The Impact of Internalized Homophobia on Outness for Lesbian, Gay, and Bisexual Individuals

Sep 6, 2014 | Article, Volume 1 - Issue 3

Genevieve Weber-Gilmore, Sage Rose, Rebecca Rubinstein

Internalized homophobia, or the acceptance of society’s homophobic and antigay attitudes, has been shown to impact the coming out process for LGB individuals. The current study examined the relationship between levels of outness to family, friends and colleagues and internalized homophobia for 291 lesbian, gay, and bisexual individuals. Results suggest internalized homophobia is a predictor of outness to friends, colleagues, and extended family, but not nuclear family. A discussion of these findings as well as implications for counselors are provided.

Keywords: internalized homophobia, “coming out,” lesbian, gay, bisexual

Lesbian, gay and bisexual individuals (LGB) have been shown to be one of the most stressed population groups in society (Iwasaki & Ristock, 2007). Beyond dealing with daily stressors common with their heterosexual counterparts, LGB individuals experience unique stressors such as homophobia, societal discrimination and limited social and institutional supports due to their same-gender sexual orientations. Homophobia is defined as the anxiety, aversion, and discomfort that some individuals experience in response to being around, or thinking about LGB behavior or people (Davies, 1996; Spencer, & Patrick, 2009).

Homophobia is endorsed through the perpetuation of negative stereotypes about LGB behavior and people on both societal and individual levels, and the discrimination and prejudice of LGB people across the lifespan (Bobbe, 2002; Davies, 1996; Spencer & Patrick, 2009). Subtle forms of homophobia and discrimination such as the exclusion of LGB couples in the media and blatant acts of alienation experienced when individuals refuse to rent to LGB people are far too common in the lives of LGB individuals (Neisen, 1990; Smiley, 1997). Other examples of homophobia include unfair treatment by family, friends, and peers; loss of employment or lack of promotions; and observing/hearing people making anti-gay jokes (King, Reilly, & Hebl, 2008; Rankin, Weber, Blumenfeld, & Frazer, 2010). These homophobic events greatly affect the lives of LGB individuals such that many LGB individuals hide their sexual orientation from others and feel shame and other negative feelings towards themselves (Center for Substance Abuse Treatment [CSAT], 2001).

Higher levels of stress are common among LGB individuals who feel they have to hide their sexual orientation from others (Iwasaki & Ristock, 2007) or have negative feelings towards themselves based on their same-gender sexual attractions (Weber, 2008). The acceptance of society’s homophobic and anti-gay attitudes about LGB sexual orientations is known as internalized homophobia. Low self-esteem and low self-acceptance; shame; guilt; depression and anxiety; feelings of inadequacy and rejection; verbal and physical abuse by family, partners, and/or peers; homelessness; prostitution; substance use and abuse; and suicide are some of the common feelings or behaviors that are associated with internalized homophobia (CSAT, 2001; Diamond & Wilsnack, 1978; Grossman, 1996; Lewis, Saghir, & Robins, 1982; Ross & Rosser, 1996; Saghir & Robins, 1973; Spencer, & Patrick, 2009; Stall & Wiley, 1988; Stein & Cabaj, 1996). According to Bobbe (2002), the negative feelings and behaviors associated with internalized homophobia can have a more painful and disruptive influence on the health of LGB individuals than external, overt forms of oppression such as prejudice and discrimination.

Homophobia and internalized homophobia have been shown to impact the coming out process for LGB individuals. “Coming out” is a shortened term for “coming out of the closet” (Hunter, 2007, p. 41). As LGB individuals begin to disclose their sexual orientation to others, or “come out,” they often experience a series of stages that include but are not limited to an initial awareness of being different, grieving, feelings of inner conflict, and an established sexual minority identity with long-term relationships. This is a developmental process that involves a person’s awareness and acknowledgement of same-gender oriented thoughts and feelings while accepting being LGB as a positive stage of being (Browning, Reynolds, & Dworkin, 1991; Kus, 1990; McGregor et al., 2001; Ridge, Plummer, & Peasley, 2006). The process of forming an LGB identity or “coming out” is a challenging process as it involves adopting a non-traditional sexual identity, restructuring one’s self-concept, and changing one’s relationship with society (Reynolds & Hanjorgiris, 2000; Ridge, Plummer, & Peasley, 2006).

Coming out for bisexual individuals is a “more ambiguous status” (Hunter, 2007, p. 53) as it is complicated by marginalization from both the straight and gay communities. This marginalization usually includes same-gender oriented friends urging bisexual individuals to adopt a gay lifestyle and heterosexually-oriented friends pressuring them to conform to heterosexual standards (Smiley, 1997). Although it is common for research on bisexual individuals to be lumped with lesbians and gay men (Hoang, Holloway, & Mendoza, 2011), Knous (2005) proposed a series of steps that individuals who identify as bisexual might take in disclosing and ultimately embracing their sexual identity. The first step is to be attracted or to participate in sexual activity with someone of either gender. The second step is to become labeled as bisexual either by themselves or by society. The third step is to be participatory in the bisexual community through personal or group pride. Bisexual individuals still experience stigma similar to their lesbian, gay, or heterosexual counterparts (Knous, 2005), and respond in similar ways: they might “pass” as either gay or straight, an act intended to hide one’s same-gender attractions (Herek, 1996); disclose their bisexual identity; or join support groups to fight the stigma (Knous, 2005).

Multiple researchers have described average chronological ages at which experiences related to coming out occur, which were summarized by Hunter (2007). Lesbians and bisexual women first experience awareness of same-gender attraction between the ages of ten and eleven years; gay and bisexual males between the ages of nine and thirteen years. Gay male youths on average experience their first sexual experiences a few years later between the ages of thirteen and sixteen years, while lesbian youths experiment around twenty years of age. First disclosures of sexual orientation happen between the ages of sixteen and nineteen for lesbian youths, and sixteen and twenty for gay male youths. Regardless of the age of disclosure, negative responses to being lesbian, gay, or bisexual still occur, and this “tempers the motivation of persons…in terms of making disclosures” (Hunter, 2007, p. 84). This may explain the three main patterns of sexual identity in individuals who are moving towards identifying as gay, lesbian, or bisexual (Rosario, Schrimshaw, Hunter, & Braun, 2006). These patterns include consistently identifying as gay or lesbian, transitioning from bisexual to gay or lesbian, and consistently identifying as bisexual. Youths who were engaged in transitional identities continued to change their behavior and orientation to match their new identity. The process of acceptance of one’s sexual identity, committing to that identity, and integrating that identity into one’s life is something that does not end after adolescence, but continues into adulthood (Rosario, Schrimshaw, Hunter, & Braun, 2006).

The process of coming out could be a major source of stress for LGB individuals (Iwasaki & Ristock, 2007). Some disclosures could cause harm in the lives of LGB individuals such as family crisis, dismissal from the household, loss of custody of children, loss of friends, or mistreatment in the workplace (Hunter, 2007; Rotheram-Borus & Langabeer, 2001; Savin-Williams & Ream, 2003). Yet, not coming out to others means LGB individuals must maintain personal, emotional, and social distance from those to whom they remain closeted in order to “protect the secrecy” of their “core identity” (Brown, 1988, p. 67).

A number of studies have explored the unique challenges associated with the coming out process for LGB individuals. A study by Flowers and Buston (2001) investigated “passing” as heterosexual, or assuming the identity of a heterosexual individual while hiding behaviors associated with an LGBT identity. In their study, Flowers and Buston examined the retrospective accounts of gay identity development for 20 gay men. Living a lie was identified as a common theme in their interviews such that many men continued to assume a heterosexual identity as a response to a non-accepting homophobic society. This lie was not something that was simply stated; rather, it had to be created and maintained “all the time” (p. 58, Flowers & Buston), and only temporarily eased the participants’ feelings of isolation and identity confusion (Flowers & Buston). Shapiro, Rios, & Stewart (2010) support the findings of Flowers and Buston. In this study that explored narrative accounts of sexual minority identity development among lesbians, cultural norms that failed to acknowledge the existence of non-normative sexual identities were identified and discussed. Such neglect of LGB identities required personal silence on the part of the respondents, which helped them avoid the negative consequences of coming out such as feelings of danger and discomfort as well as punishment.

Paul and Frieden (2008) examined the process of integration of gay identity and self-acceptance among gay men. Participants described societal homophobia and heterosexism as “powerful barriers” to self-acceptance, and validation and acceptance from others as helpful supports in the acceptance of themselves. Respondents indicated that they felt emotional pain or crisis when they began to develop a same-gender sexual identity and received negative messages about that identity. They feared that loved ones would not be accepting, and often denied that they were gay, both to themselves and to others.

A study by Rowen and Malcolm (2002) examined internalized homophobia and its relationship to sexual minority identity formation, self-esteem, and self-concept among 86 gay men. Results indicated that higher levels of internalized homophobia were associated in less developed gay male identities. In addition, gay men who felt more uncomfortable with their sexual orientations were more likely to experience guilt over their same-gender sexual behavior. Internalized homophobia also was found to be related to lower levels of self-esteem and self-concept in terms of physical appearance and emotional stability.

There are a diverse range of personal variables such as “personality characteristics, overall psychological health, religious beliefs, and negative or traumatic experiences regarding one’s sexual orientation” (Hunter, 2007, p. 94) that impact to whom LGB individuals disclose their same-gender sexual orientation. Some same-gender oriented individuals are closeted entirely and hide their sexual orientations from others for fear of their reactions (Iwasaki & Ristock, 2007). Others will only come out to selected people (e.g., friends, family, colleagues, teachers, medical providers) rather than everyone at once. Several will come out completely and become very involved in the LGB community by attending LGB events and venues.

In general, disclosures are most often first made to friends of LGB people who are considered to be somewhat affirming of one’s same-gender sexual orientation (Hunter, 2007). According to Cain (1991), coming out to friends can bring two friends closer together, confirm an already close relationship, or cause a strain between previously close friends. Results from a study by D’Augelli and Hershberger (2002) revealed that 73% of lesbian and gay youths first told a friend about their same-gender sexual attractions. Other research suggested that bisexual men and women are also more likely to disclose to their friends than to family members and work colleagues (Hunter, 2007). These friends are usually across sexual identities and often with individuals who are heterosexual, and less with other bisexuals (Galupo, 2006).

Regardless of the outcome, the notion that disclosure to friends differs from disclosure to family members allows for LGB individuals to “select friends who are supportive or drop those unlikely to accept the revelation, something they cannot do in their parental or sibling relationships” (Cain, 1991, p. 349). LGB individuals do not always disclose their LGB sexual orientations to family members for fear of consequences such as “…anything from a dismissal of their feelings to an actual dismissal from the household” (Rotheram-Borus & Langabeer, 2001, p. 104). Disclosures to parents elicit much anxiety for LGB individuals as there are limited ways to predict how parents will respond (Hunter, 2007). Many LGB individuals fear losing familial support after disclosing to family members (Carpineto et. al, 2008; D’Augelli, Grossman, & Starks, 2005). According to Shapiro, Rios, & Stewart (2010), when LGB individuals have identified the family as a source of conflict, these individuals considered their parental figures to be unsupportive of their sexual identity. This conflict leads to an increase in tension within the family. According to Savin-Williams and Ream (2003), 90% of college men reported that coming out to their parents was a “somewhat” to “extremely” challenging event for them (p. 429).

Siblings have been described as more accepting of their LGB sibling’s disclosure, and if there is rejection it is usually less stressful than rejection by the parents (Cain, 1991). Lesbian wives do not often disclose to their husbands for fear of consequences (i.e., violence, custody battles), but men who come out as bisexual following their marriage to a woman tell her soon after he accepts his bisexual identity (Hunter, 2007). No data on gay men and their disclosure to their wives could be located. It also is not uncommon for LGB parents to keep their same-gender sexual orientations from their children for fear of losing custody or inflicting harm on their children (Hunter, 2007).

There are positives and negatives to coming out at work and to work colleagues (Hunter, 2007), and therefore there are varying levels of disclosure among LGB individuals. Research suggests that LGB individuals who are more open at work experience higher levels of job satisfaction and commitment to the workplace (Day & Shoenrade, 1997; Griffith & Hebl, 2002; King, Reilly, & Hebl, 2008). Some LGB individuals may feel “honest, empowered and connected” after disclosure at work, and able to speak more freely about their personal lives and romantic relationships (Hunter, 2007, p. 127). Organizations that have written non-discrimination policies, are actively affirmative, and offer trainings that incorporate LGB issues usually impact whether lesbian and gay individuals come out in the workplace (Griffith & Hebl, 2002). It is unfortunate, however, that there is little legal protection for LGB individuals based on sexual orientation in most workplaces (Hunter, 2007). The possible harm (i.e., ridicule, ostracism, job loss) of disclosing at work without legal protection, and in some cases even with legal protection, causes many LGB individuals to stay closeted at work. Although keeping one’s LGB sexual orientation a secret might create fewer problems with regard to stigma, discrimination, and discreditability, living “a double life” can be personally and professionally “costly” (Hunter, 2007, p. 126). Hunter further summarized the limited professional literature on outness in the workplace and reported that more than two-thirds of lesbian and gay individuals think coming out in the workplace would create problems and challenges for them, while one-third believed disclosure would hurt their career progression (i.e., not being hired, not being promoted, not receiving personal or professional support). Fears of and personal experiences with harassment and heterosexism in the workplace also could negatively impact one’s psychological and physical well-being and thus one’s decision to disclose to work colleagues.

A major study based on the utilization of The National Lesbian Health Care Survey (NLHCS; Bradford, Ryan, & Rothblum, 1993) examined the degrees of outness and to whom disclosures were made for a national sample of 1,925 lesbians. The results of this study support the aforementioned identification of whom LGB individuals come out to more often as they move through the process of forming a sexual minority identity. Researchers found that although the majority of lesbians (88%) were out to all gay and lesbian individuals who they knew, much smaller numbers were out to all family members (27%), heterosexual friends (28%), and co-workers (17%). Furthermore, many participants reported not coming out to any family members (19%) or co-workers (29%). Correlations between degree of outness and fears as a lesbian were also analyzed and results showed a negative relationship such that lesbians who were less out to family, heterosexual friends, and co-workers had more fear of exposure as a lesbian. Correlations were strongest among outness to heterosexual friends and co-workers. No other studies that specifically examined the relationship between level of outness and internalized homophobia could be located. Therefore, this important relationship remains underexplored.

In summary, LGB individuals have been described as an at-risk group based on the high level of homophobia on both societal and individual levels. Such experiences with homophobia impact the way LGB individuals view themselves, particularly how they define their sexual minority identities which have been historically marginalized and stigmatized. Consequently, negative views of self result from the internalization of society’s negative attitudes towards LGB individuals. Internalized homophobia has been documented as a potential disruption to the coming out process as it impacts an LGB individual’s decision to be closeted completely, come out to selected individuals, or come out to all (Cabaj, 1997). Disclosure or non-disclosure to family, friends, and colleagues and how it is impacted by internalized homophobia warrants attention from researchers as it has significant implications in the lives of LGB individuals.

Purpose of the Study

The purpose of the present study was to gain a better understanding of the relationship between levels of outness to family, friends and colleagues and internalized homophobia. Conducting research on risk factors that negatively impact the coming out process, such as internalized homophobia, will generate knowledge that will help reduce the stress unique to LGB individuals. Such research also will increase the provision of quality and effective support to cope with stress for this historically underserved population group (Iwasaki & Ristock, 2007).

We hypothesized that internalized homophobia would predict whether one comes out to all family (nuclear and extended family), friends, and colleagues. Internalized homophobia and concerns about coming out contributes to an LGB individual’s reluctance to enter the ‘scene’ or culture which is related to their sexual identity (Ridge, Plummer, & Peasley, 2006). In fact, internalized homophobia has prevented some LGB individuals from never finding their true selves, creating a further disconnection from their true identities. Based on this finding as well as others, we propose that LGB individuals with high levels of internalized homophobia would be less likely to come out as LGB to all family (nuclear and extended family), friends and colleagues. If issues related to internalized homophobia, a well-documented risk factor for stress among LGB individuals, are addressed, improvement in the mental health and overall quality of life for LGB individuals can occur (Wagner et al., 1996).

Method

Participants
Two hundred ninety individuals between the ages of 18 and 71 responded to our study. Forty-seven percent (n = 131) of respondents identified as lesbian, 42% (n = 117) as gay, and 4% (n = 12) as bisexual. More than half of the respondents identified their gender identity as woman (51%, n = 154), 45% (n=127) as man, 2% (n = 5) as transgender, and 2% (n = 5) as “other.” Seventy-three percent (n = 204) had an associate’s degree or higher, and 69% (n=192) identified as White (see Table 1 for complete demographics). Due to the small number of transgender respondents, we did not examine their experiences by gender identity. We do recognize, however, the unique interaction between gender identity and sexual identity, and encourage future research in this area.

Materials

Levels of Outness. The questions used in this study that assessed level of outness of participants were adapted with permission from a survey developed by Rankin (2003). These questions are part of a larger campus climate survey that is used nationally to assess campus climate for community members. This set of questions showed high internal consistency (α = .80). Using a varimax rotation, items load as one factor and account for 65% of the variance.

Internalized Homophobia Scale (IHP; Martin & Dean, 1987). The Internalized Homophobia Scale is a 9-item measure adapted for self-report. Previous research has indicated that the self-administered version of the IHP scale has acceptable internal consistency and correlated as expected with relevant measures (Herek & Glunt, 1995). Items are administered with a 5-point response scale, ranging from disagree strongly to agree strongly. Reliability coefficients for this scale are typically higher for men (α = .83) then women (α = .71).

Procedure

An online survey was created through PsychData, a Web-based company that conducts Internet-based research in the social sciences. Participants were invited through email advertisements to general and multicultural LGBT list-servs. Personal networks also were utilized. Participants were made aware of the intentions of the survey and the topics they would encounter. Participation was anonymous and all respondents reviewed and gave informed consent before initiating the study. (Appropriate IRB approval was obtained).

Results

A set of regression procedures were conducted to examine how “coming out” to friends, family, and colleagues predicted scores on the Internalized Homophobia Scale (IHP). Table 2 shows the complete regression summaries. Model 1 regressed demographic variables: age, self-identified gender, ethnicity, education level and reported income. This model accounted for 4% of the overall variance with education level contributing most to the prediction of IHP scores (β = -.15, p < .05). This model was used in each of the following hierarchical models as a first step to control for demographics to examine the prediction value of each “coming out” variable.

Model 2 emerged as a significant model. Coming “out to friends” was added as a second step to the model and accounted for an additional 11% of the variance after controlling for demographics. According to the standardized regression coefficients, this variable provided a significant contribution to the prediction of IHP scores (see Table 2). Model 3 did not emerge as a significant model. By including coming “out to nuclear family” only an addition 1% of the total variance was accounted for. Within the third model, coming “out to friends” remained the largest contributor to the prediction of internalized homophobia (β = -.28, p < .05).

Model 4 and Model 5 emerged as significant models. In Model 4, the second step added coming “out to extended family” and contributed 2% to the total variance. Standardized regression coefficients indicated coming “out to friends” and “out to extended family members” were the strongest contributors to the model. By adding “out to colleagues” to the second step of the fifth model, an additional 2% of the variance was accounted for beyond demographics. “Out to colleagues” contributed the most to the predication of internalized homophobia beyond demographic differences, coming out to friends, coming out to nuclear family, and coming out to extended family (β = -.18, p < .05). Model 5 accounted for almost 19% of the total variance.

Discussion

The findings from our study suggest internalized homophobia impacts whether one is out to friends, colleagues, and extended family, but not to nuclear family. These findings are surprising as we hypothesized internalized homophobia would impact whether one is out to all family members (nuclear and extended), friends, and colleagues. Specifically, we hypothesized that higher internalized homophobia would lessen the likelihood that LGB individuals disclose as lesbian, gay, or bisexual to all family (nuclear and extended), friends, and colleagues. This assumption was based on the professional literature that underscored the fact that experiences in an anti-gay society can lead LGB individuals to internalize prejudicial messages and have negative views of self, and the potential consequences of coming out to family (family crisis), friends (disconnection and loss of friends), and work colleagues (dismissal and mistreatment; Hunter, 2007; Rotheram-Borus & Langabeer, 2001; Savin-Williams & Ream, 2003).

Education level also was a strong predictor of internalized homophobia for the sample in this study. Education level may be influential because individuals who are more “in the know” may accept that internalized homophobia is a barrier to self-acceptance and therefore an issue worth addressing and resolving. Further, coming out to friends and colleagues contributed strongly to internalized homophobia which may be a result of the experiences of LGB individuals in an anti-gay society and the possibility that friends and colleagues represent non-affirming members of our society. Therefore, the greater the discomfort with one’s same gender sexual identity, the less likely a LGB individual will come out to friends or co-workers for fear of negative consequences.

Although Hunter (2007) posited that LGB people most often come out to friends first, our study underscores a unique relationship between internalized homophobia and coming out to friends in that respondents with higher internalized homophobia were less out to friends. Findings from the National Lesbian Health Care Survey (NLHCS; Bradford, Ryan, & Rothblum, 1993) support this finding from our study. Correlations from the NLHCS suggest lesbians with higher internalized homophobia feared exposure as a lesbian to heterosexual friends. Furthermore, 88% of lesbians from the NLHCS were out to other LGB individuals, but only 28% were out to heterosexual friends. Perhaps respondents in our study who had higher internalized homophobia had similar fears regarding disclosure to heterosexual friends, particularly those who were non-affirming of LGB sexual identities. Furthermore, based on the results of our study and the professional literature, it is possible to assert that respondents from our study who had lower internalized homophobia were more comfortable coming out to friends who were affirming of LGB sexual identities.

Research suggests that LGB individuals who are more open at work experience higher levels of job satisfaction, commitment to the workplace, the fostering of a healthy identity, and the encouragement of employers to promote a diverse workplace (Day & Shoenrade, 1997; Griffith & Hebl, 2002; King, Reilly, & Hebl, 2008). While there are positive aspects of research surrounding coming out at work, research also suggests that more than two-thirds of LGB people think coming out to the workplace would create problems (i.e., not being hired, not being promoted, not receiving support and mentorship necessary for professional development, or loss of job; Hunter, 2007). The context in which an individual comes out at work is much more important than the situational factors which lead them to come out (King, Reilly, & Hebl, 2008). Consequently, many LGB individuals stay closeted at work in anticipation of rejection, which is often based on a lack of legal protection or personal experiences with an anti-gay organizational climate.

Our study uncovered a strong relationship between internalized homophobia and level of outness at work. In fact, outness to colleagues was the largest predictor of internalized homophobia above and beyond all other variables analyzed in this study. Based on this finding, we defend previously cited research that LGB individuals are more likely to be out and experience less internalized homophobia when they have had positive experiences with coming out in the past, or when their organizations are gay-friendly, include written non-discrimination policies and advocate on behalf of LGB people (i.e., offer trainings and workshops that incorporate LGB issues; Griffith & Hebl, 2002). Friskopp and Silverstein (1995) concur with our findings by suggesting those who disclosed at work were not only more comfortable with their sexual identity, but also had many previous disclosures with heterosexual friends and relatives. In the same respect, LGB individuals who enter and remain in a workplace where heterosexism and homophobia are pervasive may never come out to co-workers or may be very selective about to whom they come out (Hunter, 2007). They might decide to pass to divide their work life and personal life, and avoid discrimination at all costs (DeJordy, 2008). Passing, while helpful in the organizational environment, can be harmful to the individual because it reduces an individual’s authenticity of one’s behavior, lowers one’s self-esteem, and denies or suppresses an individual’s LGB identity.

Results from the NLHCS (Bradford, Ryan, & Rothblum, 1993) support Hunter (2007) and our research: lesbians who were less out to co-workers had more fear of exposure as lesbian. For some LGB individuals, “just the thought of disclosure at work typically creates considerable anxiety” (Hunter, 2007, p. 124). This might be true for the participants in our study.

Finally, our hypothesis that internalized homophobia will predict outness to all family members, including nuclear and extended, was partially supported by our results. In particular, internalized homophobia was not a predictor of outness to nuclear family, but was a predictor of outness to extended family.

The fact that internalized homophobia did not predict outness to nuclear family was surprising considering the high degree of difficulty and anxiety associated with coming out to parents, the anticipated rejection by the nuclear family, and the fact that many LGB individuals remain closeted to family members indefinitely or until later in life (Hunter, 2007). Paul and Frieden (2008) contend that negative social messages about LGB sexual identities, particularly those made by family, friends, and religious organizations, increases the challenge of self-acceptance as LGB. With a lack of self-acceptance coupled with “fears related to a potential loss of relationship with specific family members,” LGB individuals might refrain from disclosing their sexual minority identities (Paul & Frieden, 2008, p. 43). It could be assumed that internalized homophobia would affect the act of coming out to family, particularly nuclear family, since “there is no predicting” how parents will react, and disclosure could cause “great turmoil in the home” (Hunter, 2007, p. 95.). Based on the aforementioned assumption, our initial hypothesis would stand. This conception, however, was not supported by the results of our study as internalized homophobia predicted outness to extended family and not nuclear family. It appears that the disclosures or lack of disclosures to nuclear family by participants in our study were not influenced by internalized homophobia. Future research that explores factors that impact disclosure to nuclear family is warranted in order to more fully understand this relationship.

Implications for Counseling

This study presents many implications for counselors. First, experiences with internalized homophobia can impact the lives of LGB individuals, particularly the coming out process.

“If one has a high level of internalized homophobia, the [coming out] process can be fraught with turmoil; however, if the individual is able to connect with supportive people who can help him or her dispel the negative attitudes of society, that state is temporary. This is an area in which counselors can aid in the process” (Matthews, 2005, p. 212).

An affirmative counselor can model a positive reaction to an LGB client’s disclosure, provide a corrective emotional experience for that client, and instill hope that positive consequences can result from coming out. This can help the client externalize his or her experiences with homophobia, and move towards self-acceptance (Matthews, 2007). Ridge, Plummer, and Peasley (2006) found that positive self-talk, writing about problems, and making more positive choices were helpful when an individual is looking to defeat feelings of internalized homophobia. On the other hand, a counselor who perpetuates messages of homophobia or heterosexism can reinforce the negative experiences of the LGB client, and thus cause more distress and heartache.

It is essential that affirmative counselors avoid heterosexism in clinical practice (i.e., review clinical paperwork for heterosexist language; decorate office to be inclusive of diverse sexual identities; advocate for a non-discrimination policy that is inclusive of sexual and gender identity). A counselor also must overcome heterosexism through self-examination and self-education where biases and prejudices are identified and dispelled (Matthews, 2007). Additionally, it is necessary for affirmative counselors to develop the knowledge and skills necessary for working with LGB clients. Continuing education opportunities such as conference workshops and graduate classes that focus on LGB issues are excellent ways to enhance a counselor’s multicultural competency to work with LGB clients. Familiarizing oneself with the LGB community (local and national) by attending LGB venues (i.e., parades, community centers, LGB bookstores), and learning key LGB figures who contributed to LGB rights through movies and literature are all important steps in becoming an affirmative counselor.

“Personal contact is the most consistently influential factor in reducing prejudice” (Hunter, 2007, p. 168). Therefore, it is invaluable for affirmative counselors, particularly heterosexual counselors, to spend time with LGB people. This will help challenge misconceptions and messages that have been learned as members of a society that perpetuates anti-gay attitudes and beliefs in many domains. Counselors must help clients explore and discover how they wish to self-identify, whether it is lesbian, gay, bisexual, queer, or questioning another identity. It is important to use caution in assigning the client an identity before he or she is ready to self-identity. It is beneficial for counselors to utilize sexual minority identity development models (see, for example, Cass, 1979; D’Augelli, 1994; McCarn & Fassinger, 1996; Troiden, 1979). Although these models present stages or phases that are often experienced during the coming out process, it is important to use them as guides as each LGB client is unique and may experience coming out differently.

Coming out can be a risky process, but also an empowering experience for LGB individuals (Matthews, 2007). Consequently, as a counselor, it is important to consider the potential dangers and benefits of disclosing to various individuals in the LGB client’s life. A LGB client might decide not to disclose to a particular individual because the negative consequences outweigh the positives. Counselors should support the decisions made by clients, and always ensure their personal safety (Hunter, 2007). Although there might be consequences as a result of disclosure, there will likely be long-term gains in self-acceptance and overall psychological health for LGB individuals.

It also is very important for an LGB individual to establish a connection to the LGBT community (Matthews, 2007). As a counselor, it is vital to be able to promote exposure to and interaction with positive elements of the LGB community. There are a number of online options such as support groups, chat rooms, and list-servs. Community options include LGBT community centers, support groups at counseling centers, and LGBT-sponsored events. Counselors should be familiar with these resources and prepared ahead of the counseling session to share them with a LGB client. Caution should be used in identifying resources to ensure they are safe and healthy avenues for support.

Limitations and Areas for Future Research

A possible limitation of this research is that it represents a one-time measurement of self-reported data. Such complex perceptions of being closeted and the corresponding feelings of internalized homophobia may be viewed as a dynamic process subject to change over time and experiences. Moradi, Mohr, Worthington, and Fassinger (2009) suggest using experimental, repeated measures designs, and longitudinal designs to best determine causal and or developmental hypotheses regarding sexual minority research areas and would benefit research such as this one. Future research will look toward long-term methods of measuring levels of outness and corresponding feelings of internalized homophobia over time. Additional future research should focus on homophobia and heterosexism in the workplace which, according to a report by the Human Rights Campaign (2001) “occurred in every area of the country, happened in a range of workplaces, and affected employees at all levels” (Smith & Ingram, 2004, p. 59). Although anti-LGB discrimination in the workplace is pervasive in our society, this topic remains under-explored. Finally, best practices to reduce the negative effects of internalized homophobia should be examined. Although internalized homophobia is a strong influential factor to coming out, the exploration of additional risk factors is essential in gaining a stronger understanding of sexual minority identity development.

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Genevieve Weber-Gilmore and Sage Rose are Assistant Professors at Hofstra University. Rebecca Rubinstein is a graduate student in Rehabilitation and Mental Health Counseling at Hofstra University. Correspondence can be addressed to Genevieve Weber-Gilmore, Hofstra University, Department of Counseling and Mental Health Professions, Hempstead, NY, 11549-1000, genevieve.weber@hofstra.edu.

A Review of the Literature on Promoting Cultural Competence and Social Justice Agency Among Students and Counselor Trainees: Piecing the Evidence Together to Advance Pedagogy and Research

Sep 5, 2014 | Article, Volume 2 - Issue 1

Amie A. Manis

There is a call for research on how to effectively foster cultural competence and a social justice advocacy orientation among counselor trainees. A multidisciplinary review of the literature reveals a body of anecdotal and empirical evidence in support of the use of pedagogical strategies grounded in critical theory to this end. Critical pedagogy regarding the development of a social justice origination is emphasized. Privilege, oppression, and experiential classroom activities are presented.

Keywords: critical theory, pedagogy, cultural competence, social justice, advocacy

The promotion of multicultural competence is an established professional training standard in industry and higher education (Musil, 1996). As a fourth force phenomenon within the counseling profession, multicultural education is intimately tied to advancing social justice (Arredondo & Perez, 2003) for trainees in the context of their studies (Ratts & Wood, 2011), and through populating our profession with culturally competent counselors. Its value in training has been empirically validated, yet much is left to discover about how to most effectively deliver multicultural education and ensure that counselors are able to engage in ethical and competent counseling and advocacy with diverse populations (Coleman, 2006; Manese, Wu, & Nepomuceno, 2001; Seto, Young, Becker, & Kiselica, 2006; Smith, Constantine, Dunn, Dinehart, & Montoya, 2006).

More recently advocacy competence has been recognized as a distinct professional standard for counselors with the American Counseling Association’s (ACA) endorsement of the Advocacy Competencies (Lewis, Arnold, House, & Toporek, 2002), the recognition of Counselors for Social Justice (CSJ) as a division of ACA, the 2005 ACA Code of Ethics, and the 2009 Council for Accreditation of Counseling and Related Educational Programs (CACREP) standards. As such, there is a growing body of literature with respect to the promotion of advocacy competence among counselor trainees grounded largely in critical theories (Bemak, Chi-Ying Chung, Talleyrand, Jones, & Daquin, 2011; Brubaker, Puig, Reese, & Young, 2010; Constantine, Hage, Kindaichi, & Bryant, 2007; Goodman, Liang, Helms, Latta, Sparks, & Weintraub, 2004; Green, McCollum, & Hays, 2008; Hof, Dinsmore, Barber, Suhr, & Scofield, 2009; Lewis, Arnold, House, & Toporek, 2002; Ratts & Wood, 2011; Steele, 2008; Toporek & Reza, 2001). Naturally, counseling research on the relationship between multicultural counseling competence and advocacy competence (Manis, 2008) and effective training methods for promoting advocacy competence (Hays, Dean, & Chang, 2007; Lewis, Davis, Lenski, Mukhopadhyay, & Taylor Cartwright, 2010; Murray, Pope, & Rowell, 2010; Odegard & Vereen, 2010) is early in its development.

Thus, while echoing the synergistic relationship between multicultural counseling competencies and social justice advocacy, Odegard and Vereen (2010) recently concluded “how counselor educators teach these constructs to students is a mystery” (p. 145). Their conclusion resonated with earlier expressions of this conundrum within and beyond the mental health professions. Palmer (2004) spoke to this challenge, indicating that the question of how to teach the constructs had been pondered and studied across disciplines.

In fact, a multidisciplinary review of the literature on multicultural education, social justice advocacy and critical pedagogy revealed not only a paucity of research on effective training practices in counselor education and supervision (Odegard & Vereen, 2010; Toporek, Lewis, & Crethar, 2009), but also a lack of attention and investment in training for social justice advocacy within counselor education programs (Hays et al., 2007; Nilsson & Schmidt, 2005; Ratts, 2006; Ratts & Wood, 2011). It further provided a pragmatic rationale for infusing attention to culture and social justice throughout program curricula (Brubaker, Puig, Reese, & Young, 2010; Dinsmore & England, 1996; Goodman et al., 2004: Green et al., 2008; Hays et al., 2007; Hill, 2003; Paylo, 2007; Ratts & Wood, 2011; Stadler, Suh, Cobia, Middleton, & Carney, 2006; Sue, Bingham, Porché-Burke, & Vasquez, 1999; Watts, 2004), and empirical evidence that suggested theoretically grounded pedagogies could be twice as effective as ungrounded approaches in delivering multicultural education (Smith et al., 2006). The literature also offered anecdotal and empirical evidence that critical pedagogical strategies are effective in raising the social consciousness of students and fostering social justice advocacy.

An analysis of the existing evidence, along with more recent findings specific to the field of counselor education and supervision offered a compelling case for further exploration of critical pedagogical strategies in training counselors and research on its efficacy. A brief overview of critical theory and pedagogy is presented, followed by a summary of key research findings. This is followed by a discussion of implications for counselor education and supervision practice, as well as future research.

Critical Pedagogy

Critical pedagogy is rooted in the work of Paolo Freire, who developed this approach with the explicit goal of empowering Brazilian peasants to advocate on their own behalf for social justice. Freire (1974) theorized that becoming aware of one’s sociopolitical reality and position through reflection and dialogue, or attaining critical consciousness, would serve as a catalyst for social justice advocacy.

The application of critical pedagogy in multicultural education has been described as “a deep examination, through dialogue with others, of the legitimacy of the social order in terms of access to socioeconomic resources and opportunities” (Sleeter, Torres, & Laughlin, 2004, p. 82), or in other words, social justice (Chang, Crethar, & Ratts, 2010; Fouad, Gerstein, &Toporek, 2006). Decoding is the term designated by Freire (1974) for this process whereby sociopolitical realities become transparent and a sense of empowerment as change agents is possible.

Freire (1974) used the term praxis to refer to social justice advocacy. He was deliberate in specifying that praxis is a manifestation, rather an outcome of critical consciousness. Thus, he emphasized the undeniably catalytic nature of developing critical consciousness, and the inherent charge which accompanies it regardless of one’s social positions of privilege or oppression. Freire also was explicit in observing the inherently value-laden nature of praxis, or social justice advocacy. He explained: “praxis (which can never be limited to mere activity of the consciousness) is never neutral; in the same way, education can never be neutral. Those who talk of neutrality are precisely those who are afraid of losing their right to use neutrality to their own advantage” (p. 132).

Sue, Bingham, Porché-Burke and Vasquez (1999) echoed Freire and elucidated the relationship between multiculturalism and social justice relative to mental health training and practice. They made it plain that multiculturalism, “…is not value neutral [and actually] … stands against beliefs and behaviors that oppress other groups and deny them equal access and opportunity” (p. 1064). Recognizing this valence is critical not only to advancing the practice standards of our profession (Ratts & Wood, 2011), but also to how we understand and frame our role as counselor educators and supervisors. “Our task as teachers is to clarify the complexity of the many overlapping economies of power and to work with our students to build the critical skills necessary to examine their own location in such a system and to find strategies of resistance to it” (Chan & Treacy, 1996, p. 214).

Enns and Forrest (2005) underscored the connection between the emergence of critical pedagogy from human rights movements and its regular use in multicultural education. They described the scope of multicultural education grounded in these theories as extending beyond the classroom and entailing: (a) a critical examination of the construction of knowledge, (b) an exploration of the relationships among diverse people, and (c) the recognition that cultural identities are dynamic and complex. The intuitive fit of critical pedagogy for raising the social consciousness of counselor trainees, as well as its regular employment in multicultural education lends the theory for investigation as an effective theoretical grounding for training culturally and advocacy competent counselors.

Cultivating Critical Consciousness: A Developmental Process

Critical pedagogical approaches reflect an appreciation of the socializing role of seasoned professionals and educators (Cornelius, 1998; Prilleltensky, 1989), the non-traditional and relational nature of the instructor–student relationship, and the developmental nature of the process of consciousness raising and becoming advocates (Ford & Dillard, 1996; Kathleen May, personal communications, 2006; Sleeter et al., 2004). Indeed, Ford and Dillard (1996) described multiculturalism in these terms: “… it is more than just a learning process, it is a socialization process that involves qualitative degrees of self-development” (p. 5). Sleeter et al. (2004) emphasized the importance of scaffolding students in this process of reflection on their own and others’ identities relative to social positions and experiences of privilege and oppression. The theoretical (Bemak et al., 2011; Green et al., 2008; Hof et al., 2009; Rasheed Ali, Ming Liu, Mahmood, & Arguello, 2008; Sleeter et al., 2004) and research literature (Hays et al., 2007; Murray et al., 2010; Nilsson & Schmidt, 2005; Paylo, 2007) has been consistent in the valuing of experiential learning as a means of cultivating social consciousness among students, and affording opportunities to practice and engage in advocacy.

Developing a Social Justice Orientation

Broido (2000) explored how college students from privileged positions actively engaged in advocacy for social justice understood their own development as advocates. Her findings initially suggested students’ willingness and ability to act as social justice allies developed through having increased information on social justice issues. She reported: “participants gained an overwhelming share of their knowledge of social justice issues from their experiences in the classroom” (p. 9).

The second critical factor in students’ willingness and ability to act as social justice allies was engagement in a dialectical meaning-making process. Broido (2000) concluded that it was “through reflection, discussion, and perspective taking, [that] the participants developed clarity regarding­­—and confidence in—their own position on social justice issues” (p. 10). The third finding pointed to the impact of self-confidence on the participants’ willingness to reflect on the role of privilege in their success.

These findings pointed to the potential importance of introducing material on social justice in counseling instruction. They also demonstrated the value of specific critical pedagogical practices, namely reflection, dialogue and decoding in the participants’ development of critical consciousness and change agency. Finally, they underscored self-confidence as a student quality that supported a critical examination of their own privileged positions.

Exploring Dynamics of Privilege and Oppression

Exploring dynamics of privilege and oppression is at the heart of critical pedagogy. A critical examination of one’s own social positions, as well as those of others, is considered integral to developing critical consciousness and social change agency. The findings of Chizhik and Chizhik (2002) highlighted the need for faculty to attend to student meaning with respect to dynamics of privilege and oppression.

Chizhik and Chizhik (2002) investigated middle class college students’ conceptions of privilege and oppression. They emphasized the importance for instructors of understanding students’ meaning-making with respect to those dynamics as a means of preparing to effectively guide them. They stated: “Knowing students’ preconceived notions about these terms should help instructors ‘scaffold students’ learning to a more multicultural and social justice orientation (if one does not already exist)” (p. 794).

Chizhik and Chizhik (2002) observed that both privileged and oppressed students as defined in terms of racial identity failed to understand these phenomena in systemic terms. They found that, “White students were more likely to blame oppression on internal factors [and believed that] the oppressed are and should be responsible for helping themselves” (p. 805). They also found that students of color were more likely to attribute privilege to factors external to the individual, but not to systemic factors. Furthermore, they found that students of color viewed “social change as a collective act rather than an individual act” (p. 805).

Chizhik and Chizhik (2002) identified the “lack of connection between privilege and oppression…[as] perhaps, the greatest challenge in multicultural discourse” (p. 806). They further suggested: “Understanding the compensatory relationship between privilege and oppression may be an important first step leading to an obligatory call for action through understanding one’s responsibility to act for social justice” (p. 806). Their findings underscored the need for exploration and collective meaning-making of the dynamics of privilege and oppression with students. They also suggested the relevance of this process for all students (Hays, 2008; Lark & Paul, 1998; Rooney, Flores, & Mercier, 1998). And finally, the findings have implications for helping students to resolve resistance to multicultural education and social justice advocacy.

Scaffolding the Development of Critical Consciousness

The challenging and potentially painful nature of decoding raises the importance of scaffolding students as they engage in reflection and dialogue. Broido’s (2000) findings pointed to the significance of confidence to the willingness and success of students of privileged social positions in decoding their experiences. The findings presented by Chizhik and Chizhik (2002) suggested the importance of attending to students’ preconceived ideas about privilege and oppression, and pointed to possible sources of resistance to engaging in open and active exploration of dynamics of privilege and oppression.

Clearly decoding requires unusual vulnerability within the classroom for both students and instructors (Garcia & Van Soest, 1997; Lark & Paul, 1998; Locke & Kiselica, 1999). Chan and Treacy (1996) captured the heart of the challenge more fully. They observed:
Any serious examination of a system of domination that usually cloaks its relationships of power makes many people uncomfortable; these are topics that are often skirted around. Moreover, this approach asks participants in the inquiry (students and teachers alike) to acknowledge [their] lack of knowledge, to examine what [they] do not know about [their] histories, [their] political and legal systems, [their] education, and the contexts in which [they] seek to understand [their] experiences. As we teach and learn about these power relationships, the world looks different and we take a different place in it; we are at least temporarily decentered from our usual normative self (p. 214).

Garcia and Van Soest (1997) conducted an exploratory study of master’s-level social work students engaged in a required course on diversity, particularly how their understanding of privilege and oppression changed over the course. Course objectives centered on familiarizing students with dynamics of social power, oppression, privilege and empowerment. A key pedagogical strategy was paying “considerable attention…to helping students assimilate information that challenged their world views, self-image, and professional self-concepts” (p. 122).

Their findings indicated that the majority of students’ in the course experienced increased social consciousness at the end of the course (Garcia & Van Soest, 1997). Changes reported by the White/non-Jewish students included increased awareness of privilege, increased understanding of the dynamics of oppression, increased hope and the identification of an action plan. Changes reported by the multiethnic students in the class also fell into the three areas of change reported by the White/non-Jewish students. Their changes were reported in terms of increased understanding “of their own oppression” (p. 125). One African-American student reflected: “This course has opened my eyes… It is easy for me to see how different rules can be racist, whereas in the past, I believed they were fair…I have become increasingly aware of how I am treated” (pp.125–126). In addition, among the reports of the students of color were increases in self-confidence, reflection and awareness of the oppression of other groups, as well as positive plans for change. These findings further supported the value and importance of scaffolding students in decoding dynamics of privilege and oppression for all students, and in this case for students in the mental health field.

The relevance of attending to dynamics of privilege and oppression in counselor education and supervision is further underscored by research within the field on social justice advocacy. Hays et al. (2007) conducted a qualitative study of counselors’ perceptions regarding how privilege and oppression were addressed in their training, and how these phenomena impacted counseling relationships. Their findings pointed to inadequate training in multicultural and advocacy competence, and a lack of attention to social justice advocacy specifically around the phenomena of privilege and oppression.

Experiential Activities: Moving Beyond the Classroom

Based on their findings Hays et al. (2007) proposed strategies to address the training deficits identified by counselors in practice. These resonated with critical pedagogy, and included: (a) addressing social justice advocacy in instruction, (b) attending to counselor self-efficacy as related to cultural and advocacy competence, (c) exploring the systemic nature of oppression in the context of case conceptualization, and (d) building from strategies used to enhance cultural competence such as guest speakers and experiential activities.

Nilsson and Schmidt (2005), among others (Ratts, 2006), also observed a deficiency in counselor training. They pointed out that while social justice advocacy has been emphasized in the literature, “this value appears not to have filtered through graduate training programs to its trainees” (p. 277). They further reported “little evidence that educators encourage students to act individually or in groups to produce social change” (p. 277).

Their findings pointed to a desire to advocate and political interest as two factors that may lead to advocacy and indicated a need for further research on differences in this regard between students of oppressed or privileged social statuses (Nilsson & Schmidt, 2005, p. 275). Nilsson and Schmidt (2005) arrived at conclusions with respect to counselor training that were similar to those of Hays et al. (2007). Specifically they noted: “counselors’ concern for others needs to be guided beyond the individual level and extended to societal and political levels” (p. 276). They also proposed incorporation of pedagogical strategies resonating with critical theory. These included engaging students in dialogue around political and social issues, exposing students to culturally diverse peers and individuals, providing opportunities for campus or community outreach, and teaching advocacy skills.

Paylo’s (2007) study of the characteristics of counselors who advocate also led to similar conclusions and recommendations. Paylo found that counselors who consider advocacy important are more likely to act as advocates. He stressed: “… it is imperative for counselor educators to infuse the importance of advocacy throughout the curriculum. They may not be able to directly affect counselors-in-training’s actual advocacy behaviors but by instilling the importance of advocacy, they may increase advocacy behaviors indirectly” (p. 134). He went on to suggest hands-on, relationally-oriented strategies such as bringing in guest speakers, infusing advocacy concepts within field and coursework, and service projects.

The literature provided both anecdotal and empirical support for service learning across disciplines as a strategy for promoting critical consciousness and social justice agency among students. McAllister and Irvine (2000) offered empirical support that “providing opportunities for students to interact with individuals from other ethnic backgrounds in authentic cultural settings” (p. 20) enhances the multicultural learning process. Beilke (2005) proposed community service as an effective intervention in facilitating the development of critical consciousness in pre-service teachers. She asserted that the “first task of developing a critical multicultural perspective is to see oneself more objectively by ‘unpacking’ power, privilege, and racial identity” (p. 3).

Research within counselor education also supported the practice of service learning as effective (Arthur & Achenbach, 2002), particularly immersion experiences or those involving direct contact with diverse individuals and communities (Burnett, Hamel, & Long, 2004; Coleman, 2006; Díaz-Lázaro & Cohen, 2001; Dickson & Jepsen, 2007).

Piecing the Evidence Together: Implications for Counselor Training and Research

Theory and research across the humanities addressing multicultural education, advocacy and social justice supported the developmental and process oriented nature of developing critical consciousness. It also provided compelling evidence to guide the use and further investigation of critical pedagogical strategies within the field of counselor education and supervision as a means of training counselors who are culturally competent and prepared to act as advocates for social justice. Key themes among the findings were the value of: (a) introducing social justice material in coursework, (b) incorporating examination, dialogue and reflection with respect to dynamics of privilege and oppression in society, (c) scaffolding all students in their meaning-making of the dynamics of privilege and oppression in their own experiences regardless of their identities and relative social positions, and (d) providing opportunities for experiential activities beyond the individual client level and classroom.

Teaching

Consonant with the developmental nature of counselor training and the research findings discussed relative to critical pedagogy, the more recent literature in the fields of counseling and psychology promoted critical theoretical approaches (Brubaker et al., 2010), models (Green et al., 2008) and training strategies (Bemak et al., 2011; Hof et al., 2009; Rasheed Ali et al., 2008). These recommendations pointed to the value of pedagogies that: (a) incorporate a tone of equality, de-ideologize dominant paradigms and incorporate experiential training (Brubaker et al., 2010); (b) recognize the link between social justice advocacy and professional advocacy (Hof et al., 2009); and (c) address the domains of awareness, knowledge and skill in infusing social justice advocacy throughout curricula (Green et al., 2008). Green et al. (2008) proposed an advocacy counseling paradigm that builds from awareness of injustice, to knowledge to empowerment of self and others, up to skills to perform and teach to others. Their model is consistent with the guidance offered by Rasheed Ali, Ming Liu, Mahmood, and Arguello (2008), who advised: “Before the actual practical training of social justice begins, it is equally important for students to understand the meaning and implications of social justice as a theory as well as implementing theory to practice” (p. 3).

In their reflections on infusing social justice advocacy, Bemak et al. (2011) provided a number of suggestions. These included beginning with the faculty and engaging in collective meaning-making about social justice and how it applies across courses and content. They went on to address the relevance of personal experiences of students with respect to their worldview and their identities as counselors, and emphasized the need to explore the challenges of social justice work with students. They recommended utilizing real life situations and news in role plays and further suggested service learning as an important component of hands-on training.

Experiential learning, particularly in terms of service learning was a consistent recommendation in the most current literature. Murray et al. (2010) pointed out that experiential learning is already an essential component of counselor training through fieldwork. In addition to affording students the opportunity to apply gains in awareness, knowledge and skills, they asserted that service learning also encourages civic commitment. Rasheed Ali et al. (2008) described a homeless shelter practicum as an apt example of a practicum experience that reaches an underserved population and that could include attention to public policy initiatives. Ali emphasized the need for sensitivity and care in assessing community needs, placing students, and evaluating the impact of service learning projects when developing fieldwork opportunities for counselor trainees where they will have an opportunity to confront social injustices and engage in advocacy at the client, community and public policy levels.

Supervision

Falender and Shafranske (2004) offered a clear description of diversity competent supervision as a process that not only promotes social justice, but also is in essence a social justice intervention. They asserted that diversity-competent supervision:
includes incorporation of self-awareness by both supervisor and supervisee and is an interactive process of the client or family, supervisee-therapist, and supervisor, using all of their diversity factors. It entails awareness, knowledge, and appreciation of the interaction among the client’s, supervisee-therapist’s, and supervisor’s assumptions, values, biases, expectations, and worldviews; integration and practice of appropriate, relevant, and sensitive assessment and intervention strategies and skills; and consideration of the larger milieu of history, society, and sociopolitical variables (p. 125).

Their conceptualization of the infusion of diversity and social justice within the supervisory relationship and the supervision process is in alignment with the critical pedagogical recommendations of Brubaker et al. (2010) for the infusion of advocacy in counselor training, as well as the recommendations of Glosoff and Durham (2010) for incorporating social justice advocacy in supervision. In short, their recommendations centered on calling supervisee attention to the continuum along which advocacy may occur, encouraging supervisee examination of their own place on the continuum, and scaffolding supervisee development of critical consciousness through reflective questioning, supervisor self-disclosure, and the incorporation of self-assessment and explicit examination of the counseling process in terms of dynamics of privilege and oppression.

Research

Since research on social justice advocacy in counselor education and supervision is so young, the possibilities for investigation appear limitless. First, establishing a clear understanding of the state of social justice advocacy training in counselor education and supervision programs is needed. Surveying current practices would not only shed light on how the field has embraced the charge to train counselors who are competent advocates, but also would provide perspective on the range of practices currently in use. This would include investigation of (a) strategies for promoting advocacy competence currently employed in counselor education and supervision programs overall, (b) theoretical approaches to counselor training for social justice advocacy, (c) exploring the efficacy of standalone courses on cultural competence and/or advocacy as compared to infusion of training throughout a curriculum, and (d) the state and practice of social justice within counselor education and supervision programs.

Further qualitative inquiry into the training experiences of counselor trainees and counselors would lend an important perspective to the knowledge base. Immediate foci may include desires for training, reflections on the process of developing critical consciousness and committing to social justice advocacy, critical incidents in training, and social justice needs within counselor education. Similarly, qualitative investigation of the experiences of counselor educators and supervisors who are charged with implementing training initiatives would bring additional perspective to the challenges and opportunities inherent in this endeavor. In addition, qualitative investigations of the clients and communities with whom service-learning initiatives are planned or conducted could be useful in assessing not only needs but also the impact of such projects and advocacy initiatives (Murray et al., 2010; Rasheed Ali et al., 2008).

Examination of the relationship between multicultural counseling competence and advocacy competence also is indicated as an area in need of exploration. Understanding this relationship could lead to economies in programming and more effective facilitation of student development, as suggested by current practices and understanding of the synergistic relationship between the two competencies (Hays et al., 2007; Manis 2008). In addition, further investigation into how best to assess competence in both areas of practice would be useful (Smith et al., 2006).

Finally, experimental research that assesses the efficacy of critically grounded pedagogical strategies in short- and long-term approaches would be helpful in assessing its ongoing utility in counselor education and supervision curricula, and in considering the question of efficacy of stand alone versus infusion approaches (Manis, 2008). This could be limited to specific strategies such as examination of dynamics of privilege and oppression, or expanded to testing full models or approaches as presented in the literature. And while there is promising evidence of the efficacy of critically grounded approaches for counselor education and supervision, this does not rule out the potential utility of investigating the efficacy of approaches grounded in other theories (Smith et al., 2006).

Conclusion

A review of the literature pointed to an appreciation of critical theories in grounding training for competent social justice advocacy. These approaches call upon counselor educators to attend to social justice across the curriculum and remain alert to their role in socializing counselor trainees as advocates. They also emphasize the importance of attending to the individual meaning-making of counselor trainees with respect to culture and dynamics of privilege and oppression. Lastly, they underscore the developmental nature of developing critical consciousness and the need to incorporate strategies that both instruct counselor trainees, and allow them to apply concepts in the field.

Adopting a critical pedagogical approach demands a high degree of investment from faculty and trainees. Counselor education and supervision practices are inherently reflective and experiential, and thus consonant with critical pedagogies. Critical approaches offer tremendous potential for enhancing the process and content of existing counselor education and supervision curricula so as to better meet the training needs of diverse students and ultimately the clients and communities they will serve.

The time to delve more deeply into transformational practices in our field is now (Ratts & Wood, 2011). It has been five years since Smith et al. (2006) heralded the end of the debate on multicultural education, validated its value in training and called for research to examine the efficacy of theoretically grounded pedagogical interventions in multicultural education. A review of the literature points to the efficacy of critical theory in social justice pedagogy. This offers a sound basis for incorporating critical pedagogical strategies now, while collective efforts to fully investigate the effectiveness of critical pedagogy are undertaken to advance the most efficacious training within the field of counselor education and supervision.

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Amie A. Manis, NCC, is a Core Faculty member in Counselor Education and Supervision at Capella University. The author acknowledges the contributions of colleagues at the University of Virginia, including Dr. Kathleen May, Dr. Sandra Lopez-Baez and Dr. Matthew J. Paylo in the development of this paper. Correspondence can be addressed to Amie A. Manis, 255 Forge Road, Lexington, VA 24450, amie.manis@capella.edu.