Body Image Ideals and Risk for Disordered Eating in Black American Women: A Scoping Review

Andie Chilson, Melissa Mecadon-Mann, Rebecca Gwira, Loidaly G. Rosario-Singer

This scoping review examines 12 years of research on body image ideals and eating disorder (ED) pathology in Black American women. The authors synthesized the aims, methods, and results of 10 studies to outline the specific body image ideals within this population and the relationships between these ideals and ED risk. The findings from this review provide important insights to inform counseling and integrated care approaches for working with Black American women struggling with body image and disordered eating. This study highlights the existing evidence on body image and EDs in this understudied population and points to critical directions for future investigation.

Keywords: body image ideals, eating disorders, Black American, women, counseling

     Body image as it relates to disordered eating has been a widely researched topic within the medical and psychology fields (Blostein et al., 2017; Brandsma et al., 2019; Jung & Forbes, 2012; Malachowski & Myers, 2013; Mölbert et al., 2018; Reslan & Saules, 2013). Researchers have explored racial and cultural differences in disordered eating pathology and identified specific body image ideals among racial and ethnic communities (Aldalur & Schooler, 2019; Capodilupo & Kim, 2014; Goel et al., 2021). Disordered eating research has primarily focused on Western European, White body image ideals. Therefore, a scoping review was warranted to achieve a comprehensive view of this underexamined topic. According to Arksey and O’Malley (2005), there are four commonly cited reasons to warrant a scoping review: to examine the extent and nature of existing research on a topic; to discern whether a full systematic review is necessary; to summarize and disseminate key findings; and to identify gaps in the existing literature. We have observed a dearth of research on the intersection of body image ideals and eating disorders (EDs) in Black American women and, therefore, endeavored to summarize and disseminate key findings and identify gaps in the existing literature.

     Research is limited on the most effective modalities to treat disordered eating in minoritized populations. Cognitive behavioral and dialectical behavioral therapy are among the most popular counseling treatments for disordered eating in clients who are striving for a thin body ideal (Federici et al., 2012; Fursland et al., 2012). However, the body image ideals for Black and African American women differ from their White, Asian, Latine, and Native American peers (Smith et al., 2020; Talleyrand, 2012). Therefore, counseling modalities centered around the thin ideal are not the best fit for Black and African American clients who present with EDs. For example, Labarta and Bendit (2024) suggested a relational–cultural approach to ED treatment that provides space for the decolonization of traditional treatment models. As such, this scoping review was driven by the following research question: What are the most common body image ideals (as they relate to body weight/shape) for Black women living in the United States and how does this impact their risk for/presentation of disordered eating?

Body Image Ideals in Black Women Living in the United States
     Studies have shown that Black women may feel less pressure to be thin than their White peers (Awad et al., 2020). Historically, the Black community has seen larger bodies as resilient, healthy, and a symbol of wealth. Awad et al. (2015) identified a thick/toned/curvy body shape as optimal for Black women. Some Black women exercise not to lose weight but to achieve a large backside and a small waist. However, when in a majority White community, the pressure to conform to the thin ideal is still present (Awad et al., 2015). In these instances, diet (or not eating at all) and exercise are emphasized.

     The ideal body shape for Black American women also includes acceptance of a larger body size, or what some call the curvy ideal (Boutté et al., 2022; Cotter et al., 2015; Gitau et al., 2014; Hunter et al., 2017; Parker et al., 2022; Scott, 2019). The curvy ideal, sometimes described as a Coke-bottle figure (Hunter et al., 2017), consists of a large bust, a small waist, and a large backside. It has been stated that because Black women have wider acceptance of a larger body size or the curvy ideal, they experience body dissatisfaction less than their White peers (Boutté et al., 2022). It is important to note that the curvy ideal is not necessarily more attainable or healthy than the thin ideal (Scott, 2019). The curvy ideal is also related to body dissatisfaction and can be associated with body monitoring or body checking (Shafran et al., 2003). Body checking, or continual monitoring of weight, waist size, and body measurements, can be a risk factor for developing bulimia nervosa (BN) and anorexia nervosa (AN; Shafran et al., 2003).

Eating Disorder Prevalence and Risk/Protective Factors in Black American Women
     The scope of the existing research on ED pathology in Black and African American individuals is extremely limited. The most recent comprehensive study examining the prevalence of EDs in Black Americans was conducted in 2007. The study found that binge eating disorder (BED) was the most common ED among Black adults, comprising 2.24% of participants, and AN was the least common, with 0.17% of adults meeting diagnostic criteria (Taylor et al., 2007). Although this study is extremely useful in providing a point of reference for the prevalence of eating pathology in Black Americans, updated research on the topic is needed.

     According to Cotter et al. (2015) and Hunter et al. (2017), Black women have similar rates of disordered eating to their White peers. Many Black women feel an expectation to be thin and/or fit into a specific body ideal; however, there is a lack of research specific to Black women and ED pathology. Additionally, the research that does exist is highly focused on body mass index (BMI) and obesity rates, which have been proven to be poor indices of physical health (Rasmussen, 2019) and fail to address the underlying cause(s) and risk factors of disordered eating in Black communities (Hunter et al., 2017). Black women are often categorized as overweight and/or diagnosed as obese while EDs are likely undiagnosed or underdiagnosed in this demographic (Boutté et al., 2022).

     Racial identity development can act as a protective factor against disordered eating (Capodilupo & Kim, 2014; Rakhkovskaya & Warren, 2014). Capodilupo and Kim (2014) found that identification with the majority culture leads to higher levels of disordered eating, while Black women who identify with Black culture have lower levels of body dissatisfaction. As one works through racial identity development, they tend to identify more with cultural norms and push away from the body ideals of White culture and influence. The Black community emphasizes beauty ideals beyond size and shape (attitude, self-confidence, hair; Rakhokovskaya & Warren, 2014). Therefore, rejecting White beauty ideals through racial identity development may protect some women from disordered eating behaviors.

Present Investigation
     This scoping review was inspired by a review published by Harris (2015), which explored three different strata of research on EDs in Black American women from 1980–2015. The first stratum of research discusses the clinical implications of the exclusion of Black women from ED research in the 1980s. Harris demonstrated that as ED presentations in Black women became increasingly recognized, the rate of treatment for Black women with EDs similarly increased. However, ED research and treatment at this time still largely centered around economically advantaged White women and the Eurocentric beauty ideals with which they aligned (Harris, 2015).

     The second stratum of research highlighted by Harris (2015) emphasizes an expanded definition of body image to include affective, psychological, and behavioral facets, thus creating a more nuanced and inclusive dialogue around the implications of body image concerns for Black women. This expanded definition of body image also opened up the conversation for cultural variables related to body image that could be precursors to EDs in Black women (Harris, 2015).

     The third and final stratum of research examined by Harris (2015) saw an increase of within-group studies of Black American women compared to the between-group studies with White and Black women that dominated ED literature up to that point. This stratum of research also identified strong ethnic identity as a protective factor against EDs in Black women, and low ethnic identity as a risk factor for BED and BN symptomatology (Harris, 2015). In the conclusion of the paper, Harris called for further investigation into risk factors associated with eating pathology in Black American women.

     The goal of the present investigation, therefore, is to bridge the gap between the findings of the Harris (2015) study and the existing body of research. We endeavored to accomplish this in three ways: first, identify the most common body image ideals for Black women living in the United States; second, identify what relationship (if any) exists between body image and disordered eating in Black women living in the United States; and third, identify implications for counselors based on the research findings of the first two objectives. The language “Black” and “African American” was utilized to capture as many ethnic identities as possible, including those that did not originate in the United States. When articles specified ethnic identities in their demographics, we indicated as such.

Methods

Author Positionality
     There were four authors for the present investigation. It is critical to acknowledge that the first and second authors, Andie Chilson and Melissa Mecadon-Mann, are White women who have learned, only as outsiders, about the intersecting experiences of body image challenges and eating disorders in Black American women. Chilson has benefited both directly and indirectly from systemic racism, particularly as it pertains to adherence to Eurocentric beauty ideals and the inherent protection provided in identity. She has extensive experience working with eating disorders and body image challenges in women from diverse racial backgrounds. The second author, Mecadon-Mann, identifies as a cisgender White American woman in a large body. She has experience working with adolescents and emerging adults with diverse ethnic backgrounds and varied body image ideals and disordered eating behaviors. The third author, Rebecca Gwira, identifies as a first-generation, cisgender, Black woman in a mid-sized to large body. She also has experience working clinically with diverse eating disorder patients across demographic characteristics and levels of care. Her research centers marginalized voices, specifically Black women’s eating and body image concerns and intersectional stress. The fourth author, Loidaly G. Rosario-Singer, identifies as a cisgender Puerto Rican woman; she has benefited from some aspects of Eurocentric body ideals because she has had a small to mid-sized body the majority of her life. She has experience working with multilingual children and families with a focus on health equity and reproductive justice.

Methodology
     The following research questions guided this scoping review:

RQ1:   What specific body ideals are most commonly endorsed by Black American women, and how do these ideals differ from or align with the thin ideal traditionally emphasized in ED research?

RQ2:   What (if any) relationship does the existing literature identify between culturally specific body image ideals and the manifestation of different types of disordered eating behaviors in Black American women?

RQ3:   Identify implications for counselors based on the research findings of the first two objectives.

     Our systematic search was conducted based on the guidelines put forth by the PRISMA extension for scoping reviews (PRISMA-ScR), a 22-item checklist aimed at helping readers develop a better understanding of the terminology and key concepts reported in scoping reviews (Tricco et al., 2018). The checklist was created by a panel of 24 expert members and two research leads and was informed by the published guidelines of the EQUATOR (Enhancing the QUAlity and Transparency Of Health Research) Network (Tricco et al., 2018). A five-step scoping review process was undertaken, including 1) identifying the research question and objectives; 2) defining the scope of the review; 3) selecting the records; 4) charting the data; and 5) summarizing the results. Inclusion and exclusion criteria were identified a priori and documented in a protocol.

Eligibility Criteria
     The eligibility criteria for inclusion were based on population (P)—Black American women; exposure (E)—body image ideals; and outcome (O)—disordered eating. To attempt to capture all relevant literature published after or around the time of Harris (2015), articles published in English between 2013 and 2025 were eligible for inclusion in this review. Sources examining a pediatric population (under 18 years) or research conducted outside of the United States were excluded from the review.

Information Sources
     Inclusion and exclusion criteria were established a priori with the assistance of a public health librarian at Western Carolina University. These criteria were used to develop a standard checklist for study eligibility for screening titles/abstracts and subsequently full-text sources. All stages of the screening process were conducted using Covidence, an online software tool used to organize records in the systematic or scoping review process and to blind the results between the researchers. Study selection was conducted independently by Chilson and Mecadon-Mann based on the preestablished checklist. All decisions were automatically recorded via Covidence. Conflicts between the authors were resolved through discussion. Records were identified through searching the following electronic databases: Academic Search Premier, Biological & Agricultural Index Plus (H.W. Wilson), Business Source Premier, Child Development & Adolescent Studies, CINAHL Plus with Full Text, Communication & Mass Media Complete, eBook Collection (EBSCOhost), Education Source, ERIC, Gender Studies Database, Health Source: Nursing/Academic Edition, MasterFILE Premier, MEDLINE Complete, Mental Measurements Yearbook with Tests in Print, Military & Government Collection, Philosopher’s Index, APA PsycArticles, APA PsycInfo, APA PsycTests, SocINDEX with Full Text, SPORTDiscus with Full Text, and Ebony Magazine Archive.

Search
     To achieve an extensive review on the topic, literature from the past 12 years was included in the search. Because of limitations with access to sources outside of Western Carolina University, reference mining was not conducted as part of the present study. The search strategy was created by a public health librarian at Western Carolina University in collaboration with Chilson. The search strategy was checked for comprehensiveness and errors against the PRESS Peer Review of Electronic Search Strategies Guidelines. The specific search terms utilized were as follows: (Black OR Blacks OR African American*) AND (female* OR woman* OR women* OR lady OR ladies* OR gyn* OR girl*) AND (“eating disorder*” OR “disordered eating” OR anore* OR “binge eating” OR bulimi* OR purging OR purgeing OR “restrictive eating” OR orthore* OR overeat* OR pica) AND (body OR personal) AND (image OR perception OR satisfaction OR dissatisfaction OR psychosocial OR societ*).

Data Charting Process
     A data extraction template in Covidence was used to record key characteristics and relevant information from eligible records, including study design, research purpose, study participants, and research findings/results. Chilson and Mecadon-Mann independently charted the data, discussed the results, and regularly updated the data extraction form in Covidence.

Data Items
     Chilson and Mecadon-Mann abstracted data on article characteristics (i.e., country of origin, publication date, language), sample characteristics (i.e., race, gender, and age), and constructs/outcomes examined (i.e., body image ideals and EDs). Gwira subsequently vetted all the extracted articles based on the same criteria.

Critical Appraisal of Individual Sources of Evidence
     An in-depth examination of the unique body image ideals held by Black women and their influence on the risk for EDs is lacking in the current literature. Therefore, we endeavored to explore the link between specific body image ideals of Black women and their correlation with EDs. We also aimed to identify the most common body image ideals for Black women living in the United States as an independent construct. Individual articles were screened for eligibility using the systematic review management tool, Covidence. Chilson and Mecadon-Mann independently screened the articles against inclusion/exclusion criteria, which were established a priori. We then screened articles at the abstract level for general relevance and subsequently conducted full-text screenings. Articles included in the full-text screening were assessed to determine if sources examined Black American women, specifically; examined body image ideals, specifically, or body image ideals as an independent variable and ED as a dependent variable; and examined an adult sample (18 years or older) from the United States. After reviewing at the full-text level to determine that Black American women, specifically, were examined, Chilson and Mecadon-Mann looked for language such as Black American, African American, Caribbean American, and Haitian American to encompass the full spectrum of Black American women. Also at the full-text level, we screened for clearly identified body image ideals, which required reference to a preferred size/shape of a specific body part (e.g., Coke-bottle waist; Hunter et al., 2017) or preferred shape of the body, generally (e.g., curvy ideal; Scott, 2019). If the intersection of an ED was present, Chilson and Mecadon-Mann screened for either general reference to ED (e.g., “ED pathology”; Siegfried, 2021) or specific reference to an ED diagnosis (e.g., anorexia and bulimia; Hunter et al., 2017). Gwira screened each source separately against the established inclusion/exclusion criteria and charted assessments in an Excel spreadsheet. Gwira and Rosario-Singer reviewed the manuscript for accuracy and offered feedback for Chilson and Mecadon-Mann’s consideration.

Synthesis of Results
     The synthesis included quantitative analyses (e.g., means, standard deviation) to summarize the characteristics of included records, body image ideals in Black women, and any ED intersection noted. The results are presented in both a table and a descriptive format that aligns with the review’s objectives of identifying the most common body image ideals for Black women living in the United States and identifying the relationship between body image and disordered eating in Black women living in the United States.

Results

     The record identification process is outlined in Figure 1. A total of 501 records were identified through the initial search process. After removing all duplicates (n = 301), the authors were left with 200 records for screening. Next, 107 records were excluded based on criteria such as examination of a pediatric population (under age 18), women outside of the United States, and a lack of focus on Black women. There were 93 records then screened for eligibility, 83 of which were excluded because of patient population, type of publication, and lack of access. This process resulted in 10 records selected for inclusion.

Figure 1

PRISMA Flow Diagram for Scoping Reviews

Note. Adapted from Page et al., 2021.

 

Characteristics of the Sources of Evidence
     Included records examined Black women living in the United States. One study (Bruns & Carter, 2015) also examined White women, and another study (Siegfried, 2021) examined Hispanic/Latina/x women in addition to Black women. Participant ages ranged from 18–73 years and there was no discernible trend in the age selection of the included records. Only one study specifically examined a sample of women 25 years and older (Talleyrand et al., 2016). The majority of records included the age range with mean/standard deviation, except two papers, which only reported the age range and not the mean/standard deviation (Bruns & Carter, 2015; Siegfried, 2021).

     Included study designs were qualitative research (n = 4), randomized controlled trial (n = 2), cross-sectional (n = 2), mixed methods (n = 1), and exploratory factor analysis (n = 1). The 10 included records presented data from sample sizes ranging from 11 to 232. Two studies (Awad et al., 2015; Hollier, 2019) were conducted with women enrolled in universities across the United States. One study (Talleyrand et al., 2016) was conducted in the greater Washington metropolitan area. The other seven studies did not specify where they were conducted within the United States.

     Four studies utilized focus group questions aimed at identifying common themes pertaining to beauty ideals specific to Black women. Two studies used the Eating Disorders Inventory – 3 (Garner, 2004) to determine specific body image ideals and assess for the presence of ED pathology. Two studies employed the Eating Attitudes Test – 26 (Garner et al., 1982) to measure disordered eating behaviors. Other instruments utilized in the included studies were the Contour Drawing Rating Scale (n = 2; M. A. Thompson & Gray, 1995), The Skin Color Satisfaction Scale (n = 1; Falconer & Neville, 2000), The Reese Figure Rating Scale (n = 2; Patt et al., 2002), the Rosenberg Self-Esteem Scale (n = 2; Rosenberg, 1965), Family Experiences Related to Food Questionnaire (n = 1; Kluck, 2008), Family Food Experiences-Black Questionnaire (n = 1; Hunter et al., 2017), Body Image Disturbance Questionnaire (n = 1; Cash et al., 2004), Visual Analog Scale- Body Satisfaction (n = 1; Heinberg & Thompson, 1995), The Curvy Ideal Silhouette Scale (n = 1; Scott, 2019), Curvy Ideal Questionnaire (n = 1; Scott, 2019), The Sociocultural Attitudes Towards Appearance Questionnaire—3rd Edition (n = 1; J. K. Thompson et al., 2004), The Sociocultural Attitudes Towards Appearance Questionnaire—4th Edition (n = 1; Schaefer et al., 2015), Objectified Body Consciousness Scale (n = 1; McKinley & Hyde, 1996), Body Shape Questionnaire (n = 2; Cooper et al., 1987), Eating Disorder Examination-Questionnaire (n = 1; Fairburn, 2008), and Gormally Binge Eating Scale (n = 1; Gormally et al., 1982).

Table 1

Results of Individual Sources of Evidence

Author(s), Publication Date Aim of Study Study Participants Study Design Body Image Ideals Eating Disorder Intersection
Awad et al., 2015 Examine the issues that arise pertaining to AA women’s conception of beauty and body image, identify body image themes, and identify the sources of the body image messages received and internalized. Female AA students enrolled in a large Southwestern university in the United States between the ages of 19–25 Qualitative research Thick/toned/curvy as optimal
(n = 33)
Yes
Bruns & Carter, 2015 Examine how model ethnicity and body shape impact body dissatisfaction. Women self-identifying as African American or Caucasian between the ages of 18–45 Randomized controlled trial Thin ideal and plus-sized ideal No
Capodilupo
& Kim, 2014
Explore how race and gender interact and inform body image ideals. Women between the ages of 21–35; identified as African American (n = 10), Black American (n = 4), Caribbean American (n = 4), and Haitian American (n = 2); six women did not specify their ethnicity Qualitative research Large breasts, shapely hips, and full backside No
Hollier, 2019 Examine body dissatisfaction and self-esteem factors that contribute to BEDs among Black female students. Black college women currently enrolled in a private or public university in the United States between the ages of 18–54. All participants self-identified as “Black,” but 3.2% of the participants identified as “other” and “multi-racial” under this umbrella Cross-
sectional
Thighs, breasts, waist/hip ratio Yes
Hunter et al., 2017 Explore family food experiences (FFEs) of AA women and develop a measure of FFEs related to disordered eating. Studies 1 & 3: AA women from two National Pan-Hellenic Council sororities at a Southeastern university; Study 4: AA women from across the United States younger than 25 Mixed methods “Boobs and booties” (Study 1) and “Coke-bottle figure” (Study 3) Yes
Author(s), Publication Date Aim of Study Study Participants Study Design Body Image Ideals Eating Disorder Intersection
Javier, 2017 Increase understanding of body image and eating behaviors in AA and Asian American women. Study 1: AA women between the ages of 18–30 who reported body image problems Qualitative research Curvy and thin ideals Yes
Scott, 2019 Examine the effect of exposing Black women to rap lyrics that promote the curvy ideal on their level of body image dissatisfaction. Black women between the ages of 18–34 who had access to audio output (e.g., headphones, speaker); all participants identified as AA, 2.1% also identified as American Indian/Alaska Native, and 4.2% also identified as White Randomized controlled trial Curvy ideal No
Siegfried, 2021 Increase understanding of the ways cultural values and pressure impact the development of EDs in Black and Latinx women in the United States. Black, Hispanic/Latina/x, and Afro-Latina/x women between the ages of 18–25 living in the United States; 125 participants (49.2%) identified as Black, 107 (42.1%) identified as Hispanic or Latina/x, and 22 women (8.7%) identified as Afro-Latina/x Cross-sectional Thin ideal Yes
Talleyrand et al., 2016 Explore the phenomena that impact body image ideals, eating behaviors, and appearance in AA women over the age of 25 who report body/weight concerns. AA/Black women in the greater Washington metropolitan area; seven women identified as African American, two identified as Black, and two identified as African American/Black. Qualitative research Thin, sculpted “ripped” arms, and “sistah girl” hips No
Wilfred & Lundgren, 2021 Assessing the psychometric properties and validity of a body image assessment
for Black women.
Women between the ages of 18–73 who identified as African American (73.4%), African (8.5%), Afro-Latina (3.5%), Caribbean (1.5%), Caribbean American (1.5%), other Black descent (3.0%), and multiple racial identities (8.5%) Exploratory factor analysis “Slim-thick,” thin, and muscular Yes

 

Main Study Outcomes
     The most salient findings of the current study were twofold: first, the identification of specific body ideals held by Black women living in the United States; and second, the identification of a relationship between specific body image ideals and the presence of ED behaviors in Black women living in the United States. The first predominant body image ideal identified was a thick/slim-thick/curvy ideal. The majority of the included records indicated a striving for the curvy ideal (i.e., large breasts, shapely hips, and large backside) as opposed to the more commonly cited thin ideal. Four studies identified specific body parts that were highlighted as part of the curvy ideal. For example, Hunter et al. (2017) discussed “boobs and booties” (p. 29) as two specific body parts on which Black women focused their attention when striving for the curvy ideal.

     Although the curvy ideal was the predominant body shape ideal that was identified in the included records, the influence of the thin ideal was also present. Five studies highlighted the influence of the thin ideal on their sample populations, either on its own or in conjunction with the curvy ideal (e.g., Bruns & Carter, 2015). The final body image ideal noted in the included records was the muscular/toned ideal. Both Talleyrand et al. (2016) and Wilfred and Lundgren (2021) identified being visibly fit, toned, or muscular as desirable qualities for Black women. Talleyrand et al. described the desirability of Michelle Obama’s “ripped” arms, stating that she was the ideal combination of curvy and healthy. Wilfred and Lundgren identified a similar muscular internalization, specifically regarding having a toned abdomen as a desirable physical trait for Black women.

     The second major finding was that the majority of included records reported a relationship between specific body image ideals and the presence of an ED. More specifically, six out of the 10 included records noted this positive relationship (see Table 1 for specific studies). Hunter et al. (2017) identified an increased risk for AN and BN among Black women in a sorority who idealized being curvy, but only in certain places. Additionally, Awad et al. (2015) described the relationship between experiencing discrimination and the presence of disordered eating behaviors. Both Awad et al. and Javier (2017) found that a disconnect between one’s cultural heritage and the ideals of the White dominant group often led to disordered eating behaviors. If one perceives that they are divergent from the ideals of the dominant group (i.e., the thin ideal), they are likely to engage in potentially harmful disordered eating patterns. Finally, Wilfred and Lundgren (2021) found that the experience of a double consciousness (i.e., the pressure to adhere to two separate cultural ideals) increased ED pathology, specifically BED, among Black women.

     Several of the included articles correlated variation in skin tone with positive/negative body image and ED pathology. Wilfred and Lundgren (2021) and Hollier (2019) noted that pressure to meet White body image ideals, including a fair complexion, increase the risk for ED behaviors, BED in particular. Similarly, Awad et al. (2015) determined that women who experienced discrimination stress, dissonance between the dominant culture and their culture of origin, or identification as a devalued group by the majority culture were at an increased risk for ED pathology. Awad et al. (2015) used the example of having a darker complexion to illustrate this, noting that if a woman was darker complected than her peers, and felt devalued because of it, she was more likely to engage in ED behaviors. Capodilupo and Kim (2014) discussed the influence of skin tone in a similar manner, asserting that women who are lighter complected are more likely to be desired by Black men and are more frequently and positively portrayed in the media, decreasing their risk for poor body image and ED behaviors.

     The authors also examined moderating factors such as level of education, profession, and socioeconomic status, and found that only one study (Siegfried, 2021) examined the relationship between education and body image/ED pathology and determined that there was no substantial correlation with any of the measures. However, significantly, Siegfried (2021) determined that higher income was highly correlated with lower levels of acculturative stress as well as lower levels of internalization of the thin ideal but noted that there was no predictive factor between income and ED pathology.

Discussion

     This scoping review centered around four objectives: first, to identify the most common body image ideals for Black women living in the United States; second, to identify what relationship (if any) exists between body image and disordered eating in Black women living in the United States; third, to bridge the gap between the findings of the Harris (2015) study and the current body of research; and fourth, to identify implications for counselors based on the research findings.

Common Body Image Ideals
     Although some Black women in the United States are driven by the thin ideal, many describe a thick, toned, or curvy body shape as ideal. Most of the examined studies identified the thin ideal in combination with the curvy ideal as most desirable among the examined population. For example, Wilfred and Lundgren (2021) identified a “slim-thick” figure, high muscularity, and thinness as the predominant body ideals for Black women. Only one study, Siegfried (2021), identified thinness alone as the predominant body ideal. It is notable, however, that 50% of the included records highlighted thinness as a prominent body ideal for Black women. Although it has previously been assumed (Bruch, 1966) that Black women did not value thinness, the present findings indicate that this is not the case. Although Black women overwhelmingly value thinness in conjunction with the curvy ideal, thinness alone is still emphasized as a desirable quality.

Black American Body Image and Disordered Eating
     Black women have lower rates of body dissatisfaction than their White peers but comparable rates of disordered eating. However, Black women have also been associated with disordered eating behaviors that center around culturally specific ideals or factors. For example, Siegfried (2021) described the positive relationship between acculturative stress and the internalization of the thin ideal, which then positively predicts an increased risk for ED pathology. Siegfried further identified a relationship between the internalization of the thin ideal and the development of BN, specifically.

     One of the overarching messages regarding the relationship between specific body image ideals and disordered eating in Black American women was that being discrepant from one’s identified cultural ideals was a significant risk factor for disordered eating behaviors (Awad et al., 2015; Hollier, 2019; and Javier, 2017). For example, if an individual strongly identifies with a culture that emphasizes the curvy ideal and they naturally have a curvy figure, they are less likely to engage in disordered eating behaviors to alter their body shape. If an individual with the same curvy figure has a low degree of cultural identity, or identifies more strongly with another culture that emphasizes the thin ideal, they would be at increased risk to engage in disordered eating behaviors. Additionally, women who feel pressured to conform to the body ideals of two cultures are at an increased risk for eating pathology. This experience is referred to as double consciousness (Du Bois, 1903), which in this context means being made to feel like one needs to adhere to the beauty ideals of both mainstream (White European) culture and Black culture.

Gaps in Existing Literature
     Although the included records identified general body image ideals that are emphasized by Black American women, there was a dearth in the existing literature surrounding specific ED diagnoses that are linked with certain body image ideals. In the present investigation, only three of the included records identified a specific diagnosis that is linked with certain body image ideals in Black American women. Therefore, future research is warranted surrounding specific ED diagnoses and the associated prevalence rates in this demographic. We also identified that many Black women perceive beauty through a wider lens than simply body shape/size, including elements such as skin tone, hair (length, style, neatness), self-esteem, and attitude. Further investigation into these ideals will deepen the conceptualization of beauty and attractiveness ideals in Black women living in the United States today. Finally, the authors also identified a gap in recent literature examining moderating factors such as level of education and profession that may serve as risk/protective factors for ED behaviors. Further investigation into these factors is warranted to broaden the conceptualization of ED presentations in Black women.

     Additionally, there is a gap in the current research surrounding disordered eating and body image ideals in Black LGBTQ+ women, specifically. The studies included in the present investigation either excluded discussion of sexuality entirely or conceptualized it in relation to the male gaze. Therefore, further research into the relationship between sexuality and body image ideals/disordered eating in Black American women is warranted. Another identified gap in the existing literature centers around the influence of the Black/White male gaze on Black women’s self-identified body ideals. More specifically, research is warranted surrounding whether there are different body image ideals for Black women who identify more closely with the body shape/size preferences of Black men compared to White men, and any eating pathology associated with these ideals.

Implications for Counseling and Integrated Care
     Traditionally, there has been a limited focus on Black women and ED behaviors outside of the thin ideal. Counselors and care providers must be aware of the culturally embedded protective factors (e.g., racial identity development) that can support healthy eating patterns as well as potential risk factors. It is common for Black women to have higher body weight and BMI, but this does not mean they are immune from disordered eating. It is important to explore how stress and trauma may affect restriction and eating patterns (Small & Fuller, 2021). Boutté et al. (2022) suggested that care providers utilize strengths-based interventions that are holistic rather than interventions focused solely on diet and exercise. It is important, also, to assess for disordered eating before making recommendations to lose weight or form a weight loss plan. Counselors and other helping professionals should consider the implications of skin tone when supporting Black women. As previously noted, darker complected women who exist in a dominant White culture may be at a higher risk for poor body image and ED behaviors (Awad et al., 2015; Capodilupo and Kim, 2014; and Wilfred and Lundgren, 2021). The influence of White, Eurocentric beauty standards on Black women of varying skin tones should be accounted for when conceptualizing treatment plans.

     Labarta and Bendit (2024) suggested the use of an integrated relational–cultural approach to ED treatment. Relational–cultural theory (RCT) is rooted in feminist and multicultural theory with a central goal of connection, mutuality, and relationship (Jordan, 2017). RCT approaches to ED treatment allow the care provider and client to work in mutuality, break down power differentials, and repair relationships with food and the body. This framework provides space for discussion and healing focused on racial and social marginalization and how it affects body dissatisfaction, thus building self-image and resilience and empowering clients to live authentically. Further, Labarta and Bendit suggested a self-compassion approach to help clients build knowledge and skills about self-compassion, common humanity, and mindfulness. These factors are helpful in building resilience and can serve as protective factors for people from marginalized communities.

     Lastly, care practitioners should be trained in holistic approaches and cultural humility (Matthews et al., 2021). One way practitioners can do this is through expanding care services into the communities where marginalized people live and work. For example, community outreach partnerships can be made with organizations that promote Black female health and wellness. Additionally, practitioners should read literature and attend professional development presented by Black women. One suggested book is Treating Black Women with Eating Disorders (Small & Fuller, 2021).

Strengths and Limitations

     This review outlines research spanning a 12-year timeframe, providing a bridge to the anchor article written by Harris (2015). Because of reasons outside of our control, there were a handful of articles that were inaccessible. Furthermore, because of these constraints, we did not conduct reference mining as part of the search strategy. These articles may have added to the findings of the present study. We utilized Covidence software to review articles and lessen the chance of reviewer bias. After consensus was reached between Chilson and Mecadon-Mann, Gwira and Rosario-Singer provided insight into the articles and cultural implications of the research. However, bias is still a possibility in identifying terms and phrases that allude to body image satisfaction or dissatisfaction. An additional limitation is that this review only examined cisgender women. Research examining body image ideals and eating disorder prevalence in individuals outside of the gender binary is needed. The most substantial limitation is the dearth of research specifically focused on body image and EDs in Black women. Therefore, the authors identified a need for ED research and practice publications specifically focused on treating Black women in the United States.

 

Conflict of Interest and Funding Disclosure
The authors reported no conflict of interest
or funding contributions for the development
of this manuscript.

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Andie Chilson, MS, LGPC, is a psychotherapist at Greenhouse Psychotherapy. Melissa Mecadon-Mann, PhD, NCC, LPC, LSC, is an assistant professor at Western Carolina University. Rebecca Gwira, PhD, is a clinical postdoctoral fellow at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill School of Medicine. Loidaly G. Rosario-Singer, PhD, NCC, LCMHC-A, is Founder and Mental Health Consultant of De Colores Family Wellness. Correspondence may be addressed to Andie Chilson, 1519 Connecticut Ave NW, Washington, DC 20036, andie@greenhousepsych.com.

Barriers to Seeking Counseling Among a National Sample of U.S. Physicians: The Revised Fit, Stigma, and Value Scale

Michael T. Kalkbrenner, Shannon Esparza

Physicians in the United States are a client population facing increased risks for mental distress coupled with a reticence to seek professional counseling. Screening tools with valid scores have utility for helping counselors understand why prospective client populations who might benefit from counseling avoid seeking services. The Revised Fit, Stigma, and Value (RFSV) Scale is a screener for measuring barriers to counseling. The primary aims of the present study were to validate RFSV scores with physicians in the United States and to investigate demographic differences in physicians’ RFSV scores. Results revealed that the RFSV Scale and its dimensionality were estimated sufficiently with a national sample of physicians (N = 437). Physicians’ RFSV scores were a significant predictor (p = .002, Nagelkerke R2 = .05) of peer-to-peer referrals to counseling. We also found that male physicians and physicians with help-seeking histories were more sensitive to barriers to counseling than female physicians and physicians without help-seeking histories, respectively. Recommendations for how counselors can use the RFSV Scale when working with physician clients are provided.

Keywords: Revised Fit, Stigma, and Value Scale; counseling; barriers to counseling; help-seeking; physicians

Because of the particularly stressful nature of their work, coupled with the pressure in medical culture to not display psychological vulnerability (Linzer et al., 2016), physicians in the United States must be vigilant about their self-care. Physicians are responsible for treating over 300 million patients in the United States, which can lead to elevated psychological distress that may undermine the quality of patient services and physicians’ personal well-being (Walker & Pine, 2018). Attending personal counseling is associated with a number of personal and professional benefits for physicians (Melnyk et al., 2020). However, a stigma toward seeking counseling and other mental health support services exists in the U.S. medical culture (Dyrbye et al., 2015). Lobelo and de Quevedo (2016) found that physicians are attending counseling at lower rates since 2000, with approximately 40%–70% attending counseling before the year 2000 and only 12%–40% after 2000. One of the next steps in this line of research is gaining a better understanding of barriers to counseling, including reasons why physicians are reluctant to attend.

Screening tools with valid scores are one way to understand why individuals are reticent to attend counseling (Goldman et al., 2018). For example, the Revised Fit, Stigma, and Value (RFSV) Scale is a screening tool with rigorously validated scores for measuring barriers to counseling (Kalkbrenner et al., 2019). Scores on the RFSV Scale have been validated with seven different normative samples since 2018, including adults in the United States (Kalkbrenner & Neukrug, 2018), mental health counselors (Kalkbrenner et al. 2019), counselors-in-training (Kalkbrenner & Neukrug, 2019), college students attending a Hispanic Serving Institution (HSI; Kalkbrenner et al., 2022), and STEM students (Kalkbrenner & Miceli 2022).

At the time of this writing, RFSV scores have not been validated with a normative sample of physicians. Validity evidence of test scores can fluctuate between normative samples (American Educational Research Association [AERA] et al., 2014; Lenz et al., 2022). Accordingly, counseling practitioners, researchers, and students have a responsibility to validate scores with untested populations before using the test in clinical practice or research (Lenz et al., 2022). Validating RFSV scores with a national sample of U.S. physicians may provide professional counselors with a clinically appropriate screening tool for ascertaining what barriers contribute to physicians’ reluctance to attend counseling services. Identifying barriers to counseling within this population may also promote efforts to increase physicians’ support-seeking behaviors (Mortali & Moutier, 2018).

Barriers to Counseling
     Counseling interventions provide physicians with protective factors such as promoting overall health and wellness (Major et al., 2021) and decreasing emotional exhaustion associated with burnout (Wiederhold et al., 2018). Despite these correlations, Kase et al. (2020) found that although 43% of a sample of U.S. pediatric physicians had access to professional counseling and support groups, only 17% utilized these services. Participants cited barriers to attending counseling, including inconvenience, time constraints, preference for handling mental health issues on their own, and perceiving mental health services as unhelpful.

A significant barrier contributing to U.S. physicians’ reticence to attend counseling is the influence of medical culture which reinforces physician self-neglect and pressure to maintain an image of invincibility (Shanafelt et al., 2019). This pressure can begin as early as medical school and may lead to a decreased likelihood of seeking counseling, as medical students who endorsed higher perceptions of public stigma within their workplace culture perceived counseling as less efficacious and considered depression a personal weakness (Wimsatt et al., 2015). An association of frailty with mental health diagnoses and treatment may be driven by incongruences in medical culture between espoused values and actual behaviors, such as teaching that self-care is important, yet practicing excessive hours, delaying in seeking preventive health care, and tolerating expectations of perfectionism (Shanafelt et al., 2019). Such hidden curricula may perpetuate the stigma of seeking mental health treatment, which is considered a primary driver of suicide in the health care workforce (American Hospital Association [AHA], 2022).

In addition to the barrier presented by medical culture, the stigmatization and negative impact on licensure of receiving a diagnosis also discourages physicians from seeking care (Mehta & Edwards, 2018). Almost 50% of a sample of female U.S. physicians believed that they met the criteria for a mental health diagnosis but had not sought treatment, citing reasons such as a belief that a diagnosis is embarrassing or shameful and fear of being reported to a medical licensing board (Gold et al., 2016). It is recommended best practice for state medical licensing boards to phrase initial and renewal licensure questions to only inquire about current mental health conditions, to ask only if the physician is impaired by these conditions, to allow for safe havens, and to use supportive language; yet in a review of all 50 states, the District of Columbia, and four U.S. territories, only three states’ or territories’ applications met all four conditions (Douglas et al., 2023). Thus, it is unsurprising that out of a sample of 5,829 U.S. physicians, nearly 40% indicated reluctance to seek formal care for a mental health condition because of licensure concerns (Dyrbye et al., 2017). The barriers of medical culture and its expectations, stigma, and diagnosis are consequential; further research is needed given the pressure physicians may experience to remain silent on these issues (Mehta & Edwards, 2018).

Demographic Differences
     A number of demographic variables are related to differences in physicians’ mental health and their attitudes about seeking counseling (Creager et al., 2019; Duarte et al., 2020). For example, demographic differences such as gender and ethnoracial identity can add complexity to physicians’ risk of negative mental health outcomes (Duarte et al., 2020). Sudol et al. (2021) found that female physicians were at higher risk of depersonalization and emotional exhaustion than male physicians, while physicians from racial/ethnic minority backgrounds were more likely to report burnout than White physicians. Gender identity can also affect help-seeking behavior, as female physicians are more likely than male physicians to utilize social and emotional supports and less likely to prefer handling mental health symptoms alone (Kase et al., 2020). Work setting is another demographic variable that is associated with physicians’ mental health wellness, as Creager et al. (2019) identified lower burnout and stress rates among physicians working in private practice than those working in non–private practice settings.

Help-seeking history has become a more frequently examined variable in counseling research, often categorized into two groups: (a) individuals who have attended at least one session of personal counseling or (b) those who have never sought counseling (Cheng et al., 2018). This demographic variable is especially important when evaluating the psychometric properties of screening tools for physicians, who encounter numerous obstacles to accessing counseling services. Help-seeking history is related to more positive attitudes about seeking counseling, as Kevern et al. (2023) found that 80% of a sample of U.S. resident physicians who attended mental health counseling reported their sessions increased their willingness to attend counseling. These collective findings suggest demographic variables such as gender, ethnoracial identity, work setting, and help-seeking history may impact physicians’ mental health and their sensitivity to barriers to attending counseling and thus warrant further investigation.

The Revised Fit, Stigma, and Value Scale
     Neukrug et al. (2017) developed and validated scores on the original 32-item Fit, Stigma, and Value (FSV) Scale with a sample of human service professionals in order to appraise barriers to attending personal counseling. The FSV subscales assess sensitivity to three potential barriers to counseling attendance, including fit, the extent to which a respondent trusts the counseling process; stigma, the feelings of shame or embarrassment associated with attending counseling; and value, the perceived benefit of being in counseling. Kalkbrenner et al. (2019) also developed and validated scores on a briefer 14-item version of the FSV Scale (the RFSV Scale), that contains the original three subscales. Additionally, Kalkbrenner and Neukrug (2019) identified a higher-order factor, the Global Barriers to Counseling Scale, which is the composite score of the RFSV’s Fit, Stigma, and Value single-order subscales.

Integrative Behavioral Health Care
     Mental health challenges and attitudes toward seeking support are shaped by both individual (microsystemic) and broader societal (macrosystemic) factors, making it impossible for a single discipline to address these issues (Lenz & Lemberger-Truelove, 2023; Pester et al., 2023). As a result, the counseling profession is increasingly adopting interdisciplinary collaboration models, in which mental health professionals work together to deliver holistic care to clients or patients. Emerging research highlights interventions aimed at reducing barriers to accessing counseling services (e.g., Lannin et al., 2019). However, the complex interplay of ecological factors influencing mental health distress and service utilization makes evaluating these interventions challenging. Accordingly, counselors and other members of interdisciplinary teams need screening tools with valid scores to help determine the effectiveness of such interventions.

The primary aims of the present study were to validate RFSV scores with a national sample of physicians in the United States and to investigate demographic differences in physicians’ RFSV scores. The validity and meaning of latent traits (i.e., RFSV scores) can differ between different normative samples (AERA, 2014; Lenz et al., 2022). RFSV scores have not been normed with physicians. Accordingly, testing for factorial invariance of RFSV scores is a pivotal next step in this line of research. In other words, the internal structure validity of RFSV scores must be confirmed with physicians before the scale can be used to measure the intended construct. Although a number of different forms of validity evidence of scores exists, internal structure validity is a crucial consideration when testing the psychometric properties of an inventory with a new normative sample (AERA, 2014; Lenz et al., 2022). If RFSV scores are validated with a national sample of U.S. physicians, counselors can use the scale to better understand why physicians, as a population, are reticent to seek counseling.

Pending at least acceptable validity evidence, we sought to investigate the capacity of physicians’ RFSV scores for predicting referrals to counseling and to examine demographic differences in RFSV scores. Results have the potential to offer professional counselors a screening tool for understanding why physicians might be reticent to seek counseling. Findings also have the potential to reveal subgroups of physicians who might be especially unlikely to access counseling services. To these ends, the following research questions (RQs) were posed:

RQ1.    What is the factorial invariance of scores on the RFSV Scale among a national sample of U.S. physicians?
RQ2.    Are U.S. physicians’ RFSV scores statistically significant predictors of making at least one referral to counseling?
RQ3.    Are there demographic differences to the RFSV barriers among U.S. physicians’ RFSV scores? 

Method

Participants and Procedures
     A quantitative cross-sectional psychometric research design was utilized to answer the research questions. The current study is part of a larger grant-funded project with an aim to promote health-based screening efforts and wellness among physicians. The aim of the previous study (Kalkbrenner et al., 2025) was to test the psychometric properties of three wellness-based screening tools with physicians. In the present study, we further analyzed the data in Kalkbrenner et al. (2025) to answer different research questions about a different scale (the RFSV Scale) on barriers to counseling. This data set was collected following approval from our IRB. Crowdsourcing is an increasingly common data collection strategy in counseling research with utility for accessing prospective participants on national and global levels (Mullen et al., 2021). Qualtrics Sample Services is a crowdsource solutions service with access to over 90 million prospective participants who voluntarily participate in survey research for monetary compensation. Grant funding was utilized to engage the services of a data collection agency to enlist a nationwide cohort of U.S. physicians. Qualtrics Sample Services was selected because they were the only crowdsource service we came across that could provide a sample of more than 400 licensed U.S. physicians. A sample greater than 400 was necessary for answering the first research question because 200 participants per group is the lower end of acceptable for multiple-group confirmatory factor analysis (MG-CFA; Meade & Kroustalis, 2006). Qualtrics Sample Services provided us with a program manager and a team of analysts who undertook a meticulous quality assessment of the data. This quality assessment involved filtering out respondents exhibiting excessive speed in responding, random response patterns, failed attention checks, and instances of implausible responses (e.g., individuals claiming to be 18 years old with an MD).

A total of N = 437 valid responses that met quality standards were obtained. An analysis of missing values indicated an absence of missing data. Examination of standardized z-scores and Mahalanobis (D) distances identified no univariate outliers (z > ± 3.29) and no multivariate outliers, respectively. Skewness and kurtosis values for physicians’ scores on the RFSV Scale were within the range indicative of a normal distribution of test scores (skewness < ± 2 and kurtosis < ± 7). Participants in the sample (N = 437) ranged in age from 25 to 85 (M = 47.80, SD = 11.74); see Table 1 for the demographic profile of the sample.

Table 1

Demographic Profile of the Sample (N = 437)

Sample Characteristics n %
Gender
Male 217 49.7
Female 215 49.2
Transgender 1 0.2
Nonbinary 1 0.2
Preferred not to answer 3 0.7
Ethnoracial Identity
American Indian or Alaska Native 1 0.2
Asian or Asian American 28 6.4
Black or African American 76 17.4
Hispanic, Latinx, or Spanish origin 97 22.2
Middle Eastern or North African 6 1.4
Multiethnic 6 1.4
White or European American 216 49.4
Identified as another race, ethnicity, or origin 1 0.2
Preferred not to answer 4 0.9
Help-Seeking History
No help-seeking history 228 52.2
Help-seeking history 208 47.6
Work Setting
Private practice 202 46.2
Non–private practice 233 53.3
Did not report work setting 2 0.5


Measures
     Prospective participants voluntarily indicated their informed consent and confirmed that they met the eligibility criteria for participation, including being a physician licensed as an MD, treating patients in the United States, and being over 18 years old at the time of data collection. Participants then responded to a demographic questionnaire and completed the RFSV Scale. 

The RFSV Scale
     The RFSV Scale is a screening tool designed to measure respondents’ sensitivity to barriers to attending counseling (Kalkbrenner et al., 2019) and is comprised of three subscales. Participants respond to a stem (“I am less likely to attend counseling because . . . ”) on the following Likert scale: 1 = Strongly Disagree, 2 = Disagree, 3 = Neither Agree nor Disagree, 4 = Agree, or 5 = Strongly Agree. Higher scores indicate greater reluctance to seek counseling. The Fit subscale measures the degree to which a respondent believes that the counseling process is congruent with their personality, values, or beliefs (e.g. “I couldn’t find a counselor who would understand me”). The Stigma subscale measures one’s reluctance to attend counseling because of shame or embarrassment (e.g. “It would damage my reputation”). The Value subscale appraises the degree to which a respondent perceives the effort required to attend counseling as beneficial (e.g. “It is not an effective use of my time”).

Kalkbrenner et al. (2019) found moderate to strong reliability evidence of scores on the RFSV subscales (Fit α = .82, Stigma α = .91, Value α = .78) and support for the internal structure validity of the RFSV through factor analysis. Additionally, Kalkbrenner and Neukrug (2018) demonstrated evidence of internal structure validity of RFSV scores through confirmatory factor analysis (CFA). Moreover, Kalkbrenner et al. (2022) found internal structure validity and criterion validity evidence of RFSV scores. More specifically, Kalkbrenner et al. (2022) found internal structure validity evidence of RFSV scores via CFA with a normative sample of STEM students. In addition, Kalkbrenner et al. (2022) found that STEM students’ scores on the Value barrier were a statistically significant predictor of a non-test criterion (referrals to the counseling center), which supported criterion validity of RFSV scores.

Cronbach’s alpha (α) and McDonald’s omega (ω) were calculated to estimate the reliability of physicians’ scores on the RFSV Scale. Consistent with the Responsibilities of Users of Standardized Tests (RUST-4E) standards, we computed confidence intervals (CIs) for each point reliability estimate (Lenz et al., 2022). All CIs were estimated at the 95% level. The following interpretive guidelines for internal consistency reliability evidence of test scores were used: α > .70 (Tavakol & Dennick, 2011) and ω > .65 (Nájera Catalán, 2019). Among the sample of physicians in the present study, scores on the Fit subscale showed acceptable internal consistency reliability of scores (α = .819, 95% CI [.789, .846]; ω = .827, 95% CI [.799, .851]). Scores on the Stigma subscale displayed acceptable-to-strong internal consistency reliability evidence of scores (α = .896, 95% CI [.877, .912]; ω =. 902, 95% CI [.885, .918]). Physicians’ scores on the Value subscale displayed acceptable internal consistency reliability of scores (α = .817, 95% CI [.781, .848]; ω =.820, 95% CI [.783, .850]). Finally, we found strong internal consistency reliability estimates of scores on the Global Barriers scale (α = .902, 95% CI [.885, .915]; ω = .897, 95% CI [.887, .911]).

Data Analytic Plan
     MG-CFA is an advanced psychometric analysis for determining the extent to which the meaning of latent constructs remain stable across subgroups of a sample (Dimitrov, 2012). MG-CFA is particularly sensitive to sample size (Meade & Kroustalis, 2006). A number of guidelines for MG-CFA sample size exist; however, at least 200 participants per each level of every invariance variable tends to be the minimum. To ensure that the present sample included 200+ participants in each group (see Table 2), the gender identity and ethnoracial identity variables were coded as female or male and White or non-White, respectively, for sample size considerations. This method of dummy coding highlights a frequent sample size–based challenge encountered in survey research, particularly in the context of assessing gender or ethnoracial identity (Ross et al., 2020). However, this coding method can be appropriate for survey research provided that the authors openly acknowledge the limitations inherent in such procedures, and that there is at least some degree of consistency between the dummy-coded groups and both the existing literature and the research questions (Ross et al., 2020). The coded groups are consistent with the literature and RQs, as findings in the extant literature (e.g., Duarte et al., 2022) demonstrated mental health care disparities between White and non-White and between male and female physicians. There are macro- and microlevel inequalities in the U.S. health care system between White and non-White populations (Matthew, 2015). Using the comparative method between participants with White and non-White ethnoracial identifies can have utility for highlighting the discrepancies in the U.S. health care system (Matthew, 2015; Ross et al., 2020). The limitations of this statistical aggregation procedure in terms of external validity will be articulated in the Discussion section.

Table 2

Multiple-Group Confirmatory Factor Analysis: RFSV Scale With U.S. Physicians

Invariance Forms CFI ∆CFI RMSEA ∆RMSEA RMSEA CIs SRMR ∆SRMR Model Comparison
Ethnoracial Identity: White (n = 216) vs. Non-White (n = 215)
Configural .934 .057 .049; .064 .070
Metric .933 .001 .055 .002 .048; .063 .070  < .001 Configural
Scalar .928 .005 .055 < .001 .048; .062 .071 .001 Metric
Gender Identity: Female (n = 215) vs. Male (n = 217)
Configural .936 .056 .048; .063 .060
Metric .935 .001 .055 .001 .047; .062 .066 .006 Configural
Scalar .921 .014 .057 .002 .051; .064 .067 .001 Metric
Help-Seeking History: Yes (n = 208) vs. No (n = 228)
Configural .921 .062 .055; .070 .080
Metric .921 < .001 .061 .001 .053; .068 .080 < .001 Configural
Scalar .906 .015 .063 .001 .057; .070 .079  .001 Metric
Work Setting: Private Practice (n = 202) vs. Non-Private Practice (n = 233)
Configural .942 .053 .045; .061 .062
Metric .937 .005 .054 .001 .046; .061 .075 .013 Configural
Scalar .936 .001 .052 .002 .044; .059 .075 < .001 Metric

 

We computed an MG-CFA to test the factorial invariance of U.S. physicians’ RFSV scores (RQ1). All statistical analyses were computed in IBM SPSS AMOS version 29 with a maximum likelihood estimation method. The fit of the baseline configural models was compared to the following cutoff scores: root mean square error of approximation (RMSEA < .08 = acceptable fit and < .06 = strong fit), standardized root mean square residual (SRMR < .08 = acceptable fit and < .06 = strong fit), and the comparative fit index (CFI, .90 to .95 = acceptable fit and > .95 = strong fit (Dimitrov, 2012; Schreiber et al., 2006). Pending at least acceptable fit of the baseline models, we used the following guidelines for factorial invariance testing: < ∆ 0.010 in the CFI, < ∆ 0.015 in the RMSEA, and < ∆ 0.030 in the SRMR for metric invariance or < ∆ 0.015 in SRMR for scalar invariance (Chen, 2007; Cheung & Rensvold, 2002).

A binary logistic regression analysis was computed to investigate the predictive capacity of physicians’ RFSV scores (RQ2). The predictor variables included physicians’ interval level scores on the RFSV Scale. The criterion variable was whether or not physicians have made at least one referral to counseling (0 = no or 1 = yes). Interscale corrections between the RFSV scales ranged from r = .44 to r = .55, indicating that multicollinearity was not present in the data.

A 2 (gender) X 2 (ethnicity) X 2 (work setting) X 2 (help-seeking history) factorial multivariate analysis of variance (MANOVA) was computed to investigate differences in physicians’ RFSV scores (RQ3). The categorical level independent variables (IVs) included gender (female or male), ethnoracial identity (White or non-White), help-seeking history (yes or no), and work setting (private practice or non–private practice). The dependent variables (DVs) were physicians’ interval level scores on the RFSV Scale. Box’s M test demonstrated that the assumption of equity of covariance matrices was met, F = (90, 73455.60) = 86.28, p = .719.

Results  

Factorial Invariance Testing
     An MG-CFA was computed to answer the first research question regarding the factorial invariance of U.S. physicians’ scores on the RFSV Scale. First, the baseline configural models were investigated for fit. We then tested for invariance, as the baseline models showed acceptable fit based on the previously cited guidelines provided by Dimitrov (2012) and Schreiber et al. (2006), including gender identity (CFI = .936, RMSEA = .056, 90% CI [.048, .063], and SRMR = .060), ethnoracial identity (CFI = .934, RMSEA = .057, 90% CI [.049, .064], and SRMR = .070), help-seeking history (CFI = .921, RMSEA = .062, 90% CI [.055, .070], and SRMR = .080), and work setting (CFI = .942, RMSEA = .053, 90% CI [.045, .061], and SRMR = .062).

In terms of invariance, all of the fit indices (∆CFI, ∆RMSEA, and ∆SRMR) supported both metric and scalar invariance of scores for ethnoracial identity and work setting (see Table 2). For the gender identity and help-seeking history variables, the ∆RMSEA and ∆SRMR supported both metric and scalar invariance of scores. The ∆CFI supported metric but not scalar invariance of scores for the help-seeking history and gender identity variables. Demonstrating invariance can be deemed acceptable solely based on metric invariance (Dimitrov, 2010). This is particularly true when only a single fit index, such as the CFI, confirms metric invariance but not scalar invariance of scores.

Logistic Regression
     A logistic regression analysis was computed to answer the second research question regarding the predictive capacity of physicians’ RFSV scores. The logistic regression model was statistically significant, X2 (3) = 15.36, p = .002, Nagelkerke R2 = .05. The odds ratios, Exp(B), demonstrated that an increase of one unit in physicians’ scores on the Stigma subscale (higher scores = higher barriers to counseling) was associated with a decrease in the odds of having made at least one referral to counseling by a factor of .711, Exp(B) 95% CI [.517, .947], p = .036. In addition, an increase of one unit in physicians’ scores on the Value subscale was associated with a decrease in the odds of having made at least one referral to counseling by a factor of .707, Exp(B) 95% CI [.508, .984], p = .040.

Factorial MANOVA
     A 2 (gender) X 2 (ethnicity) X 2 (work setting) X 2 (help-seeking history) factorial MANOVA was computed to investigate differences in physicians’ RFSV scores (RQ3). A significant main effect emerged for gender on the combined DVs, F = (3, 409) = 6.50, p < .001, Λ = 0.95,  n2p = .05. The statistically significant findings in the MANOVA were followed up with post-hoc discriminant analyses. The discriminant function significantly discriminated between groups, λ = 0.94, X2 = 25.07, df = 3, Canonical correlation = .29, p < .001. The correlations between the latent factors and discriminant functions showed that Fit (−1.17) loaded more strongly on the function than Stigma (0.68) and Value (0.62), suggesting that Fit contributed the most to group separation in gender identity. The mean discriminant score on the function for male physicians was 0.24 and the mean score for female physicians was −0.25 (higher scores = greater barriers to counseling).

A significant main effect emerged for help-seeking history on the combined DVs, F = (3, 409) = 4.57, p = .004, Λ = 0.95,  n2p = .03. The post-hoc discriminant function significantly discriminated between groups, Wilks λ = 0.96, X2 = 19.61, df = 3, Canonical correlation = .21, p < .001. The correlations between the latent factors and discriminant functions showed that Value (1.03) loaded more strongly on the function than Stigma (0.28) and Fit (0.26), suggesting Value contributed the most to group separation in help-seeking history. The mean discriminant score on the function for physicians with a help-seeking history was −0.23 and the mean score was 0.21 for physicians without a help-seeking history.

Discussion

The aims of the present study were to: validate RFSV scores with a national sample of physicians in the United States, investigate the capacity of RFSV scores for predicting physician referrals to counseling, and investigate demographic differences in physicians’ RFSV scores. The findings will be discussed in accordance with the RQs. The model fit estimates for each of the baseline configural models were all in the acceptable range based on the recommendations of Dimitrov (2012) and Schreiber et al. (2006; see Table 2). The acceptable fit of the configural models supported that the RFSV Scale and its dimensionality were estimated adequately with a normative sample of physicians. RFSV scores have been normed with seven different normative samples since 2018, including adults in the United States (Kalkbrenner & Neukrug, 2018), mental health counselors (Kalkbrenner et al., 2019), counselors-in-training (Kalkbrenner & Neukrug, 2019), college students at an HSI (Kalkbrenner et al., 2022), and STEM students (Kalkbrenner & Miceli, 2022). The baseline CFA results in the present study extend the generalizability of RFSV scores to a normative sample of physicians in the United States. Because we found support for the baseline configural models, we proceeded to test for invariance of scores.

Invariance testing via MG-CFA takes internal structure validity testing to a higher level by revealing if the meaning of a latent trait stays consistent (i.e., invariant) between specific groups of a normative sample (Dimitrov, 2012). The results of factorial invariance testing were particularly strong and evidenced both metric and scalar invariance of RFSV scores for the ethnoracial identity and work setting variables. The ∆ in RMSEA and SRMR also supported both metric and scalar invariance for the help-seeking history and gender identity variables. The ∆ in CFI revealed metric, but not scalar invariance of scores for the help-seeking history and gender identity variables. Metric invariance alone can be sufficient for demonstrating invariance of scores across a latent trait (Dimitrov, 2010). This is particularly true when only a single fit index, such as the CFI, supports metric invariance but not scalar invariance of scores. In totality, the MG-CFA results supported invariance of physicians’ RFSV scores by ethnoracial identity, work setting, and, to a lesser but acceptable degree, help-seeking history and gender identity.

The MG-CFA results demonstrated that RFSV scores were valid among a national sample of U.S. physicians (RQ1). This finding adds rigor to the results of RQs 2 and 3 on predictive and demographic differences in physicians’ RFSV scores, as the scale was appropriately calibrated with a new normative sample. A test of the predictive capacity of RFSV scores revealed that physicians’ scores on the Stigma and Value subscales were statistically significant predictors of having made one or more referrals to counseling (RQ2). In other words, lower levels of stigma and higher attributions to the value of counseling were associated with higher odds of physicians making one or more referrals to counseling at a statistically significant level. This finding is consistent with Kalkbrenner and Miceli (2022), who found that scores on the Value subscale were predictors of referrals to counseling among STEM students. Similarly, Kalkbrenner et al. (2022) found that scores on the Value subscale predicted supportive responses to encountering a peer in mental distress among college students attending an HSI. Collectively, the findings of the present study are consistent with past investigators (e.g., Kalkbrenner et al., 2022) who found that more positive attitudes about counseling tend to predict increases in the odds of having made one or more peer referrals to counseling.

The final aim of the present study was to test for demographic differences in physicians’ sensitivity to the RFSV barriers (RQ3). We found statistically significant main effects for the gender identity and help-seeking history variables. Results revealed that male physicians were more sensitive to the Fit barrier than female physicians. This finding suggests that physicians who identify as male might be more skeptical about the counseling process in general and may doubt their chances of finding a counselor they feel comfortable with. This finding adds to the extant literature on physicians’ mental health and attitudes about seeking counseling. Past investigators (e.g., Sudol et al., 2021) documented female physicians’ increased risk for mental health stress when compared to male physicians. The findings of the present study showed that male physicians were more sensitive to the Fit barrier than female physicians. Accordingly, it is possible that female physicians are more likely to report symptoms of and seek support services for mental health issues than male physicians. This might be due, in part, to differences between male and female physicians’ beliefs about the fit of counseling. Future research is needed to test this possible explanation for this finding.

We found that physicians with a help-seeking history (i.e., attended one or more counseling sessions in the past) were less sensitive to the Value barrier when compared to physicians without a help-seeking history. Similarly, past investigators found associations between help-seeking history and more positive attitudes about the value and benefits of seeking counseling, including among STEM students (Kalkbrenner & Miceli 2022), college students at an HSI (Kalkbrenner et al., 2022), and adults living in the United States (Kalkbrenner & Neukrug, 2018). Collectively, the results of the present study are consistent with these existing findings, which suggest that physicians and members of other populations with help-seeking histories tend to attribute more value toward the anticipated benefits of counseling.

Limitations and Future Research
     We recommend that readers consider the limitations of the present study before the implications for practice. Causal attributions cannot be drawn from a cross-sectional survey research design. Future researchers can build upon this line of research by testing the RFSV barriers using an experimental approach. Such research could involve administering the scale to physician clients before and after their counseling sessions. Such an approach might yield evidence on how counseling reduces sensitivity to certain barriers. However, it is important to note that pretest/posttest approaches can come with a number of limitations, including attrition, regression to the mean, history, and maturation.

Dummy coding the sociodemographic variables into broader categories to ensure adequate sample sizes for MG-CFA was a particularly challenging decision, especially for the ethnoracial identity variable. Although this statistical aggregation procedure can be useful for making broad and tentative generalizations about ethnicity and other variables (Ross et al., 2020), it limited our ability to explore potential differences in the meaning of the RFSV barriers among physicians with identities beyond White or non-White, and male or female. Future research with a more diverse sample by gender and ethnoracial identity is recommended.

Implications for Practice
     The findings from this study provide robust psychometric evidence that supports the dimensionality of U.S. physicians’ scores on the RFSV Scale and carries important implications for counseling professionals. The National Board for Certified Counselors (NBCC; 2023) emphasizes the use of screening tools with valid scores as a means of improving clinical practice. Additionally, ethical guidelines for counselors stress the importance of ensuring that the screening tools that they utilize offer valid and reliable scores, derived from representative client samples, to uphold their effectiveness and proper application (AERA, 2014; Lenz et al., 2022; NBCC, 2023). Mental health issues and attitudes about utilizing mental health support services are influenced by microsystemic and macrosystemic factors (Lenz & Lemberger-Truelove, 2023; Pester et al., 2023). To this end, implications for practice will be discussed on both microsystemic and macrosystemic levels.

The practicality of the RFSV Scale adds to its utility, as it is free to use, simple to score, and typically takes between 5 and 8 minutes to complete. Identifying barriers or doubts that physician clients have about counseling during the intake process might help increase physician client retention. To these ends, counselors can include the RFSV Scale with intake paperwork for physician clients. Counselors can use the results as one way to gather information about doubts that their physician clients might have about attending counseling. Suppose, for example, that a physician client scores higher on the Fit subscale (higher scores = higher barriers to counseling) than the Stigma or Value subscales. It might be helpful for the counselor and client to discuss how they can make the counseling process a good fit (i.e., how and in what ways the counseling process can be congruent with their personality, values, or beliefs). Increasing physician clients’ buy-in regarding the counseling process may increase retention.

Counselors could also administer the RFSV Scale at the beginning, middle, and end of the counseling process when working with clients who are physicians or medical students. Results might reveal the utility of counseling for reducing barriers to counseling among clients who are physicians or medical students. Our results revealed that physicians with help-seeking histories perceived greater value about the benefits of counseling than physicians without help-seeking histories. Mental health support services provided by counselor education students can be a helpful resource for medical students and residents (Gerwe et al., 2017). Accordingly, there may be utility in counselor education programs collaborating with medical colleges and schools to address stigma around seeking counseling that can exist in the medical field. This broader perspective is consistent with the ecological systems direction that the counseling profession spearheaded (Lenz & Lemberger-Truelove, 2023; Pester et al., 2023) and could help address stigma toward seeking counseling before medical students become physicians. More specifically, directors and clinical coordinators of counseling programs can reach out to directors of medical schools to establish collaborative relationships in which counseling interns provide supervised counseling services to medical students and residents. This might have dual benefits because medical schools would be able to offer their students free mental health support services and counseling programs would provide additional internship sites for their students. Early intervention before students become physicians could reduce stigma toward counseling throughout their careers.

Time constraints can be a barrier to counseling among physicians, residents, and medical students (Gerwe et al., 2017; Kase et al., 2020). Accordingly, it could be beneficial for counseling students who are interested in working with medical students or residents to complete their internship placements in the same settings where medical students and residents work. In all likelihood, providing supervised group and individual counseling for medical students at their work sites would increase the accessibility of counseling.

The counseling profession is moving toward interdisciplinary collaboration models that involve teams of mental health professionals working together to provide comprehensive client/patient care (Lenz & Lemberger-Truelove, 2023; Pester et al., 2023). Interventions designed to reduce barriers to counseling are only beginning to appear in the extant literature (e.g., Lannin et al., 2019). The ecological systemic nature of mental health distress and influences on attitudes about accessing mental health support services makes evaluating the utility of reducing barriers to counseling interventions complex. To address this, counselors and interdisciplinary teams need screening tools with reliable and valid scores in order to effectively assess the impact of these interventions.

The results of CFA and MG-CFA in the present study confirmed that the RFSV Scale measured the intended construct of measurement with a national sample of U.S. physicians (RQ1). Thus, the RFSV Scale may have utility as a pretest/posttest for measuring the effectiveness of interventions geared toward reducing barriers to counseling. The extant literature on interventions for reducing barriers to counseling is in its infancy. Lannin et al. (2019) started to fill this gap in the knowledge base by conducting an intervention study with random assignment. Lannin et al. (2019) tested the extent to which contemplation about seeking counseling and self-affirmation were related to seeking mental health screening and general information about mental health support services. Results revealed that participants who used both self-affirming personal values and contemplation were significantly more likely to seek mental health screening and general information about mental health than participants in the contemplation-only group. In addition, participants in the contemplation about seeking counseling group only reported higher self-stigma. Findings indicated that interventions including both contemplation and self-affirmation of participants’ personal values were more likely to increase receptivity to outreach efforts.

Lannin et al. (2019) sampled undergraduate students attending a historically Black college/university. Lannin et al.’s (2019) intervention might have utility with physicians. However, to the best of our knowledge, the screening tools used by Lannin et al. have not been validated with U.S. physicians. Accordingly, professional counselors can use the RFSV Scale as one way to measure potential reductions in barriers to seeking counseling before and after participating in interventions geared toward promoting help-seeking among physicians. Fully developing an intervention that reduces barriers to counseling is beyond the scope of this study. Although future research is needed in this area, the results of this study confirmed that the RFSV Scale measured the intended construct of measurement with a national sample of U.S. physicians. Accordingly, professional counselors can use the RFSV Scale to better understand why prospective or current physician clients are reluctant to seek counseling. For example, professional counselors can work with medical supervisors and the directors of physician residency programs to administer the RFSV Scale at orientations for new physician employees and medical residents. The results could reveal specific barriers that are particularly salient in a given medical setting. Professional counselors can use the results to structure psychoeducation sessions about the utility of counseling for physicians. Suppose, for example, that physicians in a particular setting score higher on the Stigma subscale. A counselor can structure the content of the psychoeducation session on reducing stigma toward counseling. Specifically, the session could involve reframing seeking counseling in the context of the courage it takes for one to reach out to a counselor and the benefits associated with participating in counseling. These sessions may also help strengthen interpersonal bonds among physicians and begin to normalize mental health support within the medical community.

Consistent with the findings of Kalkbrenner and Miceli (2022), we found that lower scores on the Value subscale (lower scores = greater perceived benefits of counseling) was a statistically significant predictor of higher odds of participants having made one or more peer referrals to counseling. This finding, combined with the extant literature on physicians’ vulnerability to mental health distress and reticence to seek counseling (Lobelo & de Quevedo, 2016; Walker & Pine, 2018), suggested that peer-to-peer support may be a valuable resource for counselors who work in medical settings. In other words, we found that greater perceived value of the benefits of counseling was a statistically significant predictor of an increase in the odds of physicians recommending counseling to another physician. Accordingly, professional counselors who work in medical settings are encouraged to organize peer-to-peer support networks among physicians within their work setting. For example, professional counselors can work to promote physicians’ awareness of the value of attending professional counseling, particularly for reducing burnout, grieving the loss of a patient, coping with the demanding work life of physicians, and increasing general health (Major et al., 2021; Trivate et al., 2019; Wiederhold et al., 2018). Our results revealed that when compared to female physicians, male physicians scored higher on the Fit subscale (higher RFSV scores = poorer attitudes about counseling) and physicians with a help-seeking history scored higher on the Value subscale than those without help-seeking histories. To this end, there may be utility in focusing outreach sessions about the benefits of counseling to male physicians. For example, professional counselors could produce short videos, flyers, or other types of media on the benefits that attending counseling can have for physicians. These media sources can be shared with physicians. Such awareness advocacy about the benefits of counseling may result in an increase of peer-to-peer referrals to counseling among physicians.

Summary and Conclusion
     Physicians in the United States face increased risks for mental distress and often hesitate to seek professional counseling (Lobelo & de Quevedo, 2016; Walker & Pine, 2018). Screening tools with validated scores are essential resources for helping professional counselors to understand why potential clients avoid seeking counseling services. The RFSV Scale measures barriers to counseling. This study aimed to validate RFSV scores among U.S. physicians and investigated demographic differences in their scores. Results indicated that the RFSV Scale and its dimensions were adequately estimated with a national sample of physicians in the United States. Physicians’ RFSV scores significantly predicted peer-to-peer counseling referrals. We identified demographic differences in sensitivity to barriers to counseling based on gender identity and help-seeking history. Physicians who self-identified as male and those without help-seeking histories were more sensitive to barriers to counseling than female physicians or physicians with help-seeking histories, respectively. At this phase of development, professional counselors can use the RFSV Scale as a tool for understanding barriers to seeking counseling among physicians.


Conflict of Interest and Funding Disclosure
The authors reported no conflict of interest
or funding contributions for the development
of this manuscript.

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Kalkbrenner, M. T., Neukrug, E. S., & Griffith, S.-A. M. (2019). Appraising counselors’ attendance in counseling: The validation and application of the Revised Fit, Stigma, and Value Scale. Journal of Mental Health Counseling, 41(1), 21–35. https://doi.org/10.17744/mehc.41.1.03

Kalkbrenner, M. T., Sun, H., & Peterson, S. (2025). Psychometric evaluation of wellness-based screeners: National sample of U.S. physicians. Journal of Mental Health Counseling, 47(1), 74–94. https://doi.org/10.1080/07481756.2024.2441135

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Michael T. Kalkbrenner, PhD, NCC, is a full professor at New Mexico State University. Shannon Esparza, BA, is a graduate student at New Mexico State University. Correspondence may be addressed to Michael T. Kalkbrenner, Department of Counseling and Educational Psychology, New Mexico State University, Las Cruces, NM 88003, mkalk001@nmsu.edu.

Lifetime Achievement in Counseling Series: An Interview with Barbara Herlihy

Wendi L. Ferrell, Joshua D. Smith, Neal D. Gray

Each year TPC presents an interview with an influential veteran in counseling as part of its Lifetime Achievement in Counseling series. This year, Dr. Barbara Herlihy shared insights from her decades-long commitment to the professionalization of counseling and the evolution of the profession’s ethical standards. Dr. Herlihy’s scholarship and service have had a profound effect on how counseling ethics are taught, applied, and revised to remain relevant in an ever-evolving world. In this interview, she connects counselors’ professional ethical obligations to the advancement of social justice and the internationalization of the profession. We are grateful for Dr. Herlihy’s contributions to our profession and for the wisdom that she shared in this interview.
—J. Richelle Joe, Editor

     Barbara Herlihy, PhD, NCC, is Professor Emerita in the counselor education program in the College of Education and Human Development at the University of New Orleans. She is a Fellow of the American Counseling Association and is a recipient of the Chi Sigma Iota Thomas J. Sweeney Professional Leadership Award, the SACES Courtland Lee Social Justice Award, and the ACES Distinguished Mentor Award.

A prolific writer, she is co-author (with Dr. Gerald Corey) of the ACA Ethical Standards Casebook and (with Dr. Theodore Remley) of Ethical, Legal, and Professional Issues in Counseling, and co-editor (with Dr. Cassie Storlie) of Counseling Leaders & Advocates. She has authored or co-authored over 100 journal articles and book chapters, primarily on ethics, social justice, and feminist therapy. She serves as Associate Editor for Ethics for Counseling and Values. She has served twice as Chair of the ACA Ethics Committee, and she currently serves as Chair of the ACA Ethics Appeals Committee. In recent years, she has become passionate about furthering the globalization of the counseling profession and has presented seminars and workshops across the United States and in other countries. She currently serves as Co-Director of Global Issues for the International Institute for the Advancement of Counseling Theory.

1. Can you provide more details about your experience as Chair of the ACA Ethics Appeal Committee? What were your key responsibilities, and how did the committee operate in addressing ethical issues in the counseling profession? What drew you to the field of counseling ethics, and what makes this area so meaningful to you, both personally and professionally?

Looking back, I realize I’ve been engaged consistently with the ACA Code of Ethics in some way for several decades now. I’ve served on the ACA Ethics Committee, the ACA Ethics Appeal Committee, and on Ethics Code Revision task forces; co-authored (first with Larry Golden and then with Gerald Corey) the most recent four editions of the ACA Ethical Standards Casebook; and presented on various ethical issues at numerous professional conferences. With this constant engagement, one might think that I can recite the Code of Ethics from memory. No, not even close! However, I do have a feel for how the Code has evolved over the decades to continue to meet the needs of counselors in a constantly changing and increasingly complex world of practice.

That constant evolution is a major reason why ethics has remained interesting and meaningful to me over the years. Opportunities are constantly being created to ponder new and intriguing ethical dilemmas. I’m routinely challenged to refine how I teach ethics to help students develop finely honed ethical reasoning skills, to research and write about ethical issues as they emerge, and to serve the counseling profession through membership on committees and task forces.

Of all the committees on which I have served, I would say that the ACA Ethics Committee and the Ethics Appeal Committee are the most challenging. Ethics and Ethics Appeals Committee members are charged with reviewing all the evidence provided in a complaint or an appeal and then rendering a judgment. If a counselor is found to be in violation of one or more ethical standards, then the appropriate consequence (which can be anything from a recommendation to change a particular practice to permanent expulsion from ACA) must be chosen and applied. Because counselors are trained to be nonjudgmental and because we gravitate toward forgiveness and compassion rather than imposing punishments, the entire process can be very uncomfortable. In my experience, the ACA members who take on these committee assignments take them very seriously and are keenly aware that their decisions can be consequential. Thankfully, these committees typically have only a very small number of complaints to adjudicate over the course of a year. Formal complaints of ethical violations against counselors are rare, considering the thousands of ACA members who are in practice at any given time, and appeals are even more uncommon. This speaks to the integrity of the practitioners of our profession!

2. Given the current climate, ethical concerns are becoming even more pressing. What are your thoughts on the tension between personal and professional values, and how counselors can uphold ethical standards while respecting cultural diversity and individual client autonomy?

Conflicts between personal and professional values is an issue that jumped into bold relief about 15 years ago as a result of two court cases, Ward v. Wilbanks (2010, 2012) and Keeton v. Augusta State University (2011), in which students were dismissed from their master’s programs in counseling after they refused to counsel clients regarding the clients’ same-sex affectional relationships. The students argued that these relationships were not acceptable according to their religious beliefs. These cases spawned considerable discussion about values conflicts in counseling. Counselor educators grappled with how to best teach students to set aside, or “bracket,” their personal values when entering a counseling session. A body of professional literature developed around managing conflicts between personal and professional values and around the ethical decision-making process when values conflicts exist.

The difficulties associated with counseling clients whose values differ from those of the counselor re-emerged during the run-up to the 2024 presidential election, a time when it seemed that most Americans had such strong political feelings that they found it difficult if not impossible to really hear each other’s viewpoints. Again, counselors struggled when clients expressed views with which the counselors strongly disagreed. Although the specific values-laden issues were different from those that emerged around the students who were dismissed from their training programs, counselors sometimes struggled to set aside their personal values so they could be fully present for their clients. To me, it seems inevitable that in our diverse culture, these issues will continue to emerge. Our work as counselors will be challenged by values conflicts, and I believe we will need to remain vigilant to our own experiences, and work to identify both our explicit and implicit biases so that we can continue to honor and respect our clients without judging their personal value systems. We are a richly diverse society, and as I’ve been saying for many years, multicultural competence and ethical practice go hand in hand—neither one can exist without the other.

3. Given your extensive knowledge and experience in counseling, how do you maintain your motivation and enthusiasm for your work, especially during difficult periods? What aspects of counseling resonate most with you, and are there any particular initiatives or methods that you’re currently excited about?

I have been blessed with the incredibly good fortune of working in what is, for me, the perfect profession. Knowing that as a counselor I may have touched some lives in meaningful ways, and that as a counselor educator I’ve had the privilege of mentoring young professionals who went on to make significant contributions, has been more than enough to maintain my motivation and enthusiasm. Seeking out my own counselor whenever I hit a rough spot on my own personal journey has also sustained me.

Ethics, multicultural competence, social justice, and feminist therapy have been consistent themes throughout my work. At this point in my journey, I am also passionate about the internationalization of counseling. I hope to help find ways to extend helping and healing, whether or not the process is formally called “counseling,” to serve marginalized communities across the globe. I’m also intrigued by the broad spectrum of counseling theory, and how we can connect it more directly to effective practice, particularly with culturally diverse client populations in the United States and internationally.

4. Would you take a moment and share your thoughts on the internationalization of counseling—specifically, how counseling practices are expanding across borders and adapting to different cultural contexts? What are the challenges and benefits of these cross-cultural exchanges, and how does the profession develop effective practice across diverse populations?

One of the exciting projects in which I am currently involved is a “world mapping” initiative, sponsored by the International Institute for the Advancement of Counseling Theory and spearheaded by Dr. Ed Neukrug of Old Dominion University. Along with Dr. Courtland C. Lee, I co-chair the Global Subgroup that is engaged in the mapping project. This year we are exploring South America; our incredible graduate assistant, Kacey Bunting, is presently conducting interviews with leaders who engage in and teach counseling/helping/healing in South American countries. (We refer broadly to “counseling/helping/healing” as many countries don’t have formal counseling professions.) As we analyze Kacey’s interviews, we hope to learn about approaches that are unique to these countries and the extent to which and how Euro-American theories and practices are being adapted. We’re eager to see what we can learn about mental health and the helping process in other countries. Of course, many challenges exist, including language barriers and lack of contact information that would enable us to identify and connect with key people. However, the anticipated benefits far outweigh the challenges. In addition to helping counselors and counseling students improve their “global citizenship,” an attribute that Dr. Lee has emphasized in his writings, this project should provide us with a wealth of information that can be used to improve our counseling practices here in the United States, particularly with culturally diverse clients.

5. How have you seen the counseling profession evolve over the years? What changes, either positive or negative, have you observed?

Over my several decades as a counselor and counselor educator, I have witnessed incredible changes in our profession. I think these changes are reflected in the ways that the ACA Code of Ethics has evolved since it was first published in 1961. The original contained no section on technology, of course, but it also made no mention of diversity or multicultural competence. Early versions made what seem now to be rather simplistic statements like “dual relationships should be avoided.” Over the years, the code has been revised periodically to reflect a constantly changing and increasingly complex world of practice.

Overall, I think the most significant change in a positive direction has been the increased professionalization of counseling. Hard-won battles have resulted in the achievement of counselor licensure in all 50 states, the establishment of training standards, and the inclusion of counselors in diverse work settings like the military, inpatient and outpatient mental health facilities, and business and industry.

6. Looking ahead, what do you envision for the future of counseling, and what do you see as potential challenges or boundaries that might delay progress or limit growth in the profession? How do your relationships with counseling associations and organizations influence or shape the evolution of your practice, and do you see any potential challenges or support coming from these affiliations?

The counseling profession in the United States is, inevitably, a microcosm of our society. I am concerned that relationships among our professional associations seem to be divisive in some ways, and that right now our profession does not seem to speak with one voice to our public. My hope is that we will be able to focus on our common purpose and use our united voice to help ensure that social justice issues have a prominent position in our politics, our lives, and our work. Professional associations such as ACA and NBCC have been instrumental in my own professional development, and they continue to be a source of support. I am honored to have had opportunities to give back, in small measure, what I have received, through service to professional associations. If I may end with a word to early-career counselors and counselor educators—those service opportunities exist for you, as well. I hope you will get involved!

This concludes the 10th interview for the annual Lifetime Achievement in Counseling Series. TPC is grateful to Wendi L. Ferrell, Joshua D. Smith, and Neal D. Gray for providing this interview. Wendi L. Ferrell is a graduate candidate at the University of Mount Olive. Joshua D. Smith, PhD, NCC, LCMHC, is an assistant professor at the University of Mount Olive. Neal D. Gray, PhD, LCMHC-S, is a professor at Lenoir-Rhyne University. Correspondence can be emailed to Joshua Smith at jsmith@umo.edu.

Shifting Paradigms: Exploring Multicultural Approaches to Psychedelic-Assisted Therapy in Counseling

Brittany L. Prioleau, Shama Panjwani

The integration of diverse and multicultural perspectives in psychedelic-assisted therapy represents an important element within this emerging field. As the therapeutic potential of psychedelics continues to capture the attention of mental health professionals, it is essential to underscore the critical significance of considering the diverse cultural backgrounds, belief systems, and systemic influences and barriers of individuals engaging in these therapies. This article explores the importance of embracing a multicultural and social justice lens within psychedelic-assisted therapy that examines the movement through a historical sociopolitical lens. It reviews the integration of social justice and advocacy into potential treatment, highlighting how psychedelic-assisted therapy has the potential to enhance effectiveness, accessibility, and ethical foundations within the counseling profession.

Keywords: psychedelic-assisted therapy, multicultural, social justice, advocacy, counseling

     Psychedelics are substances that alter states of consciousness (Nichols & Walter, 2021). This classification consists of substances derived from roots and plants, including cacti and fungi-like plants as well as synthetic substances that can affect perception. The association of psychedelics with the counterculture of the 60s and 70s created a stigma around usage and thwarted clinical research (Byock, 2018). However, in recent years, psychedelics have reemerged as a breakthrough therapeutic treatment modality for a variety of mental health disorders (Byock, 2018). The emergence of psychedelic-assisted therapy (PAT) and the results of clinical trials demonstrate significant improvements in treatment-resistant depression, increased psychological well-being, and overall long-lasting positive outcomes (Carhart-Harris et al., 2017; Davis et al., 2021; Mitchell et al., 2023; Ross et al., 2016). It is important to recognize the role that counselors and counselor educators will play in embracing diverse and multicultural aspects within the evolving and emerging field of PAT. Many communities of color face disproportionately high rates of mental health challenges because of a number of factors, including access to culturally competent treatment (Viña, 2024). PAT has the potential to address these disparities, but it can only do so effectively when treatment providers are cognizant of systemic barriers that may impact their clients. It is also important to recognize the influences of culture such as aspects of spirituality and the lived experiences from diverse and Indigenous perspectives within psychedelic therapeutic spaces. Psychedelic medicine use has a rich history in traditional cultures (Celidwen et al., 2023). However, the current psychedelic movement, including the research, predominantly represents Western perspectives, while leaders from Indigenous and diverse communities remain absent (Celidwen et al., 2023; George et al., 2020).

Within the current psychedelic science space, the voices and work of Indigenous communities, racial/ethnic minorities, and other historically marginalized populations often go unnoticed (George et al., 2020). Currently, much of psychedelic research excludes voices and perspectives of diverse populations, including those of women and ethnically diverse groups, in both research and practice. These groups must be acknowledged to ensure that they benefit from these novel approaches.

The diverse perspectives and cultural backgrounds of both counselors and their clients are important. In this article, we explore an array of multicultural considerations and address the importance of adopting a multicultural lens in the training and practice of counselors and counselor educators within the context of PAT. We aim to provide insights into and a comprehensive examination of the potential benefits, ethical considerations, and multicultural perspectives related to the potential integration of psychedelic training into counselor education and supervision. We also explore the urgent need for a culturally sensitive and inclusive approach within PAT, with a focus on areas such as cultural appropriation, legalization/criminalization, potential barriers to access, diversity in training, and research and future implications. Acknowledgment of multicultural perspectives in psychedelic therapy presents opportunities toward greater inclusivity and equity while expanding upon traditional healing approaches. Adopting this approach can enhance the efficacy and ethical foundation of these treatments within diverse communities.

Multicultural Considerations in Psychedelic-Assisted Therapy

Psychedelic substances have deep historical and cultural roots in many Indigenous and other traditional practices worldwide (K. Williams et al., 2022). Many Indigenous groups express concern over the cultural appropriation of psychedelics by Western medicine (Celidwen et al., 2023). Understanding the cultural meanings, rituals, and beliefs surrounding traditional plant medicine and psychedelic use can help counselors provide culturally competent care and avoid appropriating or misinterpreting these practices. Therefore, it is important that mental health professionals and educators approach PAT with sensitivity and awareness of diverse cultural perspectives. These considerations align with the American Counseling Association’s (ACA) Social Justice Competencies by encompassing and explaining the cultural contexts of psychedelic use, respecting traditional healing practices, and promoting inclusivity while ensuring equitable access to treatment (Ratts et al., 2016).

Disparities in Psychedelic Research
     Current research demonstrates that PAT is emerging as a promising therapeutic approach by offering potentially transformative treatments for a range of mental health–related issues. Early PAT researchers conducted controlled trials that demonstrated the safety and efficacy of psilocybin-assisted therapy in the context of end-of-life distress and cancer-related anxiety, depression, and addiction (Griffiths et al., 2006). The trial showed psilocybin-assisted therapy improved psychological well-being and reduced symptoms of anxiety and depression (Griffiths et al., 2016). In addition, controlled studies conducted in recent years have provided compelling evidence of the potential efficacy of psychedelics in treating mental health disorders, such as treatment-resistant depression, post-traumatic stress disorder, and substance use disorders (Bogenschutz et al., 2015; Mitchell et al., 2023).

The recent clinical trials pertaining to PAT offer great promise and beneficial impacts to mental health and well-being. However, these trials historically have limited the inclusion of Black, Indigenous, and people of color (BIPOC) and other marginalized populations (Michaels et al., 2018; K. Williams et al., 2022; M. T. Williams et al., 2020). For example, a study examining recent PAT clinical trials reported 85% of the participants identified as non-Hispanic White and 5% or less of the participants identified as people of color (Michaels et al., 2018). The lack of participation in the research may be due to factors such as historical mistrust (e.g., trauma linked to medical experimentation), lack of cultural sensitivity, accessibility, stigma and discrimination (e.g., legal ramifications), and non-inclusive recruitment strategies (George et al., 2020; Michaels et al., 2018; Thrul & Garcia-Romeu, 2021; K. Williams et al., 2022). Furthermore, in the most recent phase-2 MDMA trial, only 9.5% of the participants identified as being ethnically diverse (Mithoefer et al., 2011). Subsequently the sample from the phase-3 trial showed improvement toward diverse sampling (Mitchell et al., 2023). In a study examining ketamine-assisted therapy, researchers reported that all clinicians in the trial identified as White, while 89% of the participants also identified as White (Herzberg & Butler 2019). This data has important implications for current and future studies, as current results may not be as generalizable to the greater population (Michaels et al., 2018). Even with the increase and interest in psychedelic-related research, the recruitment and inclusion of diverse populations is lagging. Because researchers have primarily conducted empirical research in psychedelic medicine with a majority of White male participants, there is a lack of knowledge about the impact of PAT on minoritized populations (Viña, 2024). The absence of diverse ethnic and minority population representation may hinder the advancement of PAT. Inclusion of diverse groups may offer the opportunity to customize treatment approaches that may be better suited to people of color.

Cultural Impacts of Legalization
     The contexts of sociopolitical landscapes contribute to societal resistance and stigma around psychedelic therapy (Curtis et al., 2020; Hearn et al., 2022). The demonization of psychedelics in the media as well as government campaigns like the war on drugs not only contributed to the stigmatization of these substances and the perception that their use was inherently dangerous, but also fueled fears of a societal impact (Beckett et al., 2006; Sessa, 2016). This resistance can manifest both within counseling communities and the broader cultural context. Additionally, navigating the legal and regulatory challenges associated with multicultural psychedelic therapy adds layers of complexity to its integration into mainstream mental health practice (Marks & Cohen, 2021). The nature of the legalization and criminalization of psychedelic substances has led to hesitancy and resistance among both researchers and mental health professionals (Curtis et al., 2020; Hearn et al., 2022). Resistance to the integration of psychedelic therapy within counseling communities is often rooted in historical narratives, ethical concerns, and misconceptions associated with use (Smith et al., 2022). Many clinicians may fear the legal consequences, professional repercussions, and social stigma surrounding PAT. These impacts may discourage many educators and clinicians from exploring the therapeutic potential of these substances. This could perpetuate a lack of knowledge and formal training within counselor education, leaving educators and clinicians ill-equipped to integrate psychedelics into education and practice. Addressing this resistance requires comprehensive education initiatives within counseling programs. Educators and professional organizations must foster an open dialogue that provides accurate information about the therapeutic potential of psychedelics.

Some jurisdictions have begun to reconsider their approach through a growing recognition of the need for a more evidence-based and compassionate approach to drug policy. States like Oregon and cities like Denver, Colorado, have decriminalized the use of psychedelics (Siegel et al., 2023). The reevaluation of criminalization has opened doors for advancement in scientific research, leading to a resurgence of interest in therapeutic applications (Smith et al., 2022). Moreover, criminalization may limit access to PAT for individuals and communities that may benefit most from these treatments (Devenot et al., 2022). The illegal status of psychedelics presents challenges for patients to find qualified professionals who can provide these therapies legally and safely. Furthermore, the lack of access creates barriers for individuals to explore alternative and potentially transformative treatments for conditions that may be unresponsive to conventional approaches (Smith et al., 2022). Dismantling decades of stigma and overcoming criminalization will require continued advocacy from the counseling profession and mental health field.

Presently, ketamine stands as the only available legal substance that is often classified as psychedelic treatment in the United States. Ongoing research and evolving regulatory landscapes may pave the way for more legal options in the future (Dore et al., 2019). Although most psychedelics remain Schedule I controlled substances, making them illegal for recreational or therapeutic use, practitioners have legally used ketamine to treat treatment-resistant depression. Medical professionals have administered the drug under supervision in various clinical settings, offering hope to individuals who have not responded to conventional antidepressant therapies (Dore et al., 2019; Marks & Cohen, 2021). In the past, the legal classification of psychedelics as Schedule I substances, coupled with strict regulations, have made it challenging for researchers to obtain the necessary approvals and resources to conduct studies. However, researchers have put forth guidelines for testing psychedelics (Johnson et al., 2008). Although more federally funded clinical trials have emerged to highlight the benefits of PAT in recent years, underground use of the substances in community, therapeutic, and spiritual contexts has disproportionately impacted diverse and Indigenous communities (Williams et al., 2022). Furthermore, even with evidence of potential benefits of PAT, state and federal regulatory guidelines create barriers for the use of psychedelics in treatment (Byock, 2018).

Impacts of Criminalization
     The current sociopolitical climate and the overcriminalization of drug use continue to further stigmatize communities of color (Ching, 2019). Almost half of incarcerated individuals are in prison because of drug-related offenses (Buehler & Kluckow, 2024). Black men are imprisoned at a 5.7% higher rate than their White counterparts for similar convictions (Buehler & Kluckow, 2024). Racial disparities among drug arrests continue to persist. Because of these factors, people of color may feel less safe from a legal standpoint and may display more hesitancy to explore psychedelic-related therapeutics (George et al., 2020). People from historically marginalized communities may also be resistant to the use of psychedelics and PAT because of these implications (Ching, 2019). Additionally, psychedelic medicine has been underutilized to treat issues such as race-based trauma within communities of color. A study conducted by M. T. Williams et al. (2021) found a significant reduction in anxiety and depressive symptoms in participants who utilized psychedelics for the treatment of race-based trauma. However, if clinicians are not properly trained and do not understand the mechanics of racism, they can add to their clients’ trauma (Smith et al., 2022). In addition, researchers have argued that the current psychedelic-assisted model of therapy does not properly train counselors to treat BIPOC populations (Smith et al., 2022).

On a broader cultural level, because stigma surrounding psychedelic use persists, it often hinders individuals from diverse backgrounds from considering or openly discussing PAT (George et al., 2020). This stigma is rooted in societal misconceptions, fears, and historical prejudices; it may also include mistrust of the practitioners engaging in this mode of therapy (Smith et al., 2022). Addressing this stigma requires collaborative efforts between mental health professionals and community leaders. Public awareness campaigns that are culturally sensitive as well as education programs and community engagement initiatives can be utilized to challenge stereotypes and misinformation. These efforts should not only emphasize the potential benefits but also any associated risks of PAT. These efforts can assist in the destigmatization of PAT and validate its use as a legitimate therapeutic modality. Without legal access to psychedelic-assisted therapeutic modalities, historically marginalized populations remain vulnerable to criminalization. Advocacy efforts should focus on disseminating information geared toward acknowledging past drug policy harm and the potential for psychedelic healing. Addressing these barriers through advocacy and policy are essential to ensuring equitable access.

Ethical Considerations

The historical use of these substances for spiritual, cultural, and personal purposes challenges the notion of gatekeeping and medicalization. Therefore, ethical considerations extend beyond therapeutic settings to also encompass the possible recreational use of psychedelics (Pilecki et al., 2021). Gatekeepers who limit access to these substances raise questions about equity and personal autonomy. At the same time, there is a risk of overly medicalizing psychedelics, which may strip away the rich cultural and spiritual heritage that has been integral to their use.

Cultural Appropriation and the Commodification of Psychedelic Experiences
     Incorporating diverse and multicultural perspectives into the framework of PAT presents ethical challenges, particularly concerning the risk of cultural appropriation. Cultural appropriation refers to the adoption or use of elements from one culture by individuals or groups, often from a more dominant culture, without understanding, respect, or permission (Sue et al., 2022). Issues may arise in the context of PAT when people appropriate cultural practices or substances with deep historical or spiritual significance. One of the primary ethical considerations revolves around the respect for Indigenous knowledge and practices. Indigenous cultures have utilized psychedelic substances in their spiritual and healing rituals for centuries, and the current psychedelic movement faces challenges with the cultural and historical appropriation of these traditional healing methods (George et al., 2020). The appropriation of these practices without the involvement, permission, or benefit of Indigenous communities raises substantial questions about cultural exploitation and ethical responsibility. For example, the financial exploitation of plant medicines, without direct benefit to Indigenous peoples, could lead to unsustainable extraction of plant medicines, making them unavailable for communal use (Celidwen et al., 2023).

Indigenous and other cultures from around the world have long-standing traditions of working with psychedelic substances for spiritual and therapeutic purposes (Field, 2022). Many Indigenous cultures position the aspect of spirit as an integral component of healing and understanding (Field, 2022). The exploration and use of psychedelics in therapeutic contexts must confront the ethical challenges associated with cultural appropriation and the commodification of psychedelic experiences, which may exclude aspects of spiritual influences. Some may argue that in many Western-based PAT options, there is often an absence or underrepresentation of the integration of spiritual or transcendental aspects (K. Williams et al., 2022). Studies have shown that participants who undergo PAT, such as psilocybin-based therapy, highly correlate mystical or spiritual experiences with treatment (Reif et al., 2020). Although these treatments primarily focus on the clinical and therapeutic benefits of psychedelics, they may sometimes overlook the profound spiritual or mystical experiences that these substances can induce (Griffiths et al., 2006). The subjective nature of spirituality and the hesitance to incorporate it into scientific and clinical models that seek measurement of experiences as validation methods may be contributing factors (Sessa, 2016; K. Williams et al., 2022). However, for many individuals, the spiritual dimension of their psychedelic experiences is deeply meaningful and transformative (Griffiths et al., 2006). Recognizing the spiritual aspects and the potential for personal growth, healing, and enhanced well-being is important in order to offer a comprehensive and holistic approach to psychedelic therapy. This approach respects the diverse ways in which some individuals find meaning and make connections through these experiences.

Medicalization and Decolonization
     The historical exploitation of Indigenous practices, including the appropriation of sacred rituals, also encompasses commercialization of psychedelic substances (Devenot et al., 2022). Because of a number of promising studies, many companies and entities are positioned to profit from the therapeutic potential of psychedelic medicines by seeking to patent psychedelic substances (Marks & Cohen, 2021). Marks and Cohen (2021) argued that this may allow a small number of companies to act as gatekeepers, further restricting access to these emerging therapies. However, many marginalized groups, including Indigenous populations, do not receive these benefits (George et al., 2020; K. Williams et al., 2022). By not acknowledging the cultural roots of classic psychedelics, the colonization and appropriation of these practices may result in the erasure and exploitation of Indigenous knowledge and traditions (K. Williams et al., 2022). Mental health professionals engaging with psychedelic therapy must critically examine and address these concerns to ensure ethical and respectful practices.

As a profession, counselors must ensure that the voices of all cultures, including those who have stewarded plant medicines for millennia, are not lost and that advocacy becomes part of the PAT framework in order to create a more equitable future for all. Counselors should approach these practices with humility, respect, and a commitment to cultural preservation. PAT must acknowledge and address power dynamics, particularly in the context of historical and ongoing debate concerning the use of psychedelic substances. The Multicultural and Social Justice Counseling Competencies provide a guide for praxis to address these issues (Ratts et al., 2016). The current focus on medicalization and profit can overshadow the cultural, spiritual, and therapeutic significance of psychedelic experiences (Devenot et al., 2022; Schwarz-Plaschg, 2022). Furthermore, medicalization attempts to position Western approaches to Indigenous practices as the only legitimate way to utilize these substances may lead to restrictions and regulation of access (Schwarz-Plaschg, 2022). Mental health professionals need to recognize the impact of colonialism on Indigenous practices and the potential for appropriation of psychedelic plant medicines (Sessa, 2016). Educators and practitioners should actively work to dismantle power imbalances by engaging in ethical collaborations to promote the inclusion and empowerment of historically marginalized communities.

The Role of Counseling in Advocacy, Access, and Equity

PAT shows promise for addressing major facets of mental health disparities, particularly among vulnerable and underserved communities (Thrul & Garcia-Romeu, 2021). These communities often face higher rates of mental health–related issues, including trauma, depression, anxiety, and substance abuse, and they could potentially benefit significantly from these innovative therapies (Thrul & Garcia-Romeu, 2021). Counselors should prioritize access to these treatments in communities that are often disproportionately affected by mental health challenges (Herzberg & Butler, 2019; Michaels et al., 2018; Sevelius, 2017; Thrul & Garcia-Romeu, 2021; Williams & Labate, 2020). Psychedelic therapy should strive for equitable access, ensuring that individuals from all backgrounds can benefit from this modality. This requires addressing barriers such as costs and accessibility. Mental health professionals should work toward making PAT accessible and affordable (Herzberg & Butler, 2019; Michaels et al., 2018). This is particularly relevant for economically marginalized communities that have historically faced barriers to accessing quality mental health care. Many individuals from underserved and marginalized communities may face financial limitations that present as a barrier and could potentially limit access, preventing them from pursuing these investigative treatments (K. Williams et al., 2022). For PAT to be equitable, it is essential to consider financial accessibility. Being proactive and advocating for insurance coverage of PAT could significantly enhance access. This, in turn, can increase health and social disparities faced by these communities. As the field of PAT evolves, addressing these issues becomes increasingly important. Counselors must ensure future equitable access to PAT, as equity aligns with the broader goals of counseling and fundamentally links the idea that everyone, regardless of their cultural or socioeconomic background, should have access to innovative and effective mental health care.

Advocacy for policy changes is crucial for improving access to and equity in PAT. Counselors, counselor educators, and the broader mental health community can play a significant role in advocating for policy changes and greater access as these modalities become further legalized. Legal reforms can help decriminalize psychedelics and regulate access to PAT. The creation of standardized training and evidence-based guidelines is essential for those who wish to integrate PAT into their practice (Marks & Cohen, 2021).

Furthermore, counselors can embed PAT in a broader framework of multiculturalism and social justice advocacy by aligning it with the counselor social justice advocacy competencies. (Ratts et al., 2016). This involves addressing historical and ongoing injustices and actively working toward decolonizing practices and systems. Educators and clinicians engaging with PAT should recognize their role in advancing social justice and commit to principles of equity, inclusivity, and cultural empowerment. By approaching PAT with cultural humility and a commitment to ethical practice, professionals can contribute to a more inclusive, respectful, and responsible approach.

Moreover, multicultural perspectives bring depth to the therapeutic process itself. Different cultures have their unique healing practices, spiritual beliefs, and worldviews regarding altered states of consciousness. By embracing multicultural perspectives, counselors can expand their understanding of healing, embrace diverse approaches to well-being, and tailor PAT to meet the specific needs of individuals across cultural backgrounds (Sevelius, 2017). Promoting diversity and inclusivity within the field by training, providing educational opportunities to individuals from diverse backgrounds, and prioritizing the inclusion of diverse perspectives in research and practice can help promote equity. Development of inclusive policies that address historical injustices as well as ethical and cultural considerations aimed at reducing disparities in access related to psychedelics is crucial (M. T. Williams et al., 2020).

Multicultural Perspectives, Strategies, and Implications for Practice

Integrating multicultural perspectives into counseling practice is important for fostering inclusive and effective mental health care, particularly in emerging fields like PAT. Integrating diverse viewpoints and practices can help address systemic barriers, promote inclusivity, and enhance therapeutic outcomes for marginalized populations and other underrepresented groups. By addressing issues related to diversifying psychedelic research, diversifying the counseling workforce, and emphasizing culturally responsive approaches, counselors can create spaces that address diverse experiences. This section outlines actionable steps and strategies designed to incorporate multicultural frameworks into training, research, and practice.

Psychoeducation for Advocacy in Psychedelic-Assisted Therapy
     Counselors play a pivotal role in advocacy efforts for PAT by providing psychoeducation that empowers everyone—clients, marginalized communities, and the general public. Counselors can tailor psychoeducation to address the historical use of psychedelics and tackle issues related to marginalized populations, including common barriers to access. One strategic approach is to have counselors engage with clients and communities and educate them about the current changing legal landscape surrounding psychedelic substances, which includes regulatory changes and clinical trials that are shifting the conversation toward wider acceptance (Nichols & Walter, 2021). Providing accurate information about the safety, efficacy, and cultural history of psychedelics, specifically in non-Western and Indigenous contexts, can help reduce stigma and promote informed decision-making (George et al., 2020).

Additionally, professional counselors can offer a variety of workshops and community outreach programs that discuss the therapeutic potential of psychedelics and address concerns specific to underserved communities, such as fears of legal ramifications or historical trauma linked to medical experimentation (George et al., 2020; K. Williams et al., 2022). Legal reforms will help decriminalize psychedelics and regulate access to PAT. This approach should be culturally responsive to ensure that materials and discussions are tailored to the needs, values, and historical experiences of these populations.

Lastly, counselors can advocate for systemic change by collaborating with state and local organizations and policymakers to disseminate information about the potential benefits of PAT, specifically for treating trauma-related disorders in communities of color (Doblin et al., 2019; M. T. Williams et al., 2020). Counselors must also advocate for insurance coverage by lobbying through a call for action to reduce financial barriers for marginalized groups. Through a psychoeducational approach, counselors will advocate for more equitable access to PAT.

Diverse Representation in Psychedelic Research
     Discussing multicultural approaches in PAT helps researchers and counselors develop cultural competence, address biases, tailor treatment to individual needs, foster trust, empower clients, and promote social justice. By embracing a multicultural lens, researchers can create more effective and inclusive protocols for care that respect and acknowledge the diverse cultural backgrounds and identities of their clients (Scharff et al., 2010). Considering cultural factors in research of PAT is essential to ensure that therapy is relevant, respectful, safe, and inclusive (George et al., 2020). It promotes cultural sensitivity that acknowledges the diversity of human experiences, which aids counselors in providing effective and meaningful support to their clients so that PAT is accessible to individuals from diverse cultural backgrounds.

Diverse representation requires cultural sensitivity training to produce culturally competent research teams consisting of clinicians, researchers, and support staff. One strategy is to offer training that focuses on respecting and understanding diverse beliefs, values, cultural practices, and communication styles (Brennan & Belser, 2022). Diverse representation also entails having culturally different populations as participants in clinical trials. Engagement and collaboration must be addressed when tailoring recruitment strategies, dealing with barriers to access, enhancing language accessibility, and combating historical stigma through community education (Herzberg & Butler, 2019). Recruitment strategies using educational programs that specifically target underrepresented groups should involve culturally relevant communication channels to reduce stigma and increase awareness about psychedelic research within diverse communities.

Partnerships with community organizations and collaboration with community leaders will promote insight into specific cultural nuances and values and help build trust within diverse communities (Williams & Labate, 2020). Ethical considerations, including informed consent, privacy, and confidentiality, must be carefully addressed while also respecting and integrating the cultural contexts and values of participants (Smith et al., 2022). Along with increasing awareness, collaboration identifies barriers, such as financial constraints and transportation, that prevent marginalized individuals from participating. Adapting PAT protocols by incorporating traditional healing practices and spiritual elements that are meaningful to participants from diverse backgrounds creates additional cultural sensitivity around including culturally different populations (Celidwen et al., 2023). Diverse representation in psychedelic research is not only an ethical imperative, as outlined in the ACA Code of Ethics (ACA, 2014), but also is essential for producing results that impact diverse populations. It is vital to ensure that individuals from a broad spectrum of cultural and ethnic backgrounds understand the benefits and risks of PAT.

Diversifying Psychedelic Training and Workforce
     Specific guidelines for PAT vary and remain unclear (Schwarz-Plaschg, 2022). Moving forward, it is imperative that the counseling profession and governing bodies work together to create diverse training and treatment modalities. Furthermore, it is important that future PAT is reflective of people from diverse backgrounds to better fit the needs of people of color. Many current protocols and training programs are developed without input from diverse voices, which can result in a lack of cultural awareness regarding participants’ experiences (Buchanan, 2020). Incorporating a diverse array of clinicians from various backgrounds into psychedelic therapy training is a crucial step in ensuring the cultural relevance and effectiveness of these therapeutic approaches. Ensuring clinicians are culturally competent in training will help to build trust and rapport with clients from diverse backgrounds. Addressing mental health disparities within marginalized communities will also aid in culturally appropriate treatment approaches. Clinicians of color and clinicians from other diverse backgrounds bring valuable perspectives and cultural insights that enrich the field and promote a more inclusive, equitable, and effective approach to psychedelic therapy. Having a diverse workforce also aligns with and promotes the broader principles of social justice and health care equity. In the current landscape of psychedelic research and practice, people of color and women are often overlooked as leaders (Buchanan, 2020; George et al., 2020). Diversity in the workforce also reinforces the importance of making access to PAT equitable through representation. One strategy for diversifying the workforce is to encourage counseling programs to partner with other PAT training programs and offer scholarships and fellowships for training that create educational opportunities for marginalized students, thus promoting diversity and inclusivity. These scholarships and fellowships can specifically fund trainings for historically marginalized students.

As the counseling profession begins to explore ways to incorporate PAT into counselor training, embedding multicultural counseling competency as a foundational element of their PAT curriculum is recommended. One example could include introducing PAT in a counseling theories course as an emerging therapeutic framework to potentially treat treatment-resistant disorders. Exploration of PAT can also be included in a multicultural counseling course. This requires the inclusion of coursework that explores the history, cultural significance, and modern therapeutic applications of psychedelics across different cultures. Students should learn how various communities have actively integrated psychedelics into their healing practices for centuries, particularly in regions where plant medicines play a central role in traditional health and spiritual rituals.

Counseling programs may also include courses that provide specific training on addressing the cultural and historical trauma that may arise in clients from marginalized communities. For instance, the war on drugs disproportionately impacted Black and Indigenous communities in the United States, which may influence how they perceive psychedelics and PAT (Buchanan, 2020; Carhart-Harris et al., 2017). Counselors must receive training on acknowledging and addressing historical traumas when working with clients from these backgrounds, utilizing trauma-informed approaches that validate their experiences and build trust (Williams & Labate, 2020).

In addition, counselors must develop skills in culturally relevant communication to effectively engage with clients from various backgrounds. This includes being mindful of how different communities and clients may interpret the psychedelic experience. For example, some Indigenous groups may share experiences through a spiritual or shamanic lens, while others may relate their experience to their unique cultural background. Counselors should receive training from culturally competent PAT practitioners and established PAT programs to adapt their communication styles to respect cultural nuances and avoid the imposition of a singular Western therapeutic approach (George et al., 2020).

Community Collaboration
     Collaborating with diverse communities in the context of PAT is crucial for fostering culturally sensitive practices that honor traditional knowledge and ensure ethical integration into modern therapeutic frameworks. A potential strategy is for counselors to form community partnerships with individuals from the cultures whose practices are being integrated and ask these individuals to offer valuable insights and guidance on ethical considerations. An example from the literature describes panels from Indigenous communities creating a list outlining eight ethical considerations for engaging in psychedelic medicine. They include concepts pertaining to Indigenous knowledge, nature, and ways of being and knowing (Celidwen et al., 2023). These panels can help ensure that cultural perspectives are appropriately integrated into the therapy process. Moreover, collaboration with Indigenous and other cultural communities should involve mutually agreed-upon benefit-sharing arrangements. These arrangements can include providing financial support, resources, or other forms of reciprocity to recognize the value and utilization of the used cultural knowledge. Collaborating with Indigenous communities and leaders through engagement and partnerships can guide the creation of culturally sensitive and ethically appropriate practices and training while incorporating traditional healing and spiritual elements into research and training protocols. This collaboration can help create culturally competent research teams with diverse representation that can aid in recruiting underrepresented groups for clinical trials through education and trust building. This continual evaluation helps minimize cultural appropriation and preserves cultural sensitivity, which aligns with ethical principles that promote inclusivity, respect, and justice. These principles correspond with the multicultural and social justice advocacy competencies (Ratts et al., 2016).

Conclusion

Looking ahead to the future of counseling in psychedelic therapy, it is essential to acknowledge and honor the Indigenous and other cultural history and traditional use of these substances. Many cultures have maintained profound relationships with psychedelics as healing tools for generations by utilizing them in sacred rituals and healing practices (Fotiou, 2020). This cultural context offers valuable insights into the therapeutic potential of these substances and underscores the need for cultural humility and acknowledgment within the field of PAT. Recognizing Indigenous knowledge and practices not only informs our approach, but it also highlights the importance of collaborating with these communities and leaders (George et al., 2020). By doing so, counselors can foster a more inclusive and equitable future for PAT.

By acknowledging the diverse ways in which individuals experience healing, PAT has the potential to break down barriers and reduce mental health disparities. The future of PAT rests significantly in the hands of counselors and other mental health professionals. Additionally, culturally competent and inclusive psychedelic training can address disparities and promote equity in mental health services. As ambassadors of mental health and well-being, counselors can play a pivotal role in shaping the narrative around PAT. Educators bear the responsibility of imparting the knowledge, skills, and cultural competence required to navigate this evolving landscape. Incorporating psychedelic education into counseling programs equips future professionals with the skills to meet the diverse needs of their clients. Counselors can assist in these efforts by actively engaging in destigmatizing PAT, advocating for legal reforms, and promoting cultural humility that recognizes the significance of multicultural perspectives. Embracing multicultural perspectives in PAT is not merely an ethical imperative; it is a guide toward a more compassionate and holistic vision of mental health and well-being. Counselors, as educators, clinicians, and advocates, have the potential to shape a future that integrates the potential significance of PAT with cultural competence, offering profound respect of diverse experiences.

 

Conflict of Interest and Funding Disclosure
The authors reported no conflict of interest
or funding contributions for the development
of this manuscript.

 

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Brittany L. Prioleau, PhD, NCC, ACS, LPC, CIMHP, is an assistant professor at Mercer University. Shama Panjwani, PhD, NCC, LPC, is an assistant professor at Keiser University. Correspondence may be addressed to Brittany L. Prioleau, 3001 Mercer University Dr., Atlanta, GA 30341, prioleau_bl@mercer.edu.

Ink-ling of Identity: Unraveling Tattoo Culture for Mental Health Counselors

Russ Curtis, Lisen C. Roberts, Paul Stonehouse, Melodie H. Frick

Tattoo art is one of the earliest forms of self-expression, but the advent of colonialism, and its accompanying religious convictions, halted the practice in many Indigenous lands and led to widespread bias against tattooed people—a bias maintained to the present. How might the counseling profession respond to this residual bias and intentionally invoke a cultural shift destigmatizing tattoos? Through an extensive literature review, this article provides a more comprehensive understanding of tattoo-related mental health correlates, biases, and theories that enhance the effectiveness of counseling and parallel trends in the counseling profession that emphasize sociocultural influences on wellness. As a result of this survey, the authors propose a new theory of tattoo motivation, the unencumbered self theory of tattoos, which advances existing tattoo theory and aligns with current counseling trends by postulating that tattoos symbolize the uniquely human desire to transcend norms and laws imposed by external influences.

Keywords: tattoo, bias, mental health, theory, counseling

Imagine you are the parent of a 13-year-old girl. While at a parent–teacher conference, you learn your daughter is struggling with disruptive behavior and angry outbursts during class. The teacher asks if you would support your daughter seeing the school counselor and adds that the counselor is in the school building and available to speak with parents. You approach the counselor’s office, gently knock, and are welcomed by a warm, feminine-presenting adult. As the counselor offers their hand to shake, you notice an entirely tattooed forearm, and as you greet their eyes, more ink is evident on their neck.

What feelings, assumptions, or concerns emerge as you put yourself in the place of the parent in the above vignette? Despite the recent popularization of tattoos, a bias remains. Current research indicates that nearly half of adults in the United States between the ages of 18–34 have at least one tattoo (Roggenkamp et al., 2017), and the tattoo business is one of the fastest-growing enterprises, producing over a billion dollars in annual revenue (Zuckerman, 2020). This trend in tattoo art transcends the United States and is evident throughout the world (Ernst et al., 2022; Khair, 2022; Roberts, 2016). Nevertheless, bias against tattooed people remains, and women and people of color receive the brunt of this discrimination (Baumann et al., 2016; Guéguen, 2013; Kaufmann & Armstrong, 2022; Khair, 2022; Roberts, 2016). Given this meteoric resurgence in tattoo art and the discrimination that clings to it, implications for counseling practice inevitably exist.

Professional questions relevant to the counseling practice include: Is there a relationship between a desire for a tattoo and mental health? What motivates a person to seek a tattoo? In what ways may a tattoo bias subconsciously shape a counselor’s interactions with a client? How might the counseling community communicate a spirit of inclusion to the tattooed? To address these questions, this article employs the following structure. First, we provide a context for this bias by briefly examining the history and cultural perspectives of tattoos. Second, to establish the importance of this issue, we empirically demonstrate the reality of tattoo bias. Third, with this history of bias in mind, we comb the literature for research that explores the relationship between mental health and tattoos. Fourth, these relationships offer a frame of reference for our survey of established tattoo motivation theories, to which we propose an additional theory, the unencumbered self theory of tattoos, and reveal its significance within a clinical setting via a case study. Fifth, before concluding the article, we demonstrate how our inquiry’s content might be applied by enumerating our argument’s implications for the counseling profession.

Historical and Cultural Perspectives of Tattoos

The word tattoo originates from the Samoan term tatau, meaning “to tap lines on the body.” The practice of tattooing is known to have existed as early as 7000 BC, as seen on Egyptian mummies (Rohith et al., 2020). Otzi the Ice Man, dating back to 3000 BC, was discovered in 1991 with tattoos on his arms and wrist that are thought to have been applied for therapeutic purposes, a potential precursor to acupuncture (Schmid, 2013). Prior to the colonization of Indigenous lands by European countries, many tribes practiced the art of tattoo to symbolize adulthood, tribal membership, and status (Dance, 2019; Thomas et al., 2005). However, with the emergence of European imperialism, colonizers taught Indigenous people that tattoos were an abomination, scripturally prohibited, and therefore immoral. For instance, in The Holy Bible (New International Version, 1978, Leviticus 19:28) and The Qur’an (2004, Surah 7:46), specific passages forbid marking the skin.

Despite these condemnations, the practice of tattooing was not eradicated. Many cultures continued their tattoo traditions, and modern culture has adopted new traditions, which are even now expanding throughout the world (Ernst et al., 2022; Khair, 2022; Roberts, 2016). Although there is much intergroup variability, cultural identity can influence the motivation for and type of preferred tattoo. In India, for instance, tattoos often depict unique patterns specific to different tribal regions in the country. Specifically, in urbanized Indian geographic areas, there is increasing integration of tribal pattern tattoos with Western-influenced designs (Rohith et al., 2020). In Samoan culture, men receive an intricate tattoo called a pe’a while women receive a malu, both to indicate maturity (Dance, 2019). Lest the cultural importance of Indigenous tattoos be doubted, their misappropriation has resulted in litigation, thereby challenging attorneys to consider the property rights of tattoo designs (Tan, 2013).

Profoundly relevant to counseling, tattoos are often representational and symbolize something of importance. In a recent qualitative study of tattooed Middle Eastern women, Khair (2022) discovered themes related to taking ownership of their bodies in a patriarchal society and symbolism of their strength and desire to break free of patriarchal rules and religious mandates. In the United States, a study of mixed-race Americans’ tattoos revealed the most common tattoo themes include animal images and text of personally meaningful messages (Sims, 2018). In yet another group, White supremacists often get swastikas, crossed hammers, Confederate flags, and embellished Celtic crosses (Southern Poverty Law Center, 2006). Similarly, in Czech Republic prisons, the skull tattoo is a symbol representing neo-Nazi extremism, which then informs prison officials of inmates potentially becoming radicalized (Vegrichtová, 2018).

Exploring the intersection of religion and tattoos, Morello’s (2021) qualitative analysis of 21 people in three South American cities revealed that tattoos were more accepted among Catholics than evangelicals. Explained below, Morello classified the types of Christian tattoos as reversal, devotional, foundational, and then a nonreligious fourth category termed relational. According to participants, reversal tattoos symbolized regaining control of disempowering events, such as when Christians historically tattooed themselves to show Roman enslavers their devotion to Christ. Devotional tattoos were comprised of images and symbols representing religious themes (e.g., a cross), often used as a source of strength and identity. Foundational tattoos represent significant moments in life, such as major life transitions (e.g., the date of one’s conversion) or mystical experiences. Morello’s last category is akin to devotional tattoos, but the relational category was created to represent devotion to loved ones, such as images or symbols of one’s children.

In a related study examining the beliefs of religious women with and without tattoos, Morello et al. (2021) identified several common themes. This mixed methods study of 48 women in a conservative Christian college indicated that tattoos were not considered taboo by their religious friends and family and that tattooed participants spent considerable time determining which tattoo to receive. Predominant reasons for obtaining tattoos included social justice, friendship, and spiritual values. Summarizing previous research, individuals primarily choose tattoos to express their identity and uniqueness or to take ownership of their bodies. However, as discussed in the following section, there exists a bias against tattooed individuals.

Tattoo Bias

Unfortunately, with any practice that diverges from dominant cultural values, there is bias (Broussard & Harton, 2018). Although evidence indicates less discrimination against tattoos in the 21st century, negative judgments still exist explicitly and implicitly (Broussard & Harton, 2018; Williams et al., 2014; Zestcott et al., 2018). For example, Kaufmann and Armstrong (2022) found that law enforcement and the medical community hold negative sentiments toward tattooed people. They found that medical professionals who expressed negative judgments about their tattooed patients were likely to have patients not return. In fact, patients reported better rapport and increased trust with medical professionals who asked about the meaning of their tattoos. In other words, negative judgment toward, and lack of acknowledgment of, tattoos were detrimental to building the trust needed to provide optimal and consistent care (Kaufmann & Armstrong, 2022).

Unjustly, women and people of color with tattoos experience more significant discrimination than men or White people (Baumann et al., 2016; Camacho & Brown, 2018; Guégen, 2013; Solanke, 2017). For example, women encounter prejudice when failing to gain employment due to having visible tattoos regardless of having excellent job qualifications (Al-Twal & Abuhassan, 2024; Henle et al., 2022). Moreover, women of color have experienced job discrimination by being questioned if they have visible or nonvisible tattoos (i.e., inkism), being forbidden from having or being required to cover tattoos regardless of cultural relevance (e.g., covering a traditional Māori tattoo), or being required to prove that they do not have tattoos—as alleged in a legal complaint against a Singaporean airline that required female attendants to wear a swimsuit and demonstrate to their employers that they did not have tattoos (Solanke, 2017, Chapter 8). Women with tattoos also experience ambivalent sexism due to rejecting the feminine apologetic (i.e., not acting or dressing in stereotypical feminine ways); they are also perceived as wanting attention and sexually promiscuous (Heckerl, 2021). For instance, Guéguen (2013) found that women on the beach displaying a lower-back butterfly tattoo were significantly more likely to be approached by men compared to women without the tattoo, and the men interviewed indicated that they thought they had a better chance of getting a date and having sex with the tattooed women than the nontattooed women (Guéguen, 2013). In other words, men in this study had the biased perception that women with tattoos were more sexually promiscuous than nontattooed women.

This bias appears within incarceration rates as well. In a study conducted by Camacho and Brown (2018), they found that arrestees with neck tattoos were more likely to receive felony charges specifically for larceny offenses. Among these groups, Black individuals with neck tattoos were more likely than others to face felony charges (Camacho & Brown, 2018). It is also noteworthy that law enforcement catalog the tattoos of arrestees in the Registry of Distinct Marks (Miranda, 2020), which is kept in their permanent record and could potentially bias future incarceration and convictions due to the criminogenic stigmatization of individuals with tattoos (Martone, 2023; Rima et al., 2023).

Neck tattoos specifically appear to elicit bias (Baumann et al., 2016). Given two sets of photos of male and female faces, with a neck tattoo and without a visible tattoo, participants were asked to choose among the photos that they would most like to have as their surgeon. In a separate condition, participants were asked to choose who they would most like to have as their car mechanic. In both experiments, participants preferred to have a nontattooed person as their surgeon or mechanic. However, the preference was more substantial for a nontattooed surgeon than a nontattooed mechanic. Female participants assessed the tattooed faces more positively than male participants, but still preferred the nontattooed faces (Baumann et al., 2016).

Roberts (2016) suggested that although tattoos are becoming more prevalent worldwide, they are not yet entirely accepted. As such, employment discrimination occurs for people with visible tattoos. Roberts (2016) suggested employers discriminate primarily because of the fear of customer complaints and the concomitant loss of business. They further suggested that small businesses in rural areas, which tend to be more conservative, may be even more likely to refuse employment to tattooed workers.

Clients’ Perception of Tattooed Counselors
     To date, very few published studies examine the perceptions of tattoos within the mental health professional arena. One exception, however, is a recent publication examining the perception of potential mental health clients of psychologists with or without tattoos. Zidenberg et al. (2022) recruited 534 participants to determine if there were negative perceptions of psychologists who had tattoos. First, participants were presented with a mock profile of a fictional clinical psychologist. Each participant was randomly assigned to view one of three images of the psychologist: with no tattoo, a neutral tattoo (a flower), or a provocative tattoo (a skull with flames). Participants then rated the counselor on perceived competence and their personal feelings toward her.

Contrary to the researchers’ initial expectations, the psychologist’s photo with the provocative tattoo was rated more likable, interesting, and confident and less lazy than the psychologist with a neutral or no tattoo. Interestingly, the psychologist’s photo without a tattoo was rated as more professional, but this did not equate to participants’ believing that the psychologist would thus provide better care. The researchers speculated that while nontattooed people are viewed as more professional, they are not necessarily who clients believe will give the best mental health care. They further hypothesized that professionalism may convey a bias of being “better than” the clients and thereby might be perceived as less authentic. Moreover, participants in this study believed they would get better help from a more “authentic” psychologist, and that the provocative tattoo communicated a sense of authenticity (Zidenberg et al., 2022).

Mental Health and Tattoos
     Although early studies (e.g., Grumet, 1983) concluded that tattoos were a sign of maladjustment, contemporary research indicates that tattooed people are as healthy as nontattooed people (Mortensen et al., 2019; Pajor et al., 2015). In general, today the mere presence of a tattoo is not correlated with mental or behavioral issues (Roggenkamp et al., 2017). In fact, most people in many cultures conscientiously obtain tattoos to express themselves and honor people and causes they deeply care about (Khair, 2022; Naudé et al., 2019; Shuaib, 2020). Nevertheless, in one study of a German community (N = 1,060), which sampled people aged 14–44, 40.6% who reported childhood abuse or neglect had at least one tattoo, compared to 29.4% tattooed participants who reported no significant abuse (Ernst et al., 2022). However, Ernst et al. (2022) cautioned that the mere presence of a tattoo is not perfectly correlated with childhood abuse. Aesthetic embellishment of the body is the most common reason for getting tattoos, and it should not be considered an automatic indication of childhood abuse (Ernst et al., 2022).

Evidence suggests that the number of tattoos as well as their placement and content better indicate potential maladjustment than the mere presence of an easily concealed tattoo. Specifically, Mortensen et al. (2019) found that participants (N = 2008 adults) who had four or more tattoos were 15.4% more likely to report having been diagnosed with a mental health problem compared to 5.8% of participants with only one tattoo. Further, 13.4% of the participants with visible tattoos reported having a mental health diagnosis, and 28.2% of the participants who self-reported having an offensive tattoo also reported having a mental health diagnosis. In other words, multiple and visible tattoos may be more closely correlated with mental and behavioral issues than the mere presence of tattoos. However, contrary to Mortensen et al. (2019), in their study of life satisfaction with a sample of 449 participants (16–58 years old), Pajor et al. (2015) used the Multidimensional Self-Esteem Inventory (MSEI; O’Brien & Epstein, 1988), a psychological assessment tool with 116 items graded on a 5-point scale and designed to measure various aspects of self-esteem. Results indicated that tattooed people reported significantly higher competence than nontattooed: 37.2 versus 33.6 (p < .001). Tattooed participants also scored significantly higher on a measure of personal power, 35.6 versus 33.5 (p < .01), and significantly lower scores on a measure of anxiety and insomnia, 1.50 versus 1.75 (p < .05). Thus, although numerous visible tattoos could potentially indicate mental or behavioral issues, the research is not conclusive, suggesting the need for counselors to open-mindedly assess each client’s motivations for obtaining tattoos.

Contrary to previous hypotheses, tattoos are rarely a form of self-harm (i.e., cutting, self-mutilation). For example, Aizenman and Jensen (2007) analyzed a sample of college students (N = 1,330; ages 17–39) to determine mental health differences between students who self-injure and those with tattoos. The majority of tattooed students reported receiving tattoos as a way to express their individuality, while students who self-injured were motivated by feelings of insecurity and loss of control. Participants also completed assessments measuring depression and self-esteem. In terms of general wellness, the self-injury group (no tattoos) reported higher mean depression scores compared to both the tattoo group’s score and the nontattooed (no self-injury) score. The self-injury group also reported lower mean self-esteem scores compared to both the tattooed and the nontattooed groups. Noteworthy is the fact that there was no significant difference between the tattooed and nontattooed groups in terms of depression and self-esteem, which further suggests that tattooed college students are no more likely to experience mental health issues than nontattooed college students.

In a more recent study to determine whether tattooing was a form of self-injury, Solís-Bravo et al. (2019) found that from a sample of 438 adolescent males, 11.5% reported engaging in nonsuicidal self-injury (NSSI), but only 1.8% indicated receiving a tattoo with the explicit intention of feeling pain. However, they also found that 62.5% of the students with tattoos self-injured compared to 10.6% of students without tattoos. Thus, with this small subsample of tattooed NSSI students, it was suggested that tattooed adolescents should be screened for potential mental health issues. Yet, considering that only eight students in this sample reported getting a tattoo to feel pain, further replication of this work is needed before confirming a conclusive relationship between tattoos and NSSI (Solís-Bravo et al., 2019).

Exploring the correlation between tattoos and premature mortality (e.g., violent death, drug overdose), Stephenson and Byard (2019) found that there was a trend for people with tattoos to die at a younger age and to experience an unnatural death compared to nontattooed people. However, these results were not statistically significant, indicating that there was no meaningful difference between age and cause of death between tattooed and nontattooed people.

More contemporary research examined the relationship between body image and tattoo acquisition (Jabłońska & Mirucka, 2023). Using a sample of 327 Polish tattooed women to examine a relationship between body image and tattoos, 45.26% reported acceptance of their appearance and a deep connection to their bodies. Researchers speculated that they received tattoos as a way to adorn their bodies and express their individuality. Another 36% reported an unstable body image, meaning they perceived both positive and negative aspects of their bodies. It was speculated that this group used tattoos to conceal perceived flaws. The remaining 18.65% held a negative body image. Although the majority of their sample held either positive or mixed body image estimations, the researchers’ speculation as to why subjects received tattoos makes it difficult to infer correlation between tattoos and well-being. Nevertheless, nearly half the sample reported appreciation for their bodies and a desire to accentuate their positive self-image with body art.

Relatedly, some trauma survivors get tattoos to symbolize what they experienced and how they have grown (Crompton et al., 2021). The semicolon is one example of this, indicating that while one life chapter may have been traumatic, that is not the end of the story. Using tattoos to navigate trauma is further supported by Kidron (2012), who noted that some descendants of Holocaust survivors replicated the number tattoo on their arms to illustrate the connection to their grandparent, redefining the tattoos from markers of trauma to markers of survival and expanding their interfamilial bond and cultural identity.

In summary, studies indicate that the mere presence of a tattoo is not significantly correlated with mental or behavioral issues. Counselors should avoid assuming that tattooed clients have mental health issues, even if multiple visible tattoos are sometimes linked with adverse health outcomes or behaviors. Because tattoos are so often attached to identity, body image, and important life events, counselors should thoroughly explore with clients why they obtained such tattoos and what they symbolize. In order to assist with such exploration, the next section identifies a number of recognized tattoo motivation theories.

Tattoo Motivation Theories

To determine effective strategies to reduce tattoo bias and counsel tattooed clients, it is important to understand the motivations and theoretical premises of why people get tattoos. This section describes recognized tattoo motivation theories. Recent findings in tattoo research cited within this article highlight the limitations of these theories and prompted us to propose our own, the unencumbered self theory of tattoos, which focuses on sociocultural influences. From this new perspective, we hope counselors will have a clearer understanding of the motivations behind getting a tattoo, which will in turn increase understanding of tattoo culture and what this implies about clients and counseling practice. To illustrate how these theoretical models might be of use in a clinical setting, in the subsequent section we provide a case study in which we discuss, compare, and contrast theories and exemplify the need for a new understanding of tattoo motivation.

Psychodynamic Theory of Tattoo
     The first hypothesis for tattooing is rooted in psychodynamic theory. This theory posits that tattoos are an outward manifestation of intrapersonal conflict or unresolved psychological concerns (Grumet, 1983; Karacaoglan, 2012; Lane, 2014). The belief is that permanent skin marking serves as a visible mnemonic that prompts a defense mechanism that helps alleviate the anxiety caused by conflict within the id, ego, and superego. In other words, the symbolism embodied within the marking of the skin iteratively releases blocked psychic energy, causing temporary relief from various difficult symptoms.

Psychodynamic theory is problematic because it fails to address the alternative motivations for getting tattoos, namely, the aforementioned social–cultural perspective. Moreover, Freud’s psychoanalytic approach is rooted in Western civilization’s understanding of internal processes and is therefore heavily influenced by a European, White, male perspective of psychic processes, thus ignoring the effects of oppression and inequality on personal identity, mental health, and behavior. As was indicated in the previous research review, and as we will see in subsequent sections, current tattoo research does not support the notion that tattoos are merely the result of unconscious conflict.

Human Canvas and Upping the Ante Theories of Tattoo
     Moving beyond the arguably deficit ideology of the psychodynamic theory of tattoos, Carmen et al. (2012) proposed two evolutionary theories of tattoo motivation that transcend obvious reasons like self-expression and group membership. The first theory, human canvas, argues that it is our innate longing to express the most authentic desires of our psyche through symbolic thought, originally on cave walls and later on our bodies. Their second theory, upping the ante, postulated that with increasing longevity and improved health care, the opportunities for attracting mates are more competitive, and people must devise new ways to stand out to attract mates, much like a peacock spreading its feathers.

The human canvas and upping the ante theories of tattoos are at least to some degree supported by current research (e.g., Wohlrab et al., 2007), and both theories advance our understanding of the motivation behind tattoos beyond psychodynamic theory. Indeed, people spend considerable time and thought choosing their tattoos for personal self-expression (Kaufmann & Armstrong, 2022) and to symbolize cultural traditions, sexual expression, and the love of art (Wohlrab et al., 2007). Although these theories advance tattoo theory, they fail to consider the even deeper meaning which suggests that tattoos are a way to regain bodily control and express displeasure with mandated values imposed by external influences. In essence, it is clear that tattoos are a form of self-expression, potentially to increase personal uniqueness and attractiveness, but this fails to explain what people are hoping to express. Thus, informed by contemporary tattoo research, we propose a new and expanded theory that attempts to explain the rationale behind tattoo acquisition through a wider societal lens.

The Unencumbered Self Theory of Tattoo
     The unencumbered self theory of tattoos advances existing tattoo theory and aligns with current counseling trends by postulating that tattoos symbolize the uniquely human desire to transcend norms and laws imposed by external influences such as imperialism. After an exhaustive review of the tattoo literature, it is evident that the motivation to reclaim personal power from oppressive systems is one reason some people get tattoos, and this motivation is not explicitly stated within existing theories. While most closely aligned with the human canvas theory, the unencumbered self theory of tattoos differs in one subtle but essential way. The human canvas theory postulates that tattoos are a general form of self-expression (e.g., hobbies, memorials, identity, individuality). At the same time, the unencumbered self theory of tattoos suggests that specific individuals acquire tattoos as a deliberate assertion of autonomy and a repudiation of arbitrary societal norms. Take, for example, a client of Cherokee heritage who gets a tattoo depicting Cherokee syllabary. The human canvas theory would hold that this tattoo is motivated by the client’s desire to identify with her cultural heritage. The unencumbered self theory of tattoos acknowledges her desire to identify with her cultural heritage, but this desire is motivated by the need to disengage from the oppressive systems that successfully squelched her people’s values for so long.

Evidence supporting the unencumbered self theory of tattoos includes cross-cultural studies examining motivations behind obtaining tattoos (Atkinson, 2002; Khair, 2022; Kloẞ, 2022). Atkinson (2002) reported that Canadian women wore tattoos to challenge societal definitions of femininity, and Khair (2022) found that Middle Eastern women obtained tattoos primarily to express their uniqueness and to indicate ownership of their bodies. Khair (2022) stated, “In fact, women of the Middle East have been struggling to obtain the freedom of their identity due to various restrictive reasons that relate to religion” (p. 3). This sentiment is further supported by Stein (2011) who stated, “My data suggest that—rather than seeing themselves as capitulating to market forces—people think of their decision to get tattoos as an exceptionally deep expression of personal identity, as well as a dramatic declaration of autonomy” (p. 128).

Additionally supporting the cultural motivations behind obtaining tattoos, Kloẞ (2022) identified Hindu women having tattoos that symbolize both oppression from and resistance to patriarchy, colonialism, and orthodox religious beliefs. Relatedly, Stein (2011) stated that the motivation behind tattoos is, at least in part, “a defiance of patriarchal authority” (p. 113). This desire to live unencumbered is also evidenced in research indicating that tattooed people are less likely to be members of religious groups (Laumann & Derick, 2006); are less likely to conform to societal norms, as evidenced by lower scores on personality assessments measuring agreeableness and conscientiousness (Tate & Shelton, 2008); and are considered more authentic and relatable (Zidenberg et al., 2022).

The unencumbered self theory of tattoos also coincides with current research and theoretical advancements in the counseling profession. Integrative approaches, such as narrative, relational, and art therapies, illustrate how tattoos can be used to externalize issues and emotions onto the body and promote self-expression by re-authoring life stories that are freeing and healing (Alter-Muri, 2020; Covington, 2015). Further, there is an increasing interest in Indigenous healing practices and the counseling profession’s embrace of a more collaborative and collective approach to health and wellness. To illustrate how the unencumbered self theory of tattoos advances tattoo theory and serves the counseling profession, we compare and contrast the existing theories in the following case study.

Case Study and Discussion

In this fictional case study, Sage is a 28-year-old, cisgender, queer, able-bodied female whose mother is Eastern Band Cherokee and whose father identifies as Mexican American. Sage upholds many traditional Cherokee customs and regularly attends tribal council meetings as well as powwows where she dances in traditional native attire. Sage has several visible tattoos on her arms and one on the back of her neck, all of which symbolize her Cherokee heritage. She presented to counseling with increasing depression after quitting drugs and alcohol for the past year and reports being unhappy in her job with no meaningful relationships. Sage’s counselor does not have tattoos and identifies as White, female, and a social justice advocate who knows very little about people with tattoos or Cherokee customs.

From the psychodynamic theory of tattoo (Grumet, 1983), Sage’s tattoos would be considered an expression of inner conflict and unmet needs, and the counselor would ask questions hoping to uncover unconscious beliefs that are causing her depression. In this case, the counselor may not even mention her tattoos, but instead view them from a deficit lens indicating a personal problem to resolve.

In both the human canvas and upping the ante evolutionary theories of tattoos (Carmen et al., 2012), Sage’s tattoos could indicate her desire to express her individuality and enhance her attractiveness. With this in mind, the counselor is likely to acknowledge her tattoos and ask about their meaning. However, both theories fail to recognize that Sage’s tattoos may signify deeper underlying issues related to potential oppression and inequality she feels because of her race, ethnicity, and gender.

From the unencumbered self theory of tattoos, Sage’s tattoos could reflect her motivational factors, feelings of alienation, and desire to align her authentic self and heritage. From this perspective, the counselor might explore whether she has experienced discrimination and how the impact of societal marginalization shaped her current sense of self. For example, the counselor may ask, “Have you ever experienced feelings of alienation or disconnect from others, and if so, how do you think your tattoos relate to those experiences?” Another counselor probe could be, “What emotions or thoughts come up when you think about the stories or meanings behind your tattoos?” In addition, the counselor may inquire into cultural healing traditions that help Sage reclaim her authenticity and realign her with her Indigenous heritage. In this instance, the counselor may ask, “Are specific cultural or familial traditions associated with your tattoos, and how do they contribute to your sense of authenticity?” or “Have your tattoos played a role in helping you reconnect with or reclaim aspects of your cultural identity?” Ultimately, through understanding the unencumbered self theory of tattoos, the counselor can better assist Sage by gaining deeper insight into her experiences, her motivations, and the significance of her tattoos within the context of her identity and mental health journey.

In summary, clients’ motivations for tattoos are complex and include explicit explanations, such as self-expression and identity, and potentially implicit motivations, such as increased attractiveness and autonomy. Based upon the tattoo motivation research, we believe the unencumbered self theory of tattoos provides a more comprehensive understanding of the reasons people get tattoos, which appears to be motivated by boldly proclaiming their desire for autonomy and not merely to enhance personal attractiveness. With these findings in mind, the subsequent section describes how counselors, and the counseling profession more broadly, can enhance counseling practice with tattooed clients.

Implications for Counseling

     Tattooed clients and counselors will become increasingly common, if not the norm. Consequently, there are clinical, professional, ethical, and societal considerations associated with the increasing popularity of tattoo art. This section addresses what counselors can do to adeptly navigate the increasing prevalence of tattoo culture and better serve their clients.

Counselors must reexamine their potential bias about tattooed clients and recognize that current research suggests they are not more likely to have mental and behavioral problems (e.g., Pajor et al., 2015). In fact, tattoos on a client might indicate their readiness for counseling by showing their strength and desire to break free of parental and societal expectations (e.g., Crompton et al., 2021). However, the number and placement of tattoos may better indicate potential mental health issues (Mortensen et al., 2019). With this in mind, asking clients about their tattoos early in the counseling relationship may help build rapport and provide potentially rich information about the client’s life story. Specifically, if the client’s tattoo is visible, it would be appropriate and possibly helpful to ask about it during intake (Kaufmann & Armstrong, 2022).

To foster genuine rapport and mitigate power imbalances in the therapeutic relationship, it is crucial for counselors to engage in self-reflection, cultivate cultural awareness and humility, and understand the potential cultural significance of tattoos (Day-Vines et al., 2018). Initiating conversations about clients’ tattoos early in counseling can be an effective strategy. Counselors might ask: “Tattoos often have special meanings or stories attached to them. What inspired you to get yours?” This approach demonstrates respect for the client’s personal and cultural narratives, promoting a more equitable and empathetic counseling environment. For instance, inquiring about a client’s neo-Nazi tattoos demonstrates the counselor’s desire to understand all aspects of the client. Despite the offensive nature of the tattoos, questioning could prompt the client to disclose personal experiences such as family addiction, abuse, poverty, insecurity, and fear of losing one’s identity in an increasingly multicultural society. These disclosures might not have emerged otherwise.

Counselors do not necessarily need to cover their tattoos, because they may help increase clients’ perception of the counselor’s relevance (Zidenberg et al., 2022). In fact, the counselor disclosing their tattoos may propel some clients to share more personally relevant information during sessions (Stein, 2011). Depending upon the client, a counselor with tattoos could broach the topic of how their tattoos symbolize their pursuit of authenticity in a society where the values of marginalized populations (e.g., women, non-White, LGBTQ) are too often not recognized, understood, or honored.

This example shows how a counselor could broach the topic of tattoos:

During our sessions, we have been exploring various aspects of identity and self-expression, which has led me to reflect on something personal I would like to share with you. As you may have noticed, I have some tattoos that hold particular significance. I have found that my tattoos remind me of essential experiences and values in my life. I share this with you because I believe it is vital for us to foster an environment of openness and authenticity in our therapeutic relationship. However, I want to emphasize that our sessions are about you and your journey. So, if you have any questions or concerns about my tattoos or anything else, please feel free to share them with me. I am here to create a safe and open space to discuss anything that comes up for you.

     Thus, the counselor’s tattoo narrative may offer the client freedom to explore repressed aspects of themselves, which, once discovered, may allow for more self-awareness and appreciation, ultimately resulting in better mental health. Counselors can also simply discuss their tattoos with clients who express curiosity or concern. This approach allows the counselor to provide context and meaning behind their tattoos, potentially fostering a deeper connection and understanding between counselor and client.

However, some clients might be disinclined to continue services with an obviously tattooed counselor. As such, counselors may choose to cover their tattoos during sessions, especially if they anticipate that it may distract or discomfort certain clients. This approach can help maintain a professional appearance and minimize potential barriers to therapy. These kinds of tensions may lead to the strategic use of profile photographs on one’s counseling practice’s website. Depending on their client base and target demographics, counselors may opt for photographs that either prominently display or discreetly conceal their tattoos. Prioritizing the client’s comfort and preferences is essential. Counselors should gauge the client’s reactions and adjust their approach accordingly. In sum, the best advice for counselors with tattoos is to rely on their clinical intuition and discretion when deciding how to approach discussions about personal tattoos with clients. As with any counselor disclosure, discussing personal tattoos should be used intentionally with the client’s best interest in mind.

If a client inquires about the advisability of getting tattoos, it is essential to assist them in thoroughly processing this decision, as with any significant life choice. Be open with clients that biases against tattoos persist, with people of color and women being the most stigmatized. Regrettably, many individuals harbor negative perceptions of tattooed people, particularly regarding visible body art and content that might be deemed offensive. Counselors can ask probing questions about the client’s reasoning for obtaining tattoos, such as, “What does getting this tattoo mean to you, and how do you think it will impact your sense of identity or self-expression?” and “Have you considered any potential long-term implications of getting this tattoo, including how you might feel about it in the future or how it might affect your personal or professional life?”

The intersection of tattoos, mental health, and social justice represents a rich and largely unexplored area of research for counselor educators. As the prevalence of tattoos increases among both clients and counselors, we believe this presents a rich opportunity for personal exploration and the discovery of values and strengths, an area currently underexplored in the counseling profession. Future research on tattoos could examine their presence on counselors and clients, their effect on the therapeutic alliance, personality differences among tattooed individuals, and tattooed people’s likelihood of engaging in advocacy work. To advance dialogue and research in this domain, the Western Carolina University counseling program’s faculty, students, and graduates created the Intersection: Art, Mental Health, and Social Justice magazine (Mock et al., 2021). This publication aimed to enhance dialogue and understanding regarding tattoos. Readers are encouraged to peruse the online magazine to explore personal stories of tattooed counselors.

Conclusion

With the increasing popularity and prevalence of tattoos combined with continued cultural bias, body art is an area that warrants further research and discussion in the counseling profession. In summary, there does not appear to be significant relationship between tattooed people experiencing more mental health problems than nontattooed people. However, there is continued bias against tattooed people, and the reasons for obtaining tattoos are rooted more deeply than merely increasing personal attractiveness. As described in the unencumbered self theory of tattoos, the reemergence of tattoo art may be emblematic of the trends seen throughout the counseling profession to advance the discipline from its focus on intra- and interpersonal theories of health and wellness to include broader sociological perspectives on healing. The reemergence of tattoo art, then, could be an allegory for moving beyond the White, male, heteronormative standards that have traditionally dominated the profession, ushering forth an age of inclusivity where the rich and complex tapestry of all people’s values, traditions, and customs can be known and honored.

 

Conflict of Interest and Funding Disclosure
The authors reported no conflict of interest
or funding contributions for the development
of this manuscript.

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Russ Curtis, PhD, LCMHC, is a professor at Western Carolina University. Lisen C. Roberts, PhD, is an associate professor at Western Carolina University. Paul Stonehouse, PhD, is an assistant professor at Western Carolina University. Melodie H. Frick, PhD, NCC, ACS, LPC-S, is a professor at Western Carolina University. Correspondence may be addressed to Russ Curtis, Western Carolina University, 28 Schenck Parkway, Office 214, Asheville, NC 28803, curtis@wcu.edu.