to Indigenous knowledge, nature, and ways of being and knowing (Celidwen et al., 2023). These panels can help ensure that cultural perspectives are appropriately integrated into the therapy process. Moreover, collaboration with Indigenous and other cultural communities should involve mutually agreed-upon benefit-sharing arrangements. These arrangements can include providing financial support, resources, or other forms of reciprocity to recognize the value and utilization of the used cultural knowledge. Collaborating with Indigenous communities and leaders through engagement and partnerships can guide the creation of culturally sensitive and ethically appropriate practices and training while incorporating traditional healing and spiritual elements into research and training protocols. This collaboration can help create culturally competent research teams with diverse representation that can aid in recruiting underrepresented groups for clinical trials through education and trust building. This continual evaluation helps minimize cultural appropriation and preserves cultural sensitivity, which aligns with ethical principles that promote inclusivity, respect, and justice. These principles correspond with the multicultural and social justice advocacy competencies (Ratts et al., 2016).

Conclusion

Looking ahead to the future of counseling in psychedelic therapy, it is essential to acknowledge and honor the Indigenous and other cultural history and traditional use of these substances. Many cultures have maintained profound relationships with psychedelics as healing tools for generations by utilizing them in sacred rituals and healing practices (Fotiou, 2020). This cultural context offers valuable insights into the therapeutic potential of these substances and underscores the need for cultural humility and acknowledgment within the field of PAT. Recognizing Indigenous knowledge and practices not only informs our approach, but it also highlights the importance of collaborating with these communities and leaders (George et al., 2020). By doing so, counselors can foster a more inclusive and equitable future for PAT.

By acknowledging the diverse ways in which individuals experience healing, PAT has the potential to break down barriers and reduce mental health disparities. The future of PAT rests significantly in the hands of counselors and other mental health professionals. Additionally, culturally competent and inclusive psychedelic training can address disparities and promote equity in mental health services. As ambassadors of mental health and well-being, counselors can play a pivotal role in shaping the narrative around PAT. Educators bear the responsibility of imparting the knowledge, skills, and cultural competence required to navigate this evolving landscape. Incorporating psychedelic education into counseling programs equips future professionals with the skills to meet the diverse needs of their clients. Counselors can assist in these efforts by actively engaging in destigmatizing PAT, advocating for legal reforms, and promoting cultural humility that recognizes the significance of multicultural perspectives. Embracing multicultural perspectives in PAT is not merely an ethical imperative; it is a guide toward a more compassionate and holistic vision of mental health and well-being. Counselors, as educators, clinicians, and advocates, have the potential to shape a future that integrates the potential significance of PAT with cultural competence, offering profound respect of diverse experiences.

 

Conflict of Interest and Funding Disclosure
The authors reported no conflict of interest
or funding contributions for the development
of this manuscript.

 

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Brittany L. Prioleau, PhD, NCC, ACS, LPC, CIMHP, is an assistant professor at Mercer University. Shama Panjwani, PhD, NCC, LPC, is an assistant professor at Keiser University. Correspondence may be addressed to Brittany L. Prioleau, 3001 Mercer University Dr., Atlanta, GA 30341, prioleau_bl@mercer.edu.

Centering Social Justice in Counselor Education: How Student Perspectives Can Help

Sapna B. Chopra, Rebekah Smart, Yuying Tsong, Olga L. Mejía, Eric W. Price

This mixed methods program evaluation study was designed to assist faculty in better understanding students’ multicultural and social justice training experiences, with the goal of improving program curriculum and instruction. It also offers a model for counselor educators to assess student experiences and to make changes that center social justice. A total of 139 first-semester students and advanced practicum students responded to an online survey. The Consensual Qualitative Research-Modified (CQR-M) method was used to analyze brief written narratives. The Multicultural Counseling Competence and Training Survey (MCCTS) and the Advocacy Competencies Self-Assessment Survey (ACSA) were used to triangulate the qualitative data. Qualitative findings revealed student growth in awareness, knowledge, skills, and action, particularly for advanced students, with many students reporting a desire for more social justice instruction. Some students of color reported microaggressions and concerns that training centers White students. Quantitative analyses generally supported the qualitative findings and showed advanced students reporting higher multicultural and advocacy competencies compared to beginning students. Implications for counselor education are discussed.

Keywords: social justice, program evaluation, training, multicultural counseling, counselor education

In the midst of the COVID-19 pandemic and the long-standing inequities it brought to light, many universities began examining the ways that injustice unfolds within their institutions (Mull, 2020). Arredondo et al. (2020) noted that counseling and counselor education continue to uphold white supremacy and center the experiences of White people within theories, training, and research. White supremacy culture promotes Whiteness as the norm and standard, intersects with and reinforces other forms of oppression, and shows up in institutions in both overt and covert ways, such as emphasis on individualism, avoidance of conflict, and prioritizing White comfort (Okun, 2021). Arredondo et al. (2020) called for counselor educators to engage in social justice advocacy and to unpack covert White supremacy in training programs. The present study investigated the multicultural and social justice training experiences of students in a Western United States counseling program so that counseling faculty can be empowered to uncover biases and better integrate social justice in the curriculum.

Counselor education programs are products of the larger sociopolitical environment and dominant patriarchal, cis-heteronormative, Eurocentric culture that often fails to “challenge the hegemonic views that marginalize groups of people” which “perpetuate deficit-based ideologies” (Goodman et al., 2015, p. 148). For example, the focus on the individual in traditional counseling theories can reinforce oppression by failing to address the role of systemic oppression in a client’s distress (Singh et al., 2020). Counseling theory textbooks usually provide an ancillary section at the end of each chapter focusing on multicultural issues (Cross & Reinhardt, 2017). White supremacy culture is so ubiquitous that it is typically invisible to those immersed within it (DiAngelo, 2018). It is not surprising then that counseling is often viewed as a White, middle-class endeavor, and BIPOC (Black, Indigenous, and People of Color) clients frequently perceive that they should leave their cultural identities and experiences outside the counseling session (Turner, 2018). Counselor educators have been encouraged to reflect on how Eurocentric curricula and pedagogy may marginalize students and seek liberatory teaching practices that promote critical consciousness (Sharma & Hipolito-Delgado, 2021).

Students’ Perceptions of Their Growth, Learning Process, and Critiques of Their Training
     Studies of mostly White graduate students show gains in expanding awareness of their own biases and privilege, knowledge about other cultures and experiences of oppression, as well as the importance of empowering and advocating for clients (Beer et al., 2012; Collins et al., 2015; Sanabria & DeLorenzi, 2019; Singh et al., 2010). Others indicated the benefits of integrating feminist principles in treatment (Hoover & Morrow, 2016; Singh et al., 2010). Consciousness-raising and self-reflection were key parts of multicultural and social justice learning (Collins et al., 2015; Hoover & Morrow, 2016), and could be emotionally challenging. Indeed, Goodman et al. (2018) identified a theme of internal grappling reflecting students’ experiences of intellectual and emotional struggle; others noted students’ experiences of overwhelm and isolation (Singh et al., 2010), as well as resistance, such as withdrawing or dismissing information that challenged their existing belief system (Seward, 2019). Researchers have also documented student complaints about their social justice training; for example, that social justice is not well integrated or that there was inadequate coverage of skills and action (Collins et al., 2015). Kozan and Blustein (2018) found that even among programs that espouse social justice, there was a lack of training in macro level advocacy skills. Barriers to engaging in advocacy included: lack of time (Field et al., 2019; Singh et al., 2010), emotional exhaustion stemming from observations of the harms caused by systemic inequities (Sanabria & DeLorenzi, 2019), and ill-informed supervisors (Sanabria & DeLorenzi, 2019).

The studies reviewed thus relied on samples of mainly White, cisgender, heterosexual women. Some noted that education on social justice is often centered on helping White students expand their awareness (Haskins & Singh, 2015). In one study focused on challenges faced by students of color, participants expressed frustration with the lack of diversity among their professors, classmates, and curriculum (Seward, 2019). Participants also experienced marginalization and disconnection when professors and students made offensive or culturally uninformed comments and when course content focused on teaching students with privileged identities. Students from marginalized communities also face isolation in academic settings and sometimes question the multicultural competence of their professors (Haskins & Singh, 2015), which in turn contributes to the underrepresentation of students of color in counseling and psychology (Arney et al., 2019).

The Present Study

Counselor educators must critically examine their curriculum, course materials, and overall learning climate for students (Haskins & Singh, 2015). Listening to students’ experiences and perceptions of their training offers faculty an opportunity to model cultural humility, gain useful feedback, and make necessary changes. Given the increased recognition of racial trauma and societal inequities, it is critical that counseling programs engage with students of diverse backgrounds as they seek to shift their pedagogy. Historically, academic institutions have responded to student demands with performative action rather than meaningful change (Zetzer, 2021). This mixed methods study is part of a larger process of counseling faculty working to invite student feedback and question internalized assumptions and biases in order to implement real change. The goal of program evaluation is to investigate strengths and weaknesses in order to improve the program (Royse et al., 2010). According to the 2024 Council for Accreditation of Counseling and Related Educational Programs (CACREP) standards, program evaluation is essential to assess and improve the program (CACREP, 2023). Thus, the purpose of this program evaluation study was to understand students’ self-assessment and experiences with the counseling program’s curriculum in the area of multicultural and social justice advocacy, with the overarching goal of program curriculum and instruction improvement. This article offers counselor educators a model of how to assess program effectiveness in multicultural and social justice teaching and practical suggestions based on the findings. The research questions were: What are beginning and advanced students’ self-perceptions regarding their multicultural and social justice advocacy competencies? What are beginning and advanced students’ perceptions of the multicultural and social justice advocacy competencies training they are receiving in their program?

Method

We employed a mixed method, embedded design in which the quantitative data offered a supportive and secondary role to the qualitative results (Creswell et al., 2003). Qualitative and mixed methods research designs are particularly useful in program evaluation (Royse et al., 2010). Mixed method approaches also offer value in research that centers social justice advocacy, as the integration of diverse methodological techniques within a single study fosters the understanding of multiple perspectives and facilitates a deeper comprehension of intricate issues (Ponterotto et al., 2013). We used an online survey to collect written narratives (qualitative) and survey data (quantitative) from two counseling courses: a beginning counseling course in the first semester (beginning students), and an advanced practicum course, taken by those who had completed at least part of their year-long practicum (advanced students).

Participants
     Participants were counseling students enrolled in a CACREP-accredited program at a large West Coast public university in the United States that is both a federally designated Hispanic-serving institution and an Asian American and Native American Pacific Islander–serving institution. Responses were collected from two courses, which included 94 beginning students (84% response rate) and 62 advanced students (71% response rate). Twelve percent of the advanced practicum students also completed the survey when they were first-semester (beginning) students. The mean age of the 139 participants was 27.7 (SD = 7.11), ranging from 20 to 58 years. Racial identifications were 40.3% White, 33.1% Latinx, 14.4% Asian, 7.2% Biracial or Multiracial, 2.9% Black, 0.7% Middle Eastern, 0.7% American Indian/Alaska Native, and 0.7% Native Hawaiian/Pacific Islander. The majority identified as women (82.0%), followed by 14.4% as men, and 2.9% as nonbinary/queer. Students self-identified as heterosexual (71.2%), bisexual (11.5%), lesbian/gay (6.5%), queer (4.3%), pansexual (1.4%), and about 1% each as asexual, heteroflexible, and unsure. About 19.4% of students were enrolled in a bilingual/bicultural (Spanish/Latinx) emphasis within the program.

Procedure
     After receiving university IRB approval, graduate students enrolled in the first-semester beginning counseling course (fall 2018 and 2019) or the advanced practicum course (summer 2019 and 2020) were asked to complete an online survey through Qualtrics with both quantitative measures and open-ended questions as part of their preparation for class discussion. Students were informed that this homework would not be graded and was not intended to “test” their knowledge but rather would serve as an opportunity to reflect on their experience of the program’s multicultural and social justice training. Students were also given the option to participate in the current study by giving permission for their answers to be used. Those who consented were asked to continue to complete the demographic questionnaire. In accordance with the American Counseling Association Code of Ethics (2014), students were informed that there would be no repercussions for not participating. A faculty member outside the counseling program managed the collection of and access to the raw data in order to protect the identities of the students and ensure that their participation or lack of participation in the study could not affect their grade for the course or standing in the program. All students, regardless of participation status, were given the option to enter an opportunity drawing for a small cash prize ($20 for data collection in 2018 and 2019, $25 for 2020) through a separate link not connected to their survey responses.

Data Collection
     We collected brief written qualitative data and responses to two quantitative measures from both beginning and advanced students.

Qualitative Data
     The faculty developed open-ended questions that would elicit student feedback on their multicultural and social justice training. Prior to beginning the counseling program, first-semester students were asked two questions about their experiences and impressions: How would you describe your knowledge about and interest in multiculturalism/diversity and social justice from a personal and/or academic perspective? and How would you describe your initial impressions or experience of the focus on multicultural and social justice in the program so far? They were also asked, if it was relevant, to include their experience in the Latinx counseling emphasis program component. Advanced students, who were seeing clients, were asked the same questions and also asked to: Consider/describe how this experience of multiculturalism and social justice in the program may impact you personally and professionally (particularly in work with clients) in the future.

Quantitative Data
     Two instruments were selected to quantitatively assess students’ perceptions of their own multicultural and advocacy competencies. The Multicultural Counseling Competence and Training Survey (MCCTS; Holcomb-McCoy & Myers, 1999) is designed to assess counselors’ perceptions of their multicultural competence and the effectiveness of their training. The survey contains 32 statements for which participants answer on a 4-point Likert scale (not competent, somewhat competent, competent, extremely competent). Sample items include: “I can discuss family therapy from a cultural/ethnic perspective” and “I am able to discuss how my culture has influenced the way I think.” The reliability coefficients for each of the five components of the MCCTS ranged from .66 to .92: Multicultural Knowledge (.92), Multicultural Awareness (.92), Definitions of Terms (.79), Knowledge of Racial Identity Development Theories (.66), and Multicultural Skills (.91; Holcomb-McCoy & Myers, 1999). In this study, the Cronbach’s alpha coefficients ranged from .75 to .96.

The Advocacy Competencies Self-Assessment Survey (ACSA; Ratts & Ford, 2010) assesses for competency and effectiveness across six domains: (a) client/student empowerment, (b) community collaboration, (c) public information, (d) client/student advocacy, (e) systems advocacy, and (f) social/political advocacy. It contains 30 statements that ask participants to respond with “almost always,” “sometimes,” or “almost never.” Sample questions include “I help clients identify external barriers that affect their development” and “I lobby legislators and policy makers to create social change.” Although Ratts and Ford (2010) did not provide psychometrics of the original ACSA, it was validated with mental health counselors (Bvunzawabaya, 2012), suggesting an adequate internal consistency for the overall measure, but not the specific domains. In this study, the Cronbach’s alpha coefficients ranged from .69 to.79 for the six domains, and .94 for the overall scale. For the purposes of this study, we were not interested in specific domains and used the overall scale to assess students’ overall social justice/advocacy competencies.

Data Analysis
Qualitative Data Analysis
     To analyze the qualitative data, we used Consensual Qualitative Research-Modified (CQR-M; Spangler et al., 2012), which was based on Hill et al.’s (2005) CQR but modified for larger numbers of participants with briefer responses. In contrast to the in-depth analysis of a small number of interviews, CQR-M was ideal for our data, which consisted of brief written responses from 139 participants. CQR-M involves a consensus process rather than interrater reliability among judges, who discuss and code the narratives, and relies on a bottom-up approach, in which categories
(i.e., themes) are derived directly from the data rather than using a pre-existing thematic structure. Frequencies (i.e., how many participants were represented in each category) are then calculated. We analyzed the beginning and advanced students’ responses separately, as the questions were adjusted for their time spent in the program.

After immersing themselves in the data, the first two authors, Sapna B. Chopra and Rebekah Smart, met to outline a preliminary coding structure, then met repeatedly to revise the coding into more abstract categories and subcategories. The computer program NVivo was used to organize the coding process and determine frequencies. After all data were coded, the fifth author, Eric W. Price, served as auditor and provided feedback on the overall coding structure. Both the consensus process and use of an auditor are helpful in countering biases and preconceptions. Brief quantitative data, as used in this study, can be used effectively as a means of triangulation (Spangler et al., 2012).

Quantitative Data Analysis
     To examine for significant differences in the self-perceptions of multicultural competencies and advocacy competencies between White and BIPOC students as well as between beginning and advanced students, a two-way (2×2) ANOVA was conducted with the overall MCCT as the criterion variable and student levels (beginning, advanced) and race (White, BIPOC) as the two independent variables. In addition, two (5×2) multivariate analyses of variances (MANOVAs) were conducted with the five factors of multicultural competencies (knowledge, awareness, definition of terms, racial identity, and skills) as criterion variables and with student levels (beginning, advanced) and student races (White, BIPOC) as independent variables in each analysis. Data for beginning and advanced students were analyzed separately to assess whether time in the counseling program helped to expand their interest and commitment to social justice.

Research Team
     We were intentional in examining our own social identities and potential biases throughout the research process. Chopra is a second-generation South Asian American, heterosexual, cisgender woman. Smart is a White European American, heterosexual, cisgender woman. Yuying Tsong identifies as a genderqueer first-generation Taiwanese and Chinese American immigrant. Olga L. Mejía is an Indigenous-identified Mexican immigrant, bisexual, cisgender woman. Price is a White, gay, cisgender male. All have experience as counselor educators and in qualitative research methods, and all have been actively engaged in decolonizing their syllabi and incorporating multicultural and social justice into their pedagogy.

Results

The research process was guided by the overarching question: What are beginning and advanced counseling students’ perceptions of their multicultural and social justice competencies and training and how can their feedback be used to improve their counselor education program? We explore the qualitative findings first, as the primary data for the study, followed by the quantitative data.

Qualitative Findings for Beginning Counseling Students
     Two higher-order categories emerged from the beginning students’ narratives: developing competencies and learning process so far.

Developing Competencies
     Students’ descriptions of the competencies they were developing included themes of awareness, knowledge, and skills and action. Some students entered the program with an already heightened awareness, while others were making new discoveries. Awareness included subthemes of humility (24.5%), awareness of own privilege (6.4%), and awareness of bias (3.2%). “There’s a lot to learn” was a typical sentiment, particularly from White students. One White female student wrote: “I definitely need more and I believe that open discussions, even hard ones would be some of the best ways to go about this.” A large group expressed knowledge of oppression and systemic inequities (33%); a smaller group referenced intersectionality (3.2%). Within skills and action, some students expressed specific intentions in allyship (11.7%); a number of students expressed commitment to social action but felt unsure how to engage in social justice (11.7%).

Learning Process So Far
     Central themes in this category were support for growth, concerns in training, and internal challenges. Some students felt excited and supported, while some were cautiously optimistic or concerned. Support for growth was a strong theme that reflected excited and enthusiastic to learn (22.3%); appreciation for the Latinx emphasis (18.1%); and receiving support from professors and program (17.0%). For example, one Mexican student in the Latinx emphasis who noted that mental health was rarely discussed in her family shared: “For me to see that there is a program that teaches students how to communicate to individuals who are unsure of what counseling is about, gave me a sense of happiness and relief.”

A few students were adopting a wait-and-see attitude and expressed some concerns about their training. Although the percentage for these subthemes is low, they provide an important experience that we want to amplify. This theme had multiple subthemes. The subtheme concerns from students of color included centering White students (3.2%), microaggressions (3.2%), and lack of representation (1.1%). A student who identified as a Mexican immigrant shared experiences of microaggressions, including classmates using a hurtful derogatory phrase referring to immigrants with no comment from the professor until the student raised the issue. Concerns in training also included the subtheme concerns with how material is presented in classes (7.0%). For some, the concern related to the potential for harm in classes in which White and BIPOC students were encouraged to process issues of privilege and oppression. For example, one Asian Pacific Islander student wrote that although they appreciated the emphasis on social justice, “Time always runs out and I believe it’s careless and dangerous to cut off these types of conversations in a rushed manner.” A small minority seemed to suggest a backlash to the emphasis on social justice, stating that the content was presented in ways that were too “politically correct,” “biased,” or “repetitive.”

     Multiple subthemes emerged from the theme of internal challenges. Both BIPOC and White students shared feeling afraid to speak up (5.3%). BIPOC students expressed struggling with confidence or wanting to avoid conflict, while White students’ fear of speaking up was also connected to discomfort and uncertainty as a White person (2.1%). A small minority of White students did not express explicit discomfort but seemed to engage in a color-blind strategy, as indicated in the theme of people are people (2.1%): “I find people are people, regardless of any differences, and love hearing the good and bad about everybody’s experiences.” Some students of color expressed limited knowledge about cultures other than one’s own (4.3%). For example, an Asian American student stated that they had gravitated to “those who were most similar to me” growing up. Lastly, a few students shared feeling overwhelmed and exhausted (3.2%).

Qualitative Findings for Advanced Counseling Students
     Four higher-order themes emerged: competencies in process, multiculturalism and diversity in the program, social justice in the program, and the learning process.

Competencies in Process
     Similar to beginning students, advanced students described growing self-awareness, knowledge and awareness of others, skills, and action. Their disclosures often related to clinical work, now that they had been seeing clients. Self-awareness included strong subthemes of: humility and desire to keep learning (25.8%); increased open-mindedness, acceptance of others, and compassion (22.6%); awareness of personal privilege and oppression (17.7%); awareness of personal bias and value systems (17.7%); and awareness of personal cultural identity (14.5%). One Mexican American student wrote: “I have also gained an increased awareness of how my prejudices can impact my work with clients and learned about how to check-in with myself.”

     Knowledge and awareness of others had subthemes of privilege and oppression (19.4%) and increased knowledge of culture (14.5%), with awareness of the potential impact on clients. The advanced students also had more to say about skills, which included subthemes of diversity considerations in conceptualization (29%), and in treatment (12.9%), and cultural conversations in the therapy room (21%). One White student wrote: “I have been able to have difficult conversations that once were unheard of. I have also been able to bring culture, ethnicity, and oppression into the room so that my clients can feel understood and safe.” Within the theme of action, 52% wrote about their commitment to social justice and intention to advocate. Although this strongest subtheme suggested action was still more aspirational than currently enacted, a smaller group also wrote about the experiences that they have already had with client advocacy (12.9%), community and/or political action (12.9%), and unspecified action (11.3%).

Multiculturalism and Diversity in the Program
     Many students (44%) indicated that they appreciated that multicultural issues were integrated or addressed well within the program. However, with more time spent in the program, 26% felt that there was more nuance, depth, or scope needed. Some wanted more attention to specific issues, such as disability, gender identity, and religion/spirituality. One Asian American student wrote that the focus had been “basic and surface-level,” adding “I feel like it has also generally catered to the protection of White feelings and voices, which is inherently complicit in the system of White supremacy, especially in higher ed.” Others (9.7%) said more training in clinical application was needed.

Social Justice in the Program
     Students expressed a variety of opinions. The largest number (29%) were satisfied that social justice issues were well integrated into the program. Although more students were satisfied than not, many (24%) noted that social justice is addressed but not demonstrated. Similarly, 24% noted minimal attention, specifically that social justice was not addressed much beyond the one course focused on culture, and 24% noted a desire for more opportunities within the program to engage in advocacy. Some suggested requiring social justice work rather than leaving it as an optional activity. Others (13%), mostly from 2020, noted the relevance of current events and sociopolitical climate. One White student shared about a presentation on Black Lives Matter: “This project opened my eyes to my limited knowledge of systemic oppression in the U.S. and impacted me in ways that I will NEVER be the same.” A small number of students (3%) reported that there was no need or room for more training in social justice. One White student wrote that they felt “frustrated” and that the social justice “agenda is so in my face all the time,” adding “sometimes I feel like I am being trained to be an advocate and an activist, which is/are a different job.”

The Learning Process
     Three central themes emerged: enrichment experienced, challenges, and suggestions for change. Many students were appreciative of their experience. A strong subtheme within enrichment experienced was professors’ encouragement and modeling (24%). Others commented on how much came from learning from peers (21%). Some shared feeling personally empowered (14.5%). For example, a student who identified as coming from an Asian culture wrote about the hesitancy to be an activist, stating, “There is an underlying belief that our voices will not really ever be heard which is strongly tied to systemic oppression and racism throughout history. Consequently, I appreciate this challenge to grow more in social justice issues.” Others shared ways that the program prompted them to engage in social justice outside the classroom (11.3%). For example, one student wrote: “This program gave me the knowledge and education I needed to make sure that when I did speak out I wasn’t just talking to talk. I would actually have facts, stats, evidence-based research to back up my argument.” A number of students noted the unique benefits of the Latinx program (9.7%). One Mexican American student reflected that they had learned about diversity within Latinx cultures, and that, “As a result, I feel more confident in being able to serve clients from various Latinx cultures or at least know where to obtain relevant information when needed.” Many students expressed a sense of belonging (8.1%).

     Challenges. Nearly 10% wrote about struggling to make time [for social justice] and 6.5% noted the emotional impact. For example, one White student wrote: “It was a rude and brutal awakening, to say the least. It was riddled with emotion and heartache but was worth the process.” A few had conflicted or mixed feelings (8.1%)they felt appreciative but wanted more. A few noted possible harm to marginalized students (6.5%). One Asian American student wrote that faculty should be “calling out microaggressions . . . otherwise, their stance on social justice feels more performative and about protecting their own liability rather than caring for their students of color.” A smaller number (4.8%) struggled with peers and colleagues who seemed uninformed.

     Suggestions for Change. Students offered suggestions for improvement, with a strong theme to develop more diverse representation (16.1%), including more representation in faculty, students, case examples, and class discussions. Some comments were specifically about needed attention to Black experiences; one concerned teaching about resiliencies and strengths in the face of oppression. Almost 15% suggested making changes to courses or curriculum. One White student wrote: “If it were me running the program (lol) I would . . . remove the culture class and have all those topics embedded into the fabric of each class because culture and diversity are in all those topics.” A few suggested that faculty require social justice assignments (8.1%), adding that many students will not act unless required. A few also suggested that the program provide more education of White students (8.1%).

Quantitative Findings
Quantitative analyses were conducted to provide triangulation for the qualitative findings and a different view of the data, including possible differences between BIPOC and White students and beginning and advanced students. Table 1 includes descriptive statistics providing an overview of beginning and advanced students’ self-perception of their multicultural and social justice competencies.

Table 1
Descriptive Statistics of Competencies

Multicultural Social Justice/Advocacy
N Mean SD Mean SD
White Beginning 35 2.58 .50 62.97 24.23
Advanced 27 3.09 .38 76.07 19.11
Total 62 2.80 .52 68.68 22.93
BIPOC Beginning 59 2.66 .56 63.05 29.30
Advanced 35 3.01 .30 77.14 20.71
Total 94 2.79 .51 68.30 27.19
Total Beginning 94 2.63 .54 63.02 27.39
Advanced 62 3.05 .34 76.68 19.87
Total 156 2.80 .51 68.45 25.51

 

To examine if there were discernable differences between the beginning and advanced students’ perceptions of their competencies, and if there were differences between White and BIPOC students, a two-way (2×2) ANOVA was conducted with the overall MCCT as the criterion variable and student levels (beginning, advanced) and race (White, BIPOC) as the two independent variables. Results indicated that although there were no interaction effects between race and student levels, there were significant differences in overall multicultural competencies between beginning and advanced students, F(1, 152) = 30.54, p < .001, indicating that advanced practicum students reported significantly higher overall multicultural competencies than beginning students. There were no statistically significant differences between White and BIPOC students in their overall multicultural competencies. Two (5×2) MANOVAs were conducted with the five factors of multicultural competencies as criterion variables (knowledge, awareness, definition of terms, racial identity, and skills). Student levels (beginning, advanced) and student race (White, BIPOC) were independent variables. Results indicated that there were significant differences between beginning and advanced students in at least one of the multicultural competencies components, Wilks’ Lambda = .72, F(5, 150) = 11.97, p < .001. More specifically, follow-up univariate ANOVAs indicated that advanced students reported significantly higher multicultural competencies in their knowledge, F(1, 154) = 43.74, p < .001, µ2 = .22; awareness, F(1, 154) = 6.20, p = .014, µ2 = .04; and racial identity, F(1, 154) = 43.17, p < .001, µ2 = .21. However, there were no significant differences in definitions of terms or skills. Even though there were no significant differences between White and BIPOC students in their overall multicultural competencies, the results of the 5×2 MANOVA indicated that there were significant differences in at least one of the components, Wilks’ Lambda = .87, F(5, 150) = 4.49, p = .001. Follow-up univariate ANOVAs indicated that White students reported higher multicultural competencies in racial identity than BIPOC students in this study, F(1, 154) = 4.51, p = .035, µ2 = .03. There were no differences in the other areas.

A two-way (2×2) ANOVA was conducted with the overall ACSA as the criterion variable and student levels (beginning, advanced) and race (White, BIPOC) as the two independent variables. Results indicated that while there were no interaction effects between race and student levels, there were significant differences in overall advocacy competencies between beginning and advanced students, F(1, 152) = 10.78, p = .001, indicating that advanced students reported significantly higher overall advocacy competencies (M = 76.68) than beginning students (M = 63.02). There were no statistically significant differences between White and BIPOC students in their overall advocacy competencies.

Discussion

This study was designed to examine students’ experiences of their multicultural and social justice training as an aspect of program evaluation, specifically to assist faculty in improving curriculum and instruction with regard to multicultural and advocacy competencies; the study also offers a unique contribution to existing literature by including a more racially diverse (60% BIPOC) sample. Students reported growth in the core areas of multicultural and social justice competency as outlined by Ratts et al. (2016): awareness, knowledge, skills, and action. Consistent with Field et al.’s (2019) findings, students reported more growth in awareness and knowledge than in social justice action, with some differences as students moved through the program. Although beginning students identified personal biases, the theme of self-awareness was more complex for them later in the program. This suggests that a longer time spent in the program contributed to personal growth; although this seems expected, these outcomes have not necessarily been examined before and confirm that the programs’ increasing effort on multiculturalism and social justice are showing gains. The advanced students wrote about clinical application as well and made overt statements of their commitment to social justice. The quantitative results supported these qualitative findings, with advanced students reporting higher multicultural competencies in knowledge, awareness, and racial identity and higher overall advocacy competencies compared to beginning students. With one exception, there were no significant differences between White and BIPOC students in their self-assessment of multicultural or advocacy competencies. Across racial groups, students expressed humility and desire to learn more.

Although students expressed mixed opinions about their experience of the multicultural and social justice training, a greater number of advanced students reported that they thought multicultural (44%) and social justice issues (30%) were well integrated into the program compared to the number of students with critiques. Students reported that support from faculty and peers facilitated their growth and learning, consistent with previous research (e.g., Beer et al., 2012; Keum & Miller, 2020). Some students noted a sense of belonging, particularly those in the Latinx emphasis.

Similar to other researchers, we found that many students wanted social justice issues to be integrated across the curriculum rather than into one course (Beer et al., 2012; Collins et al., 2015); they also wanted more focus on skills and action (Collins et al., 2015; Kozan & Blustein, 2018). Students’ scores on the ACSA advocacy competencies scale reflect this gap in training as well. Though fewer students offered critiques of their training, these responses are important to amplify because some of these concerns are rarely solicited or acknowledged. For example, BIPOC students echoed the challenges faced by students in Seward’s (2019) study, including lack of representation in their faculty, classmates, and curriculum as well as feelings of marginalization when microaggressions in the classroom went unchecked and when instruction centered the needs of White students. Additionally, a few advanced students from 2020, during a time of significant racial-sociopolitical uprising in the United States, expressed concern that class discussions potentially caused harm to students from marginalized communities. Though more students expressed a desire for greater in-depth training, a small minority of mostly White students indicated that they did not want more social justice training and would rather focus solely on traditional counseling skills. These different student perspectives point to the challenges of teaching social justice amidst diverse political and ideological backgrounds and the need to increase community and collaboration.

Listening to Student Feedback and Implications for Decolonizing Program Curriculum
     This study’s findings support the benefits of listening to students’ voices related to multicultural and social justice to inform counselor educators on program strengths and areas for growth. Although student feedback was not the sole impetus for making program changes, accessing this more detailed response was helpful in refining our purpose and direction, as well as highlighting weaknesses. Perhaps more important was the faculty’s willingness to engage in this self-reflective process and to take necessary actions. Rather than waiting for exit interview feedback from graduating students, counselor educators can conduct ongoing program evaluations through anonymous online surveys as well as town hall meetings that invite students to share their process of learning, perceptions of the cultural climate, and experiences of microaggressions. We have a growing understanding that during such evaluations great care needs to be taken for building safety, so as not to retraumatize students from marginalized communities. Based on the results and a series of Zoom town hall meetings, we have implemented changes, such as more consistent integration of social justice across the curriculum; training and day-long retreats focused on increasing faculty competence; faculty participation in Academics for Black Survival and Wellness, an intensive training led by Dr. Della Mosely and Pearis Bellamy; accountability support groups in social justice work; and decolonizing syllabi and class content (e.g., including BIPOC voices and non–APA-style writing assignments). Faculty have also made significant modifications to course materials. For example, beginning students complete weekly modules that include readings and exercises from The Racial Healing Handbook (Singh, 2019), and students study Liberation Psychology during the first week of theories class so they can consider ways to decolonize more traditional models throughout the semester. These strategies have been helpful in preparing students for more difficult conversations surrounding anti-racism in more advanced courses throughout the program. Forming faculty accountability partners or small groups is helpful so that faculty can support each other as a part of their ongoing development in addressing internalized White supremacy and avoiding harm to students.

Student feedback also called attention to the need for self-care, which our program continues to explore. Consistent with previous research (Collins et al., 2015; L. A. Goodman et al., 2018; Hoover & Morrow, 2016; Singh et al., 2010), students reported that their multicultural and social justice learning was often accompanied by moments of overwhelm, hopelessness, and despair. Without tools to manage these emotions, some students may retreat into defensiveness and withdrawal (Seward, 2019), and some may experience activist burnout (Gorski, 2019). Sustainability is necessary for effective social change efforts (Toporek & Ahluwalia, 2021). Counseling programs can offer resources and guidance for students to practice self-care with counselor educators modeling self-care behavior. For example, the Psychology of Radical Healing Collective (Chen et al., 2019) offered strategies to practice radical self-care, including making space for one’s own healing, finding joy and a sense of belonging, and engaging in advocacy at the local community level. Mindfulness practices can be integrated into social justice education to help students and counselor educators manage difficult emotions, increase their ability to be present, and strengthen compassion and curiosity (Berila, 2016). In addition to individual self-care practices, counselor educators can advocate for community care by tending to the community’s needs and drawing on collective experience and wisdom (Gorski, 2019).

The findings point to the need for counselor educators to better address Whiteness and White supremacy, as well as to center the experiences of students from marginalized communities. Counselor educators may be able to mobilize and direct White students’ feelings of guilt into racial consciousness and action by helping them explore Whiteness, White privilege, and what it means to them while allowing and confronting feelings that arise (Grzanka et al., 2019). It may be helpful for educators to read and assign books on White fragility and ways to address it (DiAngelo, 2018; Helms, 2020; Saad, 2020), so that they can assist White students in managing these emotions. It is important that educators explicitly name and recognize White supremacy as it shows up in counseling theory and practice, and to include a shift from the primary focus on the individual to understanding and dismantling oppressive systems. Counselor educators must also attend to the ways in which they center the comfort of White students over the needs of BIPOC students, so that they do not perpetuate harm and trauma (Galán et al., 2021). Although students with privileged identities may learn powerful lessons about oppression from their classmates, it is important that such learning does not occur at the expense of students with marginalized identities. Offering spaces for White students, especially those who are new to conversations about race and racism, to process their feelings may be helpful to avoid harm to BIPOC students who have experienced racial trauma. Similarly, BIPOC students may benefit from spaces in which they can talk freely and support each other as they unpack their own experiences of microaggressions and trauma (Galán et al., 2021).

Based on the finding that support from faculty was important in facilitating student growth and learning, counselor educators may benefit from implementing strategies informed by relational pedagogy and relational–cultural theory (Dorn-Medeiros et al., 2020). Relational pedagogy centers the relationship between teachers and students and posits that all learning takes place in relationships. Relational–cultural theory emphasizes mutual empathy and empowerment and is rooted in feminist multicultural principles. Practices grounded in these approaches include professors’ use of self-disclosure to model openness, vulnerability, and self-reflection; and their work to reduce power imbalances and invite student feedback at multiple points in time through anonymous surveys and one-on-one meetings. Counselor educators can uplift students as the experts of their experience (Sharma & Hipolito-Delgado, 2021).

Limitations and Future Research
     The results of this study must be considered in light of a number of limitations. The use of the online survey meant that we were not able to follow up with students for further discussion or clarification of their responses. Adding focus groups or interviews to this methodology would likely provide a more thorough picture. In spite of assurances to the contrary, some students may have been hesitant to be honest out of concern that their own professors would be reading their feedback. It is possible that different themes would have emerged if all students had participated. In addition, 12% of the advanced students had participated as beginning students and therefore were previously exposed to the survey materials. Although this could have impacted their later responses, we suspect that given the nearly 2-year time lapse this may not have been meaningful. Nevertheless, future research and program evaluation would be strengthened with longitudinal analyses. Lastly, the reliability for the ACSA was relatively low, so conclusions are tentative; however, the results support the qualitative data. Despite these limitations, this study offers a model for assessing students’ learning and experiences with the goal of program improvement. The process of counselor educators humbling themselves and inviting and integrating student feedback is an important step in decolonizing counselor education and better serving students and the clients and communities that they will serve.

 

Conflict of Interest and Funding Disclosure
The authors reported no conflict of interest
or funding contributions for the development
of this manuscript.

 

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Sapna B. Chopra, PhD, is an associate professor at California State University, Fullerton. Rebekah Smart, PhD, is a professor at California State University, Fullerton. Yuying Tsong, PhD, is a professor and Associate Vice President for Student Academic Support at California State University, Fullerton. Olga L. Mejía, PhD, is a licensed psychologist and an associate professor at California State University, Fullerton. Eric W. Price, PhD, is an associate professor at California State University, Fullerton. Correspondence may be addressed to Sapna B. Chopra, Department of Human Services, California State University, Fullerton, P.O. Box 6868, Fullerton, CA 92834-6868, sapnachopra@fullerton.edu.

Abolitionist Praxis for Substance Use Clients Who Experience Anti-Drug Policing

Darius A. Green, Katharine R. Sperandio

Because of the long history of anti-drug policing in the United States and the criminalization of substance use, clients who use substances are vulnerable to direct and vicarious experiences of police violence. Consequently, those who use substances may face a greater risk of experiencing symptoms of trauma that counselors should address in treatment. We recommend the use of a trauma-informed and abolitionist praxis in clinical and social justice practices as a framework to support clients who use substances and have histories of exposure to police violence.
Keywords: substance use, police violence, trauma, abolitionist, social justice

     Policing in the United States has received increased scrutiny in recent years with renewed attention resulting from the Black Lives Matter protests in 2020. Specifically, policing has been critiqued by prison–industrial complex abolitionists—activists who advocate toward an end to systems of policing, prisons, and related carceral systems in favor of systems and practices that promote accountability, justice, healing, and transformation—as being inherently violent, meaning that it relies on the use of behavior that is considered violent in any context (Cullors, 2019; A. Y. Davis et al., 2022; Green, 2022; Kaba, 2021; Klukoff et al., 2021). Violence is defined as “the intentional use of physical force or power, threatened or actual, against oneself, another person or against a group or community that either results in or has a high likelihood of resulting in injury, death, psychological harm, maldevelopment or deprivation” (Krug et al., 2002, p. 5). Thus, we define police violence as the inherently violent uses of force by police officers. According to the World Health Organization, there are four types of violence that can be used to categorize police violence: physical (e.g., arrests and the use of weapons), sexual (e.g., strip searching and sexual assault), psychological (e.g., intimidation and verbal threats), and neglect (e.g., failing to provide support to medical and mental health needs; DeVylder et al., 2017; Krug et al., 2002).

Current data suggests that 58.3 million U.S. residents over the age of 16 experienced contact from police officers in 2020 with roughly 1 million experiencing or being threatened with non-fatal force (Tapp & Davis, 2022). Moreover, of the 82 million arrests reported by the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI; 2022) between 2011 and 2021, substance use violations were the second most common arrests, accounting for 14% of arrests. Oftentimes, counselors may work with clients who have been court-ordered to treatment as part of diversion programs that seek to route individuals away from incarceration and toward treatment for criminalized behaviors, such as substance use (Scott, 2020). Given that substance use–related offenses are among the most common offenses leading to violence through an arrest (FBI, 2022), it is essential for substance use counselors to prepare to address experiences of police violence that may result from anti-drug policing—the use of police violence as a response to individuals who use substances. Although anti-drug policing impacts both those who use substances and those who traffic them, our discussion on anti-drug policing will focus on populations who use substances.

Research on counselor preparation suggests that most counselors receive no training regarding clinical practice and advocacy to address matters of police violence despite a recent study that found that 68.2% of counselors reported working with clients who had experienced police violence (Green & Evans, 2021). Moreover, Bride et al. (2009) found that most substance use counselors do not learn about treating psychological trauma in their academic programs and instead predominantly rely on continuing education. Given the vulnerable nature of those who use substances and evidence suggesting that gaps exist in training counselors in treating police violence and trauma, we will explore approaches to clinical practice, social justice, and advocacy to best support substance use clients who experience police violence because of anti-drug policing. Specifically, the purpose of this article is to provide a sociopolitical analysis of anti-drug policing in the United States that informs our proposal for substance use counselors to adopt and integrate an abolitionist praxis into their practice of counseling with clients who use substances.

Sociopolitical Context of Anti-Drug Policing in the United States

Initiated by President Richard Nixon in 1971 and escalated by President Ronald Reagan in 1982, the war on drugs increased and incentivized anti-drug policing and enforcement, intensified legal penalties associated with drug-related crimes, and demonized individuals, particularly those who were part of marginalized communities and struggled with substance use disorders (Benson et al., 1995; Cooper, 2015; Koram, 2022; Park et al., 2019). Cooper (2015) and Saleem (1997) noted that contemporary anti-drug policing practices, such as stop-and-frisk and police drug raids, have been permitted through court cases such as Terry v. Ohio, Whren v. United States, and Illinois v. Wardlow and have eroded the Fourth Amendment and 1878 Posse Comitatus Act protections against unreasonable searches, seizures, and militarization of policing. Specifically, these court cases have permitted frisking for reasonable suspicion, allowed police to conduct stops in which police may stop individuals for suspicion of drugs under the pretext of other minor criminalized violations, and expanded the definition of suspicious behavior that may warrant being stopped by police (Cooper, 2015; Saleem, 1997). Although several anti-drug policing reforms have been made, such as the development of drug courts and the decriminalization of substances in various states (Klukoff et al., 2021; Scott, 2020), anti-drug policing practices have persisted, expanded, and received legislative support. For example, despite stop-and-frisk searches being declared unconstitutional in 2013 with the decision in Ligon v. City of New York, the practice was reduced by 98% by 2017 as opposed to ceasing entirely (New York Civil Liberties Union, n.d., 2019). Despite this decrease, racial disparities were maintained in these stop-and-frisk practices between 2014 and 2017, as 53% of targets were Black and 28% were Latino (New York Civil Liberties Union, 2019). Lastly, President Donald Trump voiced support for greater anti-drug policing efforts, while President Joseph Biden’s Safer America Plan seeks reform that simultaneously increases funding for policing and substance use treatment resources (Kaba & Ritchie, 2022; Koram, 2022; The White House, 2022). Although these systemic supports for reform from the executive branch may be aimed at drug trafficking, individuals who use substances may be at continued risk of being impacted by anti-drug policing with the increased support for and reliance on carceral approaches.

Although reforms related to criminalized behaviors may reduce harm through their trauma-informed focus, abolitionist authors and activists have critiqued such reforms as counter-productive when they expand the power and legitimacy of policing, maintain the criminalization of substance use, and perpetuate harm and violence toward those who use substances (Klukoff et al., 2021; Purnell, 2021a). For example, according to Fazel et al. (2017), 24% of the global imprisoned population meets the criteria for alcohol use disorder, compared to the less than 2% of the general population (Global Burden of Disease Network, 2016). Similarly, 30% of male prisoners and 51% of female prisoners meet the criteria for illicit drug use disorder, while less than 1% of the global population meets the criteria (Global Burden of Disease Network, 2016). Moreover, as stated earlier, substance use violations are the second most common arrest reason in the United States (FBI, 2022). Lastly, some authors have concluded that mixed results exist on the effectiveness of diversion programs for offenses associated with mental illness and substance use regarding recidivism and subsequent arrests (Klukoff et al., 2021; Scott, 2020). These data highlight a prevalent connection between policing, incarceration, and substance use in the United States and around the world despite contemporary reforms to anti-drug policing established through the war on drugs.

Policing functions to maintain social order and provide security by enforcing laws, policies, and social norms (Bureau of Justice Statistics, 2021; Giovengo, 2016). Moreover, police are ordained to investigate, arrest, and enact force upon those deemed as, or suspected to be, threatening to the safety and interests of dominant communities. Thus, the criminalization of substance use has been conceptualized as exerting control over and oppressing minoritized groups (Dollar, 2019; Purnell, 2021b). Marginalized communities have been hit especially hard by these zero tolerance policies, which drastically increased community members’ run-ins with police (Cooper, 2015). For example, the influx of stop-and-frisk procedures, a method that permitted police officers to detain an individual suspected of illegal activity and physically search them, led to minoritized individuals being racially profiled and targeted for searches without specific cause (Cooper, 2015). In fact, anti-drug policing has resulted in a shift from Black people accounting for 22% of those arrested in 1976 to 40% in 1992, despite making up 12% of the U.S. population (Cooper, 2015; Tonry, 1994). Thus, instead of eliminating substance use in communities, these crackdowns have only further increased the prevalence of police brutality, traumatized communities and individuals, and increased violence within communities (Cooper, 2015; Rhodes et al., 2006; Werb et al., 2011).

Structural Violence and Trauma From Anti-Drug Policing

Given the confiscation of an individual’s bodily autonomy, resulting in the infringement of the individual’s basic and constitutional rights and liberties, as well as the possibility for physical harm to take place during searches, anti-drug policing, which can involve violence, harassment, and killings, can place significant psychological stress and turmoil on targeted individuals (Park et al., 2019; Sarang et al., 2010). It is essential to analyze the long-term consequences of police violence perpetuated upon impacted individuals, including the possibility of traumatization and death (Bryant-Davis et al., 2017; Cooper, 2015; Krieger et al., 2015). Emerging research has demonstrated connections between being stopped by police and symptoms of anxiety and post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD), particularly when the experience is perceived as intrusive and unjustified (Geller et al., 2014); suicide attempts (DeVylder et al., 2017); and symptoms of manic and depressive episodes (Meade et al., 2017). Likewise, vicarious traumatization from watching or learning of another individual experiencing police violence is also a concern given the high proportion of individuals living with substance use disorders who have both experienced trauma and witnessed police violence (El-Bassel et al., 2011; Park et al., 2019; Shaw et al., 2016). Research on those who witness police violence has often emphasized the unique impact on Black people. This research has demonstrated associations with vicarious exposure and poor mental health (Bor et al., 2018), distress from anticipated exposure following media consumption (Green et al., 2024), and psychological distress among Black mothers (Joe et al., 2019). Galovski et al. (2016) demonstrated that community protests following instances of police violence may result in symptoms of depression and PTSD among community members. Additionally, recent research has demonstrated a connection between vicarious exposure and increased cannabis use among Black Americans (Motley et al., 2022). Taken together, these findings suggest that directly and vicariously experiencing police violence may promote greater risk of traumatization.

Literature suggests that these encounters with police may end in violence beyond psychological distress because of the influence of stigmatization and prejudice against people who use substances (Cooper et al., 2005; Hayashi et al., 2013; Lunze et al., 2015; Wood et al., 2017). Officers may also confiscate civilians’ syringes during stop-and-frisk encounters, increasing the prevalence of syringe sharing, a known risk factor for HIV and HCV transmission (Beletsky et al., 2010; Park et al., 2019; Small et al., 2007). Detainment for substance use is also associated with increased risk of death following release because of withdrawal and increased risk of overdose (Chang et al., 2015; Fazel et al., 2017; Kinner et al., 2012; Pratt et al., 2010). Stress and traumatization experienced from anti-drug policing is also associated with high-risk behaviors, including drug injection, among addicted individuals (Maher, 2004; Shannon et al., 2008; Volkmann et al., 2011). Moreover, in one study, individuals needing treatment for substance use disorders were 2.74 times more likely to experience arrest and physical assault from police (Werb et al., 2016). Additionally, Werb et al. (2016) found that 27.5% of police encounters occurred within 500 meters of a substance use treatment facility. Similarly, Park et al. (2019) found in a sample of people who inject drugs in Baltimore that 7% experienced physical police violence and one in four knew someone else who had experienced physical police violence, fueling a deep mistrust of the system. Fear of potential retaliation by the police may also discourage individuals, particularly those with marginalized identities, from going to the police during a crisis or emergency situation, such as in cases of overdose. This mistrust of the system negatively impacts individuals’ willingness to pursue treatment services, especially when they are in fear of being detained or harmed by police officers (Alang et al., 2017; Cooper, 2015; Park et al., 2019). For example, a qualitative study described the impact of increased surveillance from police as both threatening and interfering with harm reduction practices (Cooper et al., 2005). Treatment centers are typically more centralized in areas where there is a higher drug activity which means that, because policing has a significant presence in these parts of communities, individuals may be hesitant to seek out help and support to avoid police encounters, negatively impacting social and health outcomes (Werb et al., 2016). Additionally, these crackdowns are associated with reductions in syringe exchange programs, drug treatment, and HIV testing accessibility (C. S. Davis et al., 2005; Park et al., 2019; Ti et al., 2013). These findings highlight how anti-drug policing actively inhibits access to safe and needed care.

A Case for Abolition in Substance Use Counseling

Because of the increased risk of experiencing police violence and the subsequent risk for traumatization from police violence, it is essential for counselors to address encounters stemming from anti-drug policing in treatment and develop practices that divest from policing practices and systems. Trauma-informed practice is a “fundamental obligation” (Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration [SAMHSA], 2014, p. 5) for counselors who work with clients at the intersections of substance use and police violence to reduce or mitigate the adverse impacts of trauma on individuals’ physical, emotional, psychological, and spiritual well-being and to prevent further systemic (re)traumatization. Trauma-informed practice is that which recognizes and understands the impact and salience of trauma, effectively responding to it in ways that do not retraumatize and further perpetuate traumatic stress while also recognizing that marginalized groups are at greater risk of experiencing trauma and its effects (SAMHSA, 2014; Sweeney & Taggart, 2018). There are four assumptions that ground trauma-informed practices (adapted from SAMHSA, 2014): 1) a realization of the potentially long-lasting effects of trauma on individuals, communities, groups, families, and systems and that trauma can be perpetuated by systems like the criminal legal system, resulting in a significant impact on continued substance use and mental health; 2) the importance of recognizing the signs of trauma and refraining from pathologizing these responses; 3) the crucial need for a system or organization to respond supportively by applying the six principles of a trauma-informed approach; and 4) resisting the potential to retraumatize individuals who are accessing supports and care. Moreover, SAMHSA (2014) identified six principles of trauma-informed practices that are intended to serve as the fundamental spirit of trauma-informed care: 1) safety; 2) trustworthiness and transparency; 3) peer support; 4) collaboration and mutuality; 5) empowerment, voice, and choice; and 6) cultural, historical, and gender issues.

By SAMHSA’s description, current substance use treatment falls short of being trauma-informed when it occurs under systemic conditions in which anti-drug policing and police violence are part of the historical and current response in the treatment and care of individuals who struggle with substance use. As outlined above, anti-drug policing practices can result in police violence that includes stop-and-frisk, arrests, and an intimidating presence that may negatively interfere in treatment accessibility for individuals who are fearful of potential run-ins and harassment (Werb et al., 2016). Anti-drug policing and the broader criminalization of substance use may disrupt safety, retraumatize substance use clients, and diminish trust and transparency in accessing substance use treatment. Moreover, incarceration for using substances may inhibit the potential for peer support and collaborative approaches to treatment. Lastly, the existing racial disparities in anti-drug policing practices demonstrate a history of systemic racism that may disproportionately create a barrier to accessing trauma-informed care for racially marginalized groups, particularly Black Americans. Thus, we contend that an abolitionist praxis that opposes anti-drug policing and divests from carceral approaches to responding to individuals who use substances is needed to fully realize trauma-informed practice with clients who use substances.

Abolitionist Praxis for Substance Use Counseling

Abolition is a social justice praxis that is commonly referenced as a necessary solution to policing and its impact (A. Y. Davis et al., 2022; Kaba, 2021). Abolition refers to the broad movement of divesting from and eliminating carceral systems, such as law enforcement and prison systems, and carceral logics that seek to legitimize the use of punishment, retribution, and vengeance through carceral systems. Rooted in the efforts of Black feminist thought, advocacy, and organizing, abolition calls for a critical analysis of the ways in which policing has functioned to enact the violence of overlapping systems of oppression (Kaba & Ritchie, 2022). Kaba and Ritchie (2022) identified three objectives of abolitionist praxis. First, abolitionist praxis seeks to create collective safety from community violence and the violence of policing and related carceral systems that reinforce systems of oppression, such as White supremacy, patriarchy, and capitalism (Kaba, 2021; Kaba & Ritchie, 2022; Purnell, 2021a). Second, abolitionist praxis seeks to end violence from carceral systems through eliminating those systems as opposed to seeking reforms that preserve the inherent violence of policing and incarceration (Kaba & Ritchie, 2022; Klukoff et al., 2021). This second objective extends beyond institutions of policing and incarceration and extends to the ways in which carceral logic and behaviors of policing are embedded in other systems, institutions, and communities and often internalized by individuals (Kaba & Ritchie, 2022). Lastly, to achieve collective safety, abolitionist praxis necessitates a simultaneous transformation from reliance on the violence of policing and related carceral systems toward cultivating cultures, systems, communities, and ways of being that are centered around care, healing, justice, and accountability (Kaba & Ritchie, 2022).

Abolition exists beyond a theoretical and conceptual framework. It is an iterative process that combines theorizing, action, and reflection upon efforts that divest from and dismantle carceral systems and logics while simultaneously brainstorming solutions to community violence that promote safety, healing, and justice (Cullors, 2019; A. Y. Davis et al., 2022; Kaba & Ritchie, 2022; Klukoff et al., 2021). Abolitionist praxis often utilizes a transformative justice framework to achieve its objective of eliminating carceral systems while creating new systems and ways of being that foster safety, healing, and justice. Transformative justice aligns with abolitionist praxis in that it is a liberatory strategy that seeks to transform systems and structures that create the conditions for violence (Afuape & Kerry Oldham, 2022). While policing and incarceration focus on retributive justice that assigns inherently violent punishment as a mechanism for change regardless of the harm it causes, transformative justice through abolitionist praxis seeks to create processes of accountability for harm caused interpersonally from criminalized behaviors and systemically from policing and related carceral systems. As a result, abolitionist praxis utilizes transformative justice to create new systems, institutions, communities, strategies, and internalized ways of being that value safety, healing, and justice that are needed to cultivate trauma-informed care and practices for substance use clients.

Regarding substance use counseling, an abolitionist praxis seeks to reduce and eliminate violence as a response to substance use, decriminalize all substance use, and eliminate contact between substance use clients, police, and the broader criminal legal system. Similarly, an abolitionist praxis to substance use counseling challenges the logic that criminalization is a needed step in treatment for substance use. For example, in 2001, the Portuguese government enacted nationwide laws to decriminalize all substances, resulting in a decrease in the prevalence of drug use and overdose rates (Castelpietra et al., 2022; James et al., 2020; Pombo & da Costa, 2016; Smiley-McDonald et al., 2023). In 2021, Oregon decriminalized low-level drug possessions and subsequently increased options for substance use disorder treatment and harm reduction programs (Good et al., 2023; Smiley-McDonald et al., 2023). In their study, Smiley-McDonald et al. (2023) found that the Oregon legislation resulted in a decrease in the number of interactions between police officers and individuals who use drugs. Thus, the abolitionist goal of decriminalizing substance use while implementing harm reduction programs may function to both minimize inherently violent contact with police and reduce the prevalence of substance use.

Abolitionist praxis would also call for the development of accountability for interpersonal and community harm caused by client substance use that does not rely on legal punishment, or the threat of it, from the criminal legal system (Cullors, 2021). Accountability for harm caused under abolitionist theory entails a developed recognition of wrongdoing and harm, both interpersonally and as mediated by social, economic, and political context, and sustained effort toward intrapersonal, interpersonal, and institutional change that repairs harm (Cullors, 2021; Kaba, 2021). Counselors must re-envision both their clinical practice and engagement in advocacy toward abolition to holistically care for clients who use substances.

Clinical and Advocacy Recommendations

Given the previously outlined mental health outcomes that are associated with direct and vicarious experiences of police violence that suggest its traumatic impact (DeVylder et al., 2017; Galovski et al., 2016; Geller et al., 2014; Green et al., 2024; Joe et al., 2019; Meade et al., 2017; Motley et al., 2022), a trauma-informed approach is essential to working with those who experience police violence as a consequence of anti-drug policing. Counselors seeking to use a trauma-informed approach to treat substance use disorders must infuse abolition into their delivery of services while also engaging in advocacy beyond direct clinical work to better achieve SAMHSA’s six identified principles of trauma-informed practice. We provide an abolitionist framing of these six principles and offer abolitionist re-envisioning for substance use counseling below. Moreover, we adapted the sixth principle of cultural, historical, and gender issues to cultural competence and advocacy to emphasize the professional role of advocacy in counseling for substance use clients who experience anti-drug policing.

Safety
     Ensuring safety in the therapeutic space is essential because anti-drug policing and the threat of police violence pose a safety risk to clients who use substances and are involved in or at risk of being targeted by the legal system. One step toward maximizing safety for clients is to end the use of abstinence-based treatment. Given that counselors may serve as treatment referral sources for court-mandated clients who meet criteria for diversion programs that seek to route individuals toward treatment for substance use and away from incarceration (Scott, 2020), abstinence-based treatment needs critical examination. Although such interventions can reduce engagement in substance use and mental health symptoms (Pinals et al., 2019), they do so with a looming threat of police violence and incarceration as a consequence for failure to complete the requirements of the diversion program (Scott, 2020). This poses a value conflict with counselors who are treating court-mandated clients for substance use. Counselor participation in diversion programs may require disclosures of client participation and progress in counseling that may lead to legal consequences for clients if they do not meet requirements of the diversion program. For example, counselors may be ethically obligated to document client relapses, which are more common in substance use treatment for minoritized groups and those with histories of experiencing multiple traumatic events (Farley et al., 2004; Heffner et al., 2011), which may be requested by probation officers, attorneys, or courts. In such a scenario, disclosure of client progress in treatment could produce a risk of clients experiencing police violence and incarceration. Moreover, this may produce a circumstance in which a client’s dominant motive for engaging in treatment is to avoid the consequences of police violence and incarceration. Consequently, acknowledging the intrapersonal, interpersonal, and community impact of one’s substance use and engaging in accountability are likely to become secondary motives for change and repair of any harm caused. Although the potential for incarceration may serve as motivation for change for substance use clients, substance use counselors can align with an abolitionist praxis by engaging in theorizing to develop methods and systems that motivate client accountability and transformation without the threat of violence induced by carceral systems. Moreover, alignment with an abolitionist praxis may require substance use counselors to proactively use their power to advocate for harm reduction in treatment as alternatives to approaches that risk harm through police violence and incarceration. Harm reduction approaches emphasize safe use over non-use of substances and have demonstrated evidence of both maintained and reduced substance use, reductions in harm related to substance use (e.g., less police contact and fewer arrests and emergency hospital visits), and self-reports of feeling safer (Carrico et al., 2014; Smiley-McDonald et al., 2023; Vallance et al., 2016).

Anti-drug policing views substance use as threatening and seeks to foster security through violent force and criminalization (Kaba, 2021). This security comes at the expense of the safety and well-being of those who use substances. An abolitionist re-envisioning of safety is one that seeks to ensure safety from the harm that both substance use and carceral systems cause to individuals, families, and communities. Regarding safety for substance use clients who experience anti-drug policing, Drustrup et al. (2023) offered an abolitionist approach to safety planning that counselors can adapt to fit the needs of clients mandated to substance use treatment. This approach decenters the default reliance on police in crises and emergencies and emphasizes collaboration with clients to establish methods that can maintain safety. Adapting this to clients, counselors can minimize disclosures of substance use, especially to police, probation officers, and employees of the criminal legal system. Noting the importance of building networks of care in place of carceral systems (Drustrup et al., 2023; Kaba, 2021), counselors should simultaneously collaborate with clients to identify interpersonal and community mechanisms to maintain safety and progress toward substance use–related treatment goals, particularly for when relapses occur. Consequently, this also promotes safety from the impact of substance use and client empowerment, voice, and choice in their treatment and wellness. For example, counselors could simultaneously utilize family therapy as a mechanism to support structural change associated with the development of a client’s substance use and to promote accountability for harm caused by substance use within the family system. Furthermore, when harm from substance use extends to one’s community, in collaboration with clients and those directly impacted, counseling could be used to promote reparation for harm caused (Cullors, 2019). Counselors should be mindful of the possibility that clients may not readily share experiences of police violence and substance use because of distrust fostered by carceral systems and if they have experienced invalidation, blame, or neglect regarding their experiences of police violence. Thus, counselors can enhance safety, trust, and the potential for change with clients through a consistent practice of accurate empathy and attunement to clients’ subjective experience of police violence (Miller & Rollnick, 2013).

Trustworthiness and Transparency
     Trustworthiness and transparency are essential given the systemic distrust fostered by histories of collaboration between helping professions and carceral systems (Jacobs et al., 2021; Klukoff et al., 2021). Counselors need to promote an optimal level of safety and trustworthiness with their clients through nonjudgement, empathy, transparency, positive regard, validation, normalization of the client’s responses to adversity, and consistency (SAMHSA, 2014). Counselors pursuing abolition can establish trustworthiness and transparency through using the informed consent process to build rapport and establish parameters of the therapeutic relationship within a societal context that largely criminalizes substance use. While Drustrup et al. (2023) offered inspiration for abolition in the therapeutic relationship, counselors are ethically obligated to make exceptions to confidentiality when imminent risk to self and others is established. Additionally, as mentioned above, substance use counselors may be required to make exceptions to confidentiality to share progress for court-mandated clients. Informing clients of these exceptions to confidentiality is standard in helping professions; however, abolition can maximize trustworthiness and transparency by going beyond merely capturing client signatures on informed consent documents. In addition to establishing the limits of confidentiality, counselors pursuing abolition are recommended to ensure that clients fully understand these limits and the impact of these limits on their participation in the therapeutic context. For example, a substance use counselor could clearly articulate known risks of making exceptions to confidentiality of the therapeutic relationship with police and legal system employees, such as increased risk of experiencing police violence, incarceration, and state-sanctioned surveillance. Counselors pursuing abolition who are directly embedded in carceral systems as a function of their employment, such as prisons, should inform clients of any dual or conflicting interests associated with their counseling in the prison system. Additionally, counselors can use open-ended questioning to provide clients an opportunity to check their understanding of confidentiality, its limits, and the impact of needing to make exceptions to confidentiality. Moreover, counselors pursuing abolition should collaborate with clients to identify external resources to counseling that offer greater trustworthiness that can facilitate transformation and healing from substance use in situations where clients may feel a lack of trust in counseling because of the threat of carceral systems.

Peer Support
     Providing opportunities for peer support for clients who have experienced police violence and are living with substance use disorders could also be promotive and helpful for healing because of the access to other individuals who have undergone similar experiences. Group therapy has been associated with positive mental health outcomes, particularly among individuals with PTSD and substance use disorders, due to receiving mutual support from others who have similar experiences and can provide empathy, a sense of belongingness and collectivism, and the opportunity to provide and receive feedback; build safety through interpersonal relationships; and reduce feelings of isolation and loneliness (Barrera et al., 2013; Mott et al., 2013; Schwartze et al., 2019; Sloan et al., 2013). Substance use counselors pursuing abolition can actively incorporate group therapy within the therapeutic context and help clients heal following traumatization from police violence while promoting their long-term recovery. Additionally, counselors employed in treatment centers who are pursuing abolition should be mindful of added benefits toward safety and trustworthiness that embedding peer support can offer, particularly for court-mandated clients. When a client is unable to experience enough safety and trustworthiness because of the threat and impact of carceral systems, embedded peer support that exists outside of the counselor–client relationship can provide alternate spaces for clients to be heard and validated. Abolitionist substance use counselors can advocate for the inclusion of peer mentoring for accountability and transformation akin to that which exists within 12-step groups through sponsor relationships. Although it may be conceptualized as part of a process of accountability to utilize clients who have advanced in their treatment as peer mentors, counselors pursuing abolition should also consider the feasibility of paying peer mentors to avoid replicating the occurrence of unpaid and underpaid labor that may occur in prison systems.

Collaboration and Mutuality
     It is essential for counselors pursuing abolition to cultivate environments and therapeutic relationships that promote collaboration and mutuality. It would behoove substance use counselors to utilize frameworks for treatment that are inherently trauma-informed and collaborative, such as motivational interviewing, for assessing client motivation for change and structuring treatment with clients that is centered around partnership, acceptance, compassion, and evocation (Clark et al., 2014; Miller & Rollnick, 2013). These efforts may be particularly beneficial for clients who have experienced police violence as a result of anti-drug policing in that they allow greater client participation and trustworthiness to a client population that may be prone to experiencing coercion and restricted freedom and being acted upon. Abolitionist substance use counselors can foster greater collaboration and mutuality in their practice of counseling by making mutual aid foundational to their practice. Mutual aid is an intentional resistance to reliance on institutions that cause structural violence (S. W. Davis & Fayter, 2021; Jacobs et al., 2021). Instead of relying on such institutions, mutual aid seeks to establish networks of care that use community members and resources to meet the needs of others (S. W. Davis & Fayter, 2021; Jacobs et al., 2021). Establishing mutual aid in substance use counseling for clients who experience anti-drug policing requires counselors to advocate to establish and streamline connections to community resources that address underlying, unmet, or neglected needs of clients that play a role in their use of substances and experience of anti-drug policing. For example, an abolitionist substance use counselor may actively coordinate with community agencies that provide support in securing shelter to mitigate substance use and the risk of subsequent anti-drug policing that may be associated with homelessness. Integrating peer support and mentoring, as mentioned previously, within and outside of treatment facilities could function as mutual aid; however, substance use counselors working in carceral institutions may experience pushback to such efforts given that mutual aid seeks divestment from carceral systems (S. W. Davis & Fayter, 2021). Lastly, in terms of collaborative goal-setting, the counselor can work with the client to identify the client’s objectives for attending therapy. The counselor is recommended to honor the client’s voice and work with the client to establish whether the client would like to refrain from using substances in the future, engage in harm reduction practices, and/or process the trauma that the client may have experienced at the hands of police.

Empowerment, Voice, and Choice
     Anti-drug policing, incarceration, drug courts, and related carceral approaches to substance use may use interventions that limit the agency of those subjected to their demands. Counselors can engage in an abolitionist praxis that is rooted in trauma-informed practice by screening and assessing for the prevalence and impact of police violence as a potentially traumatic stressor that relates to the use of substances (Green, 2022; Green & Evans, 2021). Given the importance of divesting from carceral systems and logic in abolitionist praxis, counselors need to engage in an ongoing and iterative process of reflection and change in attitudes and practices that reinforce the criminalization of substance use and practices that treat it as the moral failure of the individual. This can be achieved through screening and assessment for substance use and police violence that counteracts experiences of shame and guilt that may be fostered from interactions with police and the criminal legal system (Clark et al., 2014). Moreover, abolitionist praxis in counseling with clients who experience police violence due to anti-drug policing requires a strength- and healing-oriented approach as an act of radical resistance to the pathologizing and moralizing norm of carceral approaches (Cook et al., 2014; Moh & Sperandio, 2022). In practice, this may entail an intentional focus on a client’s progress in collaboratively defined goals and support in actualizing accountability for harm caused from substance use. Similarly, this would require a commitment to approaching clients who use substances with care and compassion, rather than criminalizing, shaming, or infantilizing the individual’s responses to trauma and violence they have endured prior to, during, or after their substance use. Lastly, abolitionist praxis in the context of substance use treatment may require counselors to provide opportunities for clients to have input regarding their needs in treatment by prioritizing individualized treatment over a standardized “one size fits all” approach to counseling. Thus, rather than prescribing a course of treatment or implementing treatment prescribed by a referring carceral system, abolitionist praxis would leverage collaboration to allow clients to have a voice in determining what they need to cope and heal from their use of substances and any traumatic experiences that precede and result from substance use.

Cultural Competence and Advocacy
     Abolitionist praxis requires efforts to repair histories of structural violence (Cullors, 2019); thus, substance use counselors pursuing abolition must develop a critical understanding of the sociopolitical history of anti-drug policing toward those who use substances. This article provided a snapshot of this history as a starting point; however, counselors can delve further into learning about the intersection of anti-drug policing and race, gender, sexuality, disability, and socioeconomic status to develop more robust competence in addressing the scope of anti-drug policing. Counselors should critically reflect upon this historical knowledge to confront and actively dismantle any internalized biases they may have about substance use clients that are perpetuated by carceral systems. Counselors should specifically become aware of how the criminal legal system may perpetuate racial prejudice, particularly anti-Black racism, and how these attitudes affect the counselor’s conceptualization of their clients to avoid pathologizing or blaming the client for the structural violence they endure through anti-drug policing. To that end, counselors should actively incorporate practices that are not only trauma-informed, but also culturally responsive (SAMHSA, 2014).

Abolitionist praxis aimed at repairing historical structural violence through anti-drug policing would broadly include efforts toward the decriminalization of substance use. In addition to decriminalization efforts, counselors engaged in an abolitionist praxis might advocate with legal professionals and lawmakers for the retroactive and automatic expungement of drug-related criminal record charges for substance use clients (Adinoff & Reiman, 2019). These efforts would ensure that those with histories of substance use disorder are able to experience transformation that such records and their associated stigma may hinder. Given that abolition calls for counselors to address and promote healing from issues that underlie substance use, counselors seeking to engage in abolitionist praxis should advocate for funds that are currently and formerly used toward criminalizing substance use to be invested in transformative justice practices and trauma-informed treatment for substance use disorders (Adinoff & Reiman, 2019). For example, abolitionist praxis would call for transformative justice systems and practices to replace drug courts and related diversion programs. Although drug courts may be successful in deterring those who use substances from arrests and incarceration, Klukoff et al. (2021) highlighted the paradoxical nature of relying on carceral punishment as a motive for change because it risks police violence toward those who use substances when drug court requirements are not met. As stated earlier, this creates a value conflict for counselors who may have to disclose information regarding relapse during treatment that can be used in ways that jeopardize and harm the wellness of clients who use substances.

Limitations and Considerations

     Adopting and incorporating an abolitionist praxis to counseling with clients impacted by anti-drug policing comes with challenges that counselors must critically reflect on prior to and during the implementation of this practice. First, counselors should prepare themselves to navigate pushback and resistance to social justice practices that would disrupt the status quo (S. W. Davis & Fayter, 2021). For example, it is common for individuals to criticize abolitionist praxis as utopian to inhibit the process of creatively imagining communities and systems that do not rely on carceral logics and systems (Kaba, 2021). Approaches like motivational interviewing are poised to navigate these challenges from colleagues who may be hesitant to embark upon making abolitionist change. In addition to pushback from individuals, it should be noted that, as a praxis seeking the elimination of carceral systems, barriers to the adoption of an abolitionist praxis can be expected from current carceral systems and approaches that may have existing evidence that establish them as efficacious. To counteract this expected barrier, substance use counselors need to engage in research, assessment, and program evaluation of efforts that are developed in alignment with an abolitionist praxis to establish efficacy. This would serve the purpose of ensuring that progress toward safety is achieved, that substance use clients are receiving trauma-informed care, and that other substance use counselors are introduced to new alternatives to existing carceral approaches that may increase the risk of harm to substance use clients. Additionally, counselors should critically reflect on and identify solutions to ethical, legal, and employment-related barriers if implementing an abolitionist praxis on their own. For example, making the choice as an individual counselor in a broader agency to not report substance use to a referring probation officer may be construed as fraudulent and unethical, thus jeopardizing a counselor’s employment and career. When making these decisions about whether or not to report substance use, counselors need to carefully weigh the options and consider consequences that can come from each course of action from a legal and ethical perspective, similar to what is suggested in the Forester-Miller and Davis (2016) Ethical Decision-Making Model. In the meantime, counselors can inform and educate probation officers about the nature of addiction and the potential for relapse to occur. Increasing awareness about these matters could generate a landscape shift for how probation officers and other authorities treat those struggling with addiction. Lastly, counselors should consider advocating for organizational support to adopt and implement trauma-informed and abolitionist changes to prevent such outcomes.

Conclusion

Clients who meet criteria for substance use disorders may have experienced, have witnessed, or be vulnerable to experiencing police violence. As a result, those who use substances are vulnerable to experiencing trauma that stems from exposure to police violence, which counselors must address. Counselors need to utilize abolitionist praxis to achieve a trauma-informed practice that supports healing from experiences of trauma affiliated with substance use and police violence, aim to prevent retraumatization, and create opportunities for both accountability and repair of harm caused by one’s use of substances.

Conflict of Interest and Funding Disclosure
The authors reported no conflict of interest
or funding contributions for the development
of this manuscript.


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Darius A. Green, PhD, NCC, is an assistant professor at the University of Colorado Colorado Springs. Katharine R. Sperandio, PhD, NCC, ACS, LPC, is an assistant professor and a CACREP-accreditation coordinator at Saint Joseph’s University. Correspondence may be addressed to Darius A. Green, 1420 Austin Bluffs Pkwy, Colorado Springs, CO 80918, dgreen20@uccs.edu.

Taking Action: Reflections on Forming and Facilitating a Peer-Led Social Justice Advocacy Group

Sunanda M. Sharma, Jennifer E. Bianchini, Zeynep L. Cakmak, MaryRose Kaplan, Muninder K. Ahluwalia

According to the American Counseling Association and the Council for Accreditation of Counseling and Related Educational Programs, social justice advocacy is an ethical imperative for counselors and a training standard for counseling students. As a group of socially conscious mental health counseling students and faculty, we developed and facilitated a social justice advocacy group to learn about tangible ways to engage in social justice action. Using the S-Quad model developed by Toporek and Ahluwalia, we formed and facilitated a social justice advocacy group for our peers. This paper will serve as a reflection of our experiences engaging in the process.

Keywords: social justice, advocacy, counseling students, S-Quad model, mental health

When describing the motivation for her political aspirations, Georgia gubernatorial hopeful Stacey Abrams (2019) stated, “We have to have people who understand that social justice belongs to us all.” This quote speaks to this group of authors who feel strongly about the importance of social justice in mental health counseling. This ethos served as the motivation to create a peer-led group to foster the development of our social justice advocacy skills. We used the S-Quad model (Toporek & Ahluwalia, 2020) to form and facilitate a social justice advocacy group for master’s and doctoral counseling students at our institution.

Historically, the counseling profession has been rooted in social justice advocacy (SJA) with Frank Parsons’s efforts to support White European immigrants in the United States to develop their vocational goals (Gummere, 1988; Toporek & Daniels, 2018). However, SJA has not been consistently operationalized across counselor training programs (Counselors for Social Justice [CSJ], 2020). Although ethical standards established by the American Counseling Association’s ACA Code of Ethics (ACA; 2014) encourage counselors to advocate for clients and communities when appropriate (A.7.a, A.7.b.), and training standards established by the Council for Accreditation of Counseling and Related Educational Programs (CACREP; 2015) state that SJA should be a part of counseling curriculum (2.F.2.b.), counselors have reported receiving little guidance about how to implement advocacy in practice (Field et al., 2019; Ratts & Greenleaf, 2018). As counseling students, we experienced the same concern. To address this gap in our educational experience, we created and facilitated a group based on the S-Quad model (strengths, solidarity, strategies, and sustainability) of SJA (Toporek & Ahluwalia, 2020). As a group of socially conscious mental health counseling students, our aim was to grow in our roles as professionals by learning about, teaching, and engaging in SJA. In the process, we learned about ourselves as budding counselors and educators.

Literature Review

In their foundational article, Vera and Speight (2003) called on the counseling profession to expand its understanding of multicultural competence; they asserted that without SJA, counselors are perpetuating the systems of oppression from which their clients are attempting to heal. Utilizing intrapsychic approaches which neglect to account for contextual factors not only perpetuates oppressive counseling practices, but it also does a disservice to those with marginalized identities (Ratts, 2009; Vera & Speight, 2003). In order to properly serve clients, counselors must step beyond the classroom, expand the original conceptualization of our roles, and explore beyond the counseling office (Ratts, 2009; Ratts & Greenleaf, 2018; Vera & Speight, 2003). Despite the increase in available resources such as the ACA Advocacy Competencies (Toporek et al., 2009) and the Multicultural and Social Justice Counseling Competencies (MSJCC; Ratts et al., 2016), the number of sociocultural forces such as racial demographics of counseling programs and reliance on theories and interventions developed for White European clients prevents social justice from being a central force in the profession (CSJ, 2020).

As mental health professionals, we are positioned to understand the impact that oppression has on health (Nadal et al., 2021), which speaks to the need for operationalizing social justice counseling and SJA so counselors may support client wellness. Counseling students require more knowledge and practice to obtain appropriate resources and tools in order to intervene and resist systemic oppression (Vera & Speight, 2003). Ratts (2009) named social justice as the “fifth force” in counseling in an attempt to concretize the relevance and importance of challenging the status quo in counseling. However, the perceived attitude of the counseling profession toward social justice is reflected in the definition of counseling. The 20/20 initiative was a movement to unify the profession and solidify professional identity by arriving at the definition of counseling. Delegates from 31 counseling-related organizations (e.g., CACREP, Chi Sigma Iota) participated in a Delphi-method study to achieve consensus on a definition; however, only 29 organizations ultimately endorsed the definition (Kaplan et al., 2014). Although the definition for counseling includes the word “empower”; it does not include the words “social justice” or “advocacy.” Thus, CSJ was one organization that did not support the new definition (Kaplan et al., 2014). Despite these challenges, Ratts and Greenleaf (2018) assert that counselors must develop the advocate part of their identity, yet they note that there is more of a focus on traditional counseling skills rather than acknowledging the shifting sociopolitical climate and equipping counselors with the skills to address these concerns. The leadership and advocacy course (or the content in another course; CACREP, 2023) in CACREP-accredited counseling doctoral programs often only focuses on leadership and advocacy within and for the profession. Although CACREP (2023) standards do not dictate the courses a counseling program must offer, there continues to be limited discussion of SJA and social justice, nor are there solid instructional methods for counselor educators to use in the classroom (Chapman-Hilliard & Parker, 2022). This situation hinders students’ understanding of the role systemic issues have on minoritized communities, further deterring people in those communities from seeking help.

As counselors and counseling students, we understand our responsibility to advocate for clients, but we feel unprepared to fulfill our ethical (and for many of us, moral) duty. We did not learn enough about the concrete, tangible skills that a professional counselor can utilize to challenge oppression and inequity. We were unable to locate any studies regarding peer-led SJA groups for counseling students, thus we hope to contribute something novel to the counseling literature and encourage counseling students to better understand and grow into their roles as social justice advocates. Counselors-in-training (CITs) and practicing counselors within the profession sometimes question the relevance of SJA and report feeling confused about how to implement SJA in counseling (Field et al., 2019; Ratts & Greenleaf, 2018). hooks (1994) notes it is imperative that a student accepts responsibility for their education and becomes “an active participant, not a passive consumer” (p. 14). Thus, we engaged in this process to support our colleagues in the counseling student body and take accountability for our education.

Taking Action: Social Justice Advocacy Group

Leading organizations in the profession claim a two-pronged approach to advocacy: one prong advocating for the legitimacy of the counseling profession, and the other advocating on behalf of the clients and students whom counselors serve (Chang et al., 2012). In our educational experience, SJA on behalf of and in partnership with clients was emphasized, but tangible interventions were not discussed. Further, systemic issues and inequities were often left unaddressed. Thus, we developed this group to more concretely address the second “prong” of advocacy in counseling. First and fourth authors Sunanda M. Sharma and MaryRose Kaplan were part of the executive board of Chi Sigma Mu (Chi Sigma Iota chapter at Montclair State University) and co-founded the social justice committee. Second and third authors Jennifer E. Bianchini and Zeynep L. Cakmak were the first members of the committee who proposed ideas and facilitated events and activities related to social justice that they felt passionately about. Bianchini proposed a social justice book club ahead of a presentation that the CSI chapter organized (hosting the authors of the book Taking Action). The book club met three times with up to three students, from whom we received feedback to help us form the SJA group.

The following semester, fifth author Muninder K. Ahluwalia proposed restructuring the book club into an advocacy group by utilizing the Taking Action text as a framework to teach students about systemic SJA. CACREP (2015) standards state that multiculturalism and social justice must be discussed throughout counseling courses (2.F.2.b.); however, in our experiences, we found that social justice is addressed as an ethical and moral imperative, but curricula do not address concrete SJA skills and strategies to combat systemic oppression. The counseling program in which the first four authors are enrolled and the fifth author is a faculty member offers a social justice counseling class as an elective. However, the class is not consistently offered every semester and has only been taught by that one faculty member. Thus, our aim with this group was to provide a space for our colleagues in which we could collaboratively learn about how to enact social justice. This section will describe the S-Quad model, explain the group structure, outline the proposed learning objectives, and provide a table that outlines the curriculum of the group.

The S-Quad Framework
     As a profession, mental health counseling is positioned to “buffer” against challenges with oppression and changes to the status quo (Kivel, 2020). There is an emphasis on intrapsychic interventions to combat systemic issues, rather than attempt to uproot the oppression itself (Kivel, 2020; Ratts, 2009; Toporek, 2018). Toporek (2018) noted that upon reflection of the way the profession is positioned and her privileged identities, she developed a framework through which to take social justice action despite the challenges she continues to encounter. The S-Quad model includes four Ss for social justice advocates to formulate a way to address systemic injustices: strengths, solidarity, strategy, and sustainability (Toporek & Ahluwalia, 2020).

Strengths are described as a combination of one’s existing “skills, knowledge, and expertise” (Toporek & Ahluwalia, 2020, p. 27). Although strengths can be qualities one already has, both personal and professional, the authors also encourage budding advocates to reflect upon strengths that they would like to develop. Solidarity has multiple facets to its definition, as advocates are asked to support, honor, and respect communities they intend to engage with and to also seek support from their personal networks to remain grounded (Toporek & Ahluwalia, 2020). Solidarity is enacted through collaborative efforts and through the lens of cultural humility (Toporek & Ahluwalia, 2020). Strategy is the implementation of strengths and solidarity to construct a plan of action (Toporek & Ahluwalia, 2020). It is important to evaluate the efficacy, efficiency, and impact of different strategic plans to ensure they work toward the stated goal and—most importantly—benefit the community that the action is intended for (Toporek & Ahluwalia, 2020). Finally, a unique facet of the S-Quad model is the fourth “S,” sustainability. Sustainability addresses the wellness of advocates; without it, there is a higher likelihood they may abandon their efforts. SJA can be an enriching and healing practice, but it can also be an emotionally draining pursuit, and one can feel helpless when attempting to combat the gravity and breadth of oppression (Toporek & Ahluwalia, 2020). Thus, the authors encourage budding advocates to take an inventory of the practices that replenish and nourish them in order to remain engaged in their work.

Group Structure
     Sharma proposed structuring this SJA group as a biweekly, one-hour, peer-led, open (students were free to join at any point) psychoeducation group, whose grounding framework would be the S-Quad model (Toporek & Ahluwalia, 2020). Due to COVID-19 restrictions, we facilitated the group through Zoom. The objectives of the group were: to describe all components of the S-Quad model, to describe the ethical responsibility of being a social justice advocate, to create a solidarity network of fellow advocates, to increase awareness of how one’s positionality impacts their advocacy work, and to apply the S-Quad model (Toporek, 2018) through the creation of a social justice action plan (Sheely-Moore & Kooyman, 2011). Initially, the intention was to divide each group session into two parts. The first part of the session would be didactic, in which we would discuss the “S” of that week and ground it in a case study. The second half of the session would offer members the chance to process the content so they can apply what they are learning to their social justice plan. Upon reflection and discussion as co-facilitators, we recognized the challenges associated with attempting to address so much content in a 60-minute session and collectively agreed to shift the group and make it akin to a flipped classroom by including pre-recorded didactic videos. This afforded members the chance to view the videos at their own pace and come to the session prepared to engage in dialogue.

In our experiences, instructors who taught our counseling theories courses recommended for us to select one theory to learn about before declaring our theoretical orientation. Similarly, we asked members to narrow down their focus for the purposes of this group to a cause within a community that they feel passionately about. The other structural component we addressed with group members was that this curriculum is cumulative but not necessarily linear; so, an application of the previous “S” is necessary to study the following “S.” For example, once a group member identifies their strengths, we apply those strengths to inform what strategies they will use, but it does not necessarily mean that strengths are not revisited.

Given that this was a psychoeducation group rather than a traditional course, we did not want to use typical didactic methods to engage with this material. We intentionally paired each part of the S-Quad model with a story about an advocate from a minoritized community of whom others likely may not be aware. This demonstrated that SJA is not always done on a public stage. This narrative form of teaching (Hannam et al., 2015) allowed us to contextualize stories of advocates who are quietly resisting oppression in their respective communities. We spotlighted those stories so members could feel less intimidated by the prospect of SJA. In the interest of social justice and accessibility, the Chi Sigma Iota Counseling Honor Society’s Chi Sigma Mu chapter at Montclair State University funded books for interested members so they could follow along with the activities and didactic content. After the second session, we also introduced the idea of the social justice action plan. Table 1 shows the structure/syllabus of the group that we utilized for the semester and describes the ways in which we adapted to agreed-upon changes.

Table 1

Taking Action Group Structure

Week Topic & Activity Assigned Content/Activities
Week 1 Introducing

Taking Action

S-Quad Model

• Purpose, rationale, and structure of group

• Group agreements/norms

• Overview of S-Quad model (Toporek & Ahluwalia, 2020)

• ADDRESSING model (Hays, 2022), a framework that explores individual identity in context

• Difference between justice, charity, philanthropy

Week 2 1st S: Strengths

Activity 4.2, p. 29**

 

 

• Reviewing agreed-upon group norms

• Defining strengths

• Case study: Arunachalam Muruganantham (“The Pad Man”)

Processing case study as a group

• Introducing the social action plan

Week 3 Co-facilitators reflection meeting • This session was initially planned to address the 2nd S in the S-Quad, but no members attended the group this day. Instead, as co-facilitators, we met to discuss the progress of the group.

 

Week 4* 2nd S: Solidarity

Activity 5.1, p. 55

• Defining solidarity

• Case study: 4 young Black women, Black Lives Matter protests

Combining strengths and solidarity

Processing case study as a group

Week 5 3rd S:

Strategy

Activity 6.1, p. 66

• Defining strategy

• Case study: Cakmak

Strength, solidarity, and strategy

Processing case study as a group

Cakmak’s social action plan

Week 6 4th S:

Sustainability

Activity 7.6, p. 176

 

• Defining sustainability

• Case study: Alexandria Ocasio Cortez

Strength, solidarity, strategy, and sustainability

Processing the importance and guilt of self-care

Processing burnout

Week 7 Final Group

 

• Case study

Apply ADDRESSING, S-Quad model

• Feedback from members

*Marks shift to videos for the didactic portion
**All activities listed are from Ahluwalia & Toporek (2020).

 

Reflections

In this section, we offer our reflections on the group and extract salient collective themes that have come about through our processing. In our first session, we informed the group members that we intended to write a reflection paper, and they gave implicit consent to this writing; we did not collect data from group members for the purposes of this article. We begin by grounding the discussion of the group by acknowledging our positionality and social location and how that influenced how we approached our facilitation and planning of the group. Sharma, Bianchini, and Cakmak will provide their most salient takeaways from the forming and facilitation of the Taking Action group.

Positionality
      Sharma identifies as a cisgender, South Asian (Indian), middle-class, able-bodied woman who is a doctoral candidate in a CACREP-accredited counseling program and a full-time lecturer in a CACREP-accredited counseling program. I bring a bicultural perspective to my counseling practice and education, and I have attended primarily White institutions (PWIs) for most of my life. As a master’s and doctoral National Board for Certified Counselors Minority Fellowship Program fellow, I learned about the importance and practice of SJA. I am a practicing clinician in private practice (working mostly with White clients), and I engage in advocacy work with South Asian intimate partner violence survivors.

Bianchini identifies as a White, cisgender woman who grew up in a predominantly White community in the United States. My family has lived in the United States for several generations and the majority of my extended family identifies as part of the middle class. I do not have any disabilities and am a practicing Christian. I am a master’s-level graduate student and joined Chi Sigma Iota’s social justice committee in my first semester of coursework.

Cakmak identifies as a Muslim American, cisgender woman of Turkish origin. I do not have any physical disabilities, but I have been diagnosed with general anxiety disorder (GAD) and major depressive disorder (MDD). I identified as part of the upper middle class in Turkey as a child, and I am middle class as an immigrant in the United States. I have two graduate degrees, one in literature and one in counseling. I have done volunteer work with underrepresented religious and cultural communities since I was in high school.

Themes
     As cocreators and coauthors, we reflected on our collective and individual experiences of facilitating our Taking Action group. We each completed individual reflection sheets within 48 hours of each group session to capture our takeaways, and we processed our experiences together after each group session. We reviewed our reflection sheets individually and noted themes that arose for each of us. We then collectively reviewed the sheets to determine what themes arose across our reflection sheets. We reengaged in the reflection process as we wrote this manuscript. In this section, we highlight the major themes among our experiences.

Fear
     The most significant theme of our collective experience was fear. Throughout each session, fear came up under several different guises, which served as an umbrella for additional themes: judgment, self-efficacy, and humility. Fear was the main antagonist preventing us from doing social justice work before this program. Fear of not knowing the necessary information, fear of saying or doing the wrong thing, and fear of not helping enough or adequately were examples of how this feeling manifested. However, engaging in this group helped us alleviate that fear through resources, support, and a plan of action. In the first session, we felt tentative and timid, and optimistic yet stagnant. After providing members with more information and concrete steps to create real social justice action, our fear dissipated, our passion for working as a group was ignited, and the motivation to take action began.

Judgment
     In our first session, when we engaged members in a dialogue about group agreements, we noticed that there was more focus on the importance of the group serving as a judgment-free space than as a confidential one. We felt that members wanted to feel safe in the group because they feared being judged due to their self-perceived incompetence. We recognized they did not want to feel judged by others if their ideas were deemed unacceptable or incorrect. Establishing a nonjudgmental space permitted members to try, even if the outcomes were not as they hoped. We believe it allowed members to have a safe space to begin processing what they understand about SJA.

Judgment was a recurrent theme and shifted from self-judgment to judging others. Members reported feeling frustrated and upset when their peers in the program were not at the same level of advocacy awareness and action as they were. They reported feeling angry about others’ ignorance. Through a shared reflection on these feelings, the group acknowledged that the judgment of others reinforces the barriers to change that we are trying to knock down. Members recognized the importance of being humble regarding other people (another theme discussed below) and empathetic to help manage feelings of judgment.

When discussing sustainability and self-care, members and facilitators shared our hesitations to implement sustainability practices, despite it being an ethical responsibility. This hesitancy revealed itself to be motivated by self-judgment of our productivity levels. It appeared that the group members would not allow themselves the breaks they needed to provide self-care because of the importance they gave to SJA. We then discussed the need to be unapologetic in our self-care as advocates and counselors.

Self-Efficacy
     Related to judgment of self and others, we found self-efficacy was another significant and recurrent theme. Almost every group member expressed that they were struggling to feel like they could contribute enough to society to perform real social justice action rather than charity. Having members share similar insecurities resulted in an insightful and vulnerable conversation that helped us to feel connected and inspired. In the second session, members reported experiencing imposter syndrome, likely resulting from their low self-efficacy in social justice work. Our self-efficacy grew throughout the sessions as members received the information and tools they needed to take concrete steps in SJA. Once we clarified a reasonable idea of what was expected of them and had some direction, they felt more prepared to take action.

Humility
     Lastly, the theme of humility appeared in several different iterations. The humility through humor with which we, as facilitators, approached this process helped break the ice and create a comfortable atmosphere in our initial meeting. Humility emerged in our second session when discussing the first “S” of the S-Quad model, strengths. In our reflection process, we noted that both facilitators and members appeared to be uncomfortable when sharing what they are “good” at. We, as female-identifying co-facilitators, noted the societal pressure and shame that have historically come with feelings of discomfort for behavior commonly regarded as boastful.

In the fourth session, the group discussed the importance of humility within their community. Members discussed how it was easy to humble oneself when trying to assist a community from the outside, but that it was an important lesson that we must be humble within our own communities. Members seemed to realize that their experience of their community and identity would not be the same as the next person’s, highlighting the importance of intersectionality within the human experience.

Humility was next discussed in the fifth session in terms of failure. Members acknowledged the importance of possessing humility and patience regarding our work because we will generally fail more than we will succeed in our efforts to create change. If we never failed, we would never learn from our mistakes and there would be no more SJA to do. However, knowing this instills the hope to persevere, for you never know what your planted seeds of action will grow into.

Combining Themes
     As facilitators, we noticed a parallel between what we were experiencing and our members’ experiences. From the start of our group, we felt we needed to be more qualified to be teachers of SJA. This was our campus’s first peer-led advocacy group, which meant we did not have any models to reference, and we had to rely on our own ideas, skills, and judgment. With faculty support, we went outside the confines of our curriculum because we wanted to share and engage with this content in a meaningful way. This was a large undertaking, with little training and even less confidence. Similar to what we observed in our members, we were afraid of making mistakes in the content, direction, and discussion of this group because of the weight of the topic of social justice—especially as the first group any of us attempted to create or lead. We had to adapt to constantly developing circumstances, and this felt inappropriate for us as leaders. Something we recognized much later was that we could teach and learn simultaneously; we did not need to reach a point of expertise before developing this group. Although we do not consider ourselves experts in SJA, the work we did to prepare for each session, combined with the humility with which we presented ourselves and our work, effectively allowed us to lead the group to the best of our ability.

Another source of our fear was that there was an ulterior motivation for creating this group, which was not purely social justice–oriented. We sought a sense of community, particularly given the isolating COVID-19 pandemic we were living through, and running this group gave us that community, support, and friendship. This longing for connection played into our feelings of being unqualified to do social justice work because a few of us became involved in this project out of a desire to work with friends, and not solely because we wanted to devote ourselves to social justice. However, this search for connection and participation in this SJA group gave us a passion for this work if it was not present beforehand. That feeling of connection and belonging provided us with the inner power to attempt something bigger than ourselves. The bond we authors created while facilitating this group instilled the importance of collaboration, especially when doing something new, significant, and daunting. The “S” for solidarity was also particularly salient in this case; we recognize that we could not have created or run this group alone. We needed each other to not only complete all the work required but also to hold each other accountable, support each other in times of need, and encourage each other to keep going even when our hopes dimmed. In a sense, this group and the connection to each other provided the “S” for sustainability and wellness for ourselves and our work.

While reflecting on these two sources of our fear as facilitators, we discovered our desire to make this call to the counseling profession: to strengthen the bridge between academia and counseling in practice. Applying the knowledge gained from our courses to daily practice could be less intimidating and feel more like the natural progression of our nascent counseling careers. However, once the opportunity arose to test our skills, we felt hesitant and unprepared. Creating an advocacy group is not the only venue in which this fear of practice appears. As students, we authors felt a similar fear when stepping into our practicum and internship sites. It is natural to feel afraid when seeing clients for the first time as CITs, but this fear could be lessened by academic leaders guiding students into the field before their final year of studies. If more opportunities to work with real issues affecting communities were available to students and supported by faculty, the transition between the classroom and fieldwork would feel less daunting.

Discussion

Although this project was not an empirical study, our reflective process taught us about how it feels to learn about SJA and the labor required to teach about SJA. With this knowledge, we have identified potential implications for the counseling profession and counselor education training programs. We also acknowledge the limitations of the group we formed and facilitated.

Implications
     Per our experience, we believe social justice counseling—and advocacy skills more specifically—must have a more prominent place in counseling curricula. Potential solutions may include consistently operationalizing social justice counseling and SJA in counselor training programs (CSJ, 2020). Furthermore, it is imperative to have more guidance from our institutional standards such as CACREP (2023) and to have more ethical standards regarding SJA in the next iteration of the ACA Code of Ethics. CACREP (2023) requirements establish content that should be covered throughout all coursework, rather than specific classes; however, each program might have a different approach to operationalize these standards because they are vaguely defined (Austin & Austin, 2020).  For example, in the current CACREP (2023) standards, there is more frequent mention of social justice compared to the 2016 CACREP standards; however, there is still ambiguity about how this may present in a counseling course. Standard 3.B.1 (CACREP, 2023) says that counseling curricula must state how “theories and models of multicultural counseling, social justice, and advocacy” are addressed, but there is no mention of techniques, interventions, or skills for SJA. As a point of comparison, there are specific guidelines with respect to content like group counseling which delineate time that students must spend engaged in direct experience. However, it appears that social justice and SJA are still referred to in broader terms with fewer contingencies about how they must be addressed. We recognize that out-of-class work like advocacy might be left out of the curriculum because there are many required courses and training standards filling up students’ time in graduate school (Vera & Speight, 2003). However, we urge counseling leaders to consider the importance of SJA and the core role it plays in our healing work and our counseling identity.

Limitations and Future Directions
     This group was developed and facilitated to encourage counseling students to develop their social justice advocate identity, but it was not an empirical study, and our collective reflections can only offer so much insight to facilitating such groups in the future. As this was an extracurricular group for which attendees took time out of their personal schedules, we do not know what motivated our peers to attend sessions that we offered. This would be important knowledge to address in future offerings of this group and to understand students’ attitudes toward social justice in counseling. Another limitation of our group was our inability to reach students who are unsure of what social justice is and might not recognize it as an inherent and imperative part of mental health counseling. Practicum and other service-learning opportunities for SJA within the profession have been explored in the literature (Farrell et al., 2020; Field et al., 2019; Langellier et al., 2020), but perhaps peer encouragement can help CITs to feel more confident as advocates. Although we intentionally kept the group open for accessibility, new introductions and catching up took time away from the group plan and content. We do not have data to explicate a group like this, but we hope our master’s and doctoral peers feel encouraged to start similar groups within their own programs. Finally, we wrote this article more than a year after our group ended; although we relied on our reflection sheets and notes from our experience, we are aware that there may be gaps in our recollections.

For future groups, we would be interested to complete an empirical study through an IRB in order to collect data regarding peer-led SJA groups. Screening or surveys before and after the group could not only provide valuable data, but also offer guidance for attendees even before the group starts and an opportunity for reflection after the group ends. Our decision to keep our group open led to attrition of members; thus, empirical studies might also investigate factors that contribute to student engagement. Collecting quantitative and qualitative data may provide further insight into effective strategies for describing and encouraging students to engage in concrete SJA skill development.

Conclusion

The experience of facilitating an SJA group was new, challenging, transformative, and important to our growth as CITs and budding counselor educators. As counselors, we understand our ethical duty to engage in SJA; however, we have not had adequate training in tangible strategies to utilize when advocating on behalf of our clients. The S-Quad model is an important guide that helped facilitate our understanding of how to implement SJA as mental health professionals. As co-facilitators and coauthors, we learned a great deal about ourselves as developing social justice advocates, CEs, and CITs and confronted fears parallel to those of the group members. Although SJA is a growing focus in the counseling literature, there is a great deal of research and training that must continue to occur so current and future counselors can develop their social justice advocate identities.

 

Conflict of Interest and Funding Disclosure
The authors reported no conflict of interest
or funding contributions for the development
of this manuscript.

 

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Sunanda M. Sharma, MS, NCC, LPC (NJ), LPCC (OH), is a lecturer at Wright State University. Jennifer E. Bianchini, BFA, is a master’s student at Montclair State University. Zeynep L. Cakmak, MA, LAC (NJ), is a mental health counselor at Montclair State University. MaryRose Kaplan, PhD, NCC, LPC, is a school counselor and adjunct professor at Montclair State University. Muninder K. Ahluwalia, PhD, is a professor at Montclair State University. Correspondence may be addressed to Sunanda M. Sharma, 3640 Colonel Glenn Hwy., Millett Hall 370, Dayton, OH 45435, sharmas1@montclair.edu.