A Journey, Not a Destination: The Intersection of Trauma and Substance Use Recovery

Dana Ripley, Justin R. Jordan, Jyotsana Sharma, Taylor Allesch

Research has consistently shown a link between substance use disorders and trauma; however, there is a need to explore the experience of dual recovery from these struggles. The purpose of this qualitative research study was to examine the lived experiences of individuals in recovery from both trauma and problematic substance use. This study involved semi-structured interviews with 10 individuals who identified as being in recovery from both trauma and substance use. A hermeneutic phenomenological approach was used to gain an in-depth understanding of the recovery experience. Emergent themes included the importance of social support, self-discovery, and that recovery is an ongoing process rather than a time-limited goal. Implications for understanding dual recovery and for counseling clients with dual trauma and substance use recovery experiences are explored.

Keywords: substance use, trauma, dual recovery, lived experiences, counseling

 

     Research has established a link between addiction and trauma (Gidzgier et al., 2023; Jacobsen et al., 2001; Kilpatrick et al., 2013). Approximately 97.4% of individuals diagnosed with a substance use disorder (SUD) have been found to have experienced a traumatic event (Gielen et al., 2012). Farrugia et al. (2011) also found the prevalence of childhood trauma to be significantly higher among individuals with an SUD diagnosis compared to the general population. Problems with substance use are categorized as an SUD based on impairment of functioning and significant distress (American Psychiatric Association [APA], 2022), while trauma is defined by an acute event threatening one’s physical safety or complex, chronic experiences threatening one’s mental and emotional well-being over time (May & Wisco, 2016; Wamser-Nanney & Vandenberg, 2013). LeTendre and Reed (2017) found that increased exposure to adverse childhood experiences, such as exposure to domestic violence or having a parent with a serious mental health struggle, accounts for a 34% increase in the likelihood of developing an SUD in adulthood. A recent study focused on comparing indirect and direct exposure to traumatic events found an increased risk for substance use and behavioral addictions with both types of exposure (Levin et al., 2021). Direct exposure in this study included combat and sexual assault trauma. Childhood trauma is linked to substance use, with more extensive trauma histories predicting earlier initiation and greater severity of substance use (Farrugia et al., 2011).

Based on the research demonstrating a correlation between trauma and substance use, dual recovery experiences warrant exploration. In clinical treatment settings, clients will present with a need to address these co-occurring struggles. To date, research has focused primarily on the correlated pathology rather than the co-occurring healing and recovery process. To address this gap, this study aims to explore the lived experiences of individuals who self-report dual recovery experiences.

Understanding the Link Between Trauma and Addiction
     Evidence suggests that individuals who have these co-occurring struggles have poorer treatment outcomes than clients with only one of these presenting issues (Brewerton & Brady, 2014). Although several explanations for the relationship between trauma and substance use exist, self-medication theory predominates (Hawn et al., 2020). Self-medication theory posits that substances are used to cope with and mitigate trauma-related symptoms. Despite offering a respite from unwanted hypervigilance, anxiety, or thoughts related to trauma, substances do not eliminate symptoms or resolve the underlying reactions. Self-medication suggests that a cycle of experiencing symptom distress and using substances to cope becomes problematic. Once the substances’ effects subside, the cycle may begin again, often with exacerbated emotional distress and additional concerns about one’s inability to control consumption.

Counter to self-medication, some theorists believe there is a relationship between post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) and the predisposition to substance use (Khoury et al., 2010; Van den Brink, 2015). Although not all individuals who identify as in recovery from trauma meet criteria for PTSD, research has often focused on creating sampling parameters to explore epidemiology and treatment protocols (Zrineh et al., 2026). Brewerton and Brady (2014) agreed that epigenetics and genetic predisposition may contribute to substance use vulnerability for people who have experienced significant traumas. Additionally, early trauma caused individuals in the study to feel abnormal and misunderstood, potentially leading them toward social groups involved in substance use (Brewerton & Brady, 2014).

Treatment Considerations
     Traditionally, many treatment approaches have sought to disrupt this cycle via a sequential model of treatment, with substance use problems addressed first. This approach assumes that meaningful mental health treatment cannot be effective while a person is still impaired by regular substance use (Schumm & Gore, 2016). Newer evidence suggests that concurrently treating trauma and addiction shows promise in producing successful outcomes like reduced substance use and relapse, and improved quality of life (Flanagan et al., 2016). Concurrent treatment of trauma and substance use has become more widely accepted (Flanagan et al., 2016; Priester et al., 2016; Schumm & Gore, 2016). It remains unclear if this research has influenced treatment practices, especially in addiction programs not affiliated with research institutions (e.g., hospitals and universities). Scholars have recommended universal trauma screening for clients entering care for substance use (Van den Brink, 2015), and concurrent treatment is now seen as efficacious and safe (Flanagan et al., 2016). The National Institute on Drug Abuse (2014) recommends simultaneous treatment for these issues, acknowledging a correlation between substance use and underlying mental health struggles, including trauma.

Evidence that this concurrent approach leads to successful treatment for those who have experienced co-occurring substance use and trauma is accumulating. Studies have found that participants prefer an integrated approach to treatment, such as receiving treatment for both SUD and PTSD in the same treatment program (Brown et al., 1998; Gielen et al., 2016; Roberts et al., 2023). This, however, is not a common experience for individuals with co-occurring diagnoses (Gielen et al., 2016), as most substance use treatment programs do not include trauma-focused interventions (Giordano et al., 2016). The European Society for Traumatic Stress Studies utilized a systematic review of research and expert opinions to develop a list of nine assessment strategies and 21 treatment recommendations for co-occurring trauma and substance use (Roberts et al., 2023). These recommendations include: concurrent treatment, helping clients navigate logistical barriers to treatment (e.g., transportation), case management services, building a strong therapeutic relationship, and psychoeducation about the relationship between trauma and substance use. The current study aims to examine the lived experiences of people identifying as in recovery from both trauma and substance use, with the intent to clarify the phenomena of dual recovery.

Purpose of the Study

Understanding the process of dual recovery for individuals who experience traumatic events and have struggled with substance use is vital for providing appropriate care. The current study aimed to examine the lived experiences of people identifying as in recovery from both trauma and substance use issues, with a focus on their recovery journey over time. The purpose was to build on prior research that focused on trauma and substance use by exploring intersecting recovery processes, rather than etiology, and investigating the phenomenon of recovery by exploring lived experiences. A qualitative study design and methodology was utilized and guided by the overarching research question: What is the experience of recovery for someone who struggles with trauma and substance use?

It is important to acknowledge that a variety of recovery definitions exist. There is disagreement among experts regarding the precise language to describe recovery, and individuals choose to identify for themselves when they are in recovery without precise criteria (Piat et al., 2009). According to Neale and colleagues (2015), individuals in active recovery find previously established definitions to be limiting and focused on a deficit-based mindset and framework. Conceptualizations that are strength-based consider social and context influences and acknowledge that individual differences are preferred. Recent studies have moved away from offering their participants a definition of recovery; instead lived experiences and individual definitions of recovery conceived by the participants themselves are now common in addiction research (Zemore et al., 2023). The current study did not provide a definition of recovery to participants but focused on eliciting participants’ conceptualizations of what defines recovery to the individual.

Methods

In looking at the experience of recovery for someone who struggles with trauma and substance use, we intentionally sought a research methodology that would account for the depth and complexity of these life experiences. Given this focus, hermeneutic phenomenology was chosen as our research approach. Phenomenology aims to understand a phenomenon through the lens of those with direct experience (van Manen, 2016). Phenomenology prioritizes meaning making and attempts to get at the depth of experiences, as opposed to examining generalizable patterns across a broad range of perspectives (Hays & Singh, 2012). Through first-person accounts, phenomenology pulls together key descriptions to form a picture of an experience or phenomenon. Hermeneutic phenomenology was specifically chosen because it places participants as co-researchers (Hays & Singh, 2012). This means that participants are viewed as experts in the field of study, thus lessening the power differential between researcher and participant (Hays & Singh, 2012). Given the marginalization and stigma of those who experience substance use issues and trauma, it was important to utilize a method that recognizes power dynamics and attempts to diminish those between the researcher and the participants. This included asking participants to self-define their recovery status and what qualifies as being in recovery.

Reflexivity
     Transparency regarding researcher perspective and positionality is essential in qualitative inquiry (Levitt et al., 2018). We are invested in advancing the understanding of recovery processes, especially among counselors who work with individuals with co-occurring trauma and substance use histories. Through this research, we hope to help counselors use this information to better support those they serve, as well as enhance the awareness of educators and supervisors. Dana Ripley, Justin R. Jordan, and Jyotsana Sharma have been colleagues through their doctoral program, are licensed counselors, and hold doctoral degrees in counselor education and supervision. Ripley, Jordan, and Sharma are currently tenure-track professors in counselor education programs, with Ripley and Jordan consistently teaching addiction counseling courses to master’s-level students. Taylor Allesch is pursuing licensure as a professional counselor and is a former student of Ripley. Ripley has a background in substance use and addictions counseling, which is also her primary teaching and research interest. She teaches at a public university in the Midwest United States. Jordan is a professor at a mid-sized public university in the southern United States. He has more than a decade of experience counseling individuals with trauma and substance use struggles in a public mental health agency and in private practice. Sharma is a professor at a large, research-focused university in the southern United States and has experience working with clients with trauma and other stress-related disorders. Allesch was a master’s student in clinical mental health counseling who completed her degree during the data collection and analysis phases of our study. She has experience addressing trauma in private practice settings, predominantly with couples and individuals.

Beginning with the initial planning for this study, we discussed how academic, research, personal, and treatment-providing experiences with addiction and trauma would affect development of the research protocol. None of the team members identify as being in recovery from substance use, although multiple members have experienced traumas of varying severity and chronicity. We collectively lean toward wellness-based interventions and respecting personal autonomy in navigating healing from substance use or trauma. Throughout the study, we held reflective discussions about how our experiences influenced the development of interview questions and interpretations of the coding process and distillation of themes, and we kept reflexive journals, which were audited by Sharma, and conveyed results in writing. This included exploring: the influence of client issues and treatment systems we had worked in; personal experiences with substances, trauma, and the impacts on those we care about; and research and literature that had impacted our perspectives on recovery journeys. We were deliberate and consistent in acknowledging personal perspectives and biases while attempting to allow the voices of study participants to be captured accurately and fully.

Participants
     After securing IRB approval from our three affiliated institutions, participants were recruited through contacting peer recovery specialist organizations via email. Peer recovery specialists are trained as helping professionals who identify as being in recovery from substance use/addiction, or having mental health struggles, including trauma, or both, which is why we targeted this population for recruitment. Purposeful sampling was used to identify appropriate candidates who were recruited directly through organizational websites and through connections to local communities in Kentucky, Ohio, and Virginia. Snowball sampling was also used, as participants recommended other peers who might be interested in the study. Participants were not required to be trained as peer recovery specialists, but all participants were recruited through these networks. Emails to peer recovery specialists and associated organizations were sent with a link to an online screening survey utilizing Qualtrics software, which clarified which prospective participants met inclusion criteria.

The three inclusion criteria for this study were that participants must: be 18 or older, self-identify as being in recovery from substance use issues, and self-identify as being in trauma recovery. Because definitions of recovery vary, participants were not asked about the length of time since their last use of specific substances or the timeline of their trauma symptoms. Participants were asked to describe their recovery process from each struggle as part of the interview protocol; they were also asked how they define recovery. Although personal definitions vary, participants referenced government definitions, freedom from use or symptoms, normalcy in their lives, sustaining quality relationships, and having balance in their lives. Some participants referenced sustained abstinence from substances and reduction in trauma symptoms, while others spoke to the absence of chaotic behavior patterns and a sense of mental peace and calm. Potential participants who met eligibility criteria were contacted via email to schedule an interview. Each participant was sent a copy of informed consent documentation and gave verbal agreement to participate at the start of the interview.

Our final sample included 10 participants. Bartholomew et al. (2021) suggested that there is no specific range for sample sizes in phenomenological research, but 10 participants is within a normative range; larger samples often lose some of the essential qualities of this methodology. Other researchers have suggested three to 10 participants for phenomenological studies (Dukes, 1984).

In our study, participants’ ages ranged from 23 to 61, with a mean age of 42.2. Participants were asked open-ended questions regarding how they identified their gender, race/ethnicity, and sexual orientation. Two participants identified as male, with the rest identifying as female. Three participants identified as Black or African American, one as Hispanic, two as mixed race, and four as White. One participant identified as bisexual, one as lesbian, and the rest identified as heterosexual or straight. Table 1 summarizes pseudonyms and pertinent demographic information.

Table 1

Participant Demographics and Pseudonyms

Participant Age Gender Race or Ethnicity Sexual Orientation Pseudonym
Participant 1 61 M White Heterosexual Jackson
Participant 2 46 F Hispanic Bisexual Dedra
Participant 3 49 F Black Heterosexual Erica
Participant 4 40 M African American Heterosexual Levon
Participant 5 31 F White Heterosexual Olivia
Participant 6 37 F White/Colombian Heterosexual Kara
Participant 7 41 F White/Puerto Rican Heterosexual Alecia
Participant 8 41 F White Heterosexual Rhonda
Participant 9 53 F Black Heterosexual Corva
Participant 10 23 F White Lesbian Rosemary

 

Participant Background
     The participants were thoughtful in sharing their unique experiences in recovery. Jackson is a 61-year-old heterosexual White man who spoke about an abusive father and his drug use causing him to miss time with his kids. He talked about self-forgiveness as a key part of his recovery. Dedra is a 46-year-old bisexual Hispanic woman who discussed being hit by a truck while intoxicated and the complications of receiving inpatient nursing care while being prescribed Suboxone for opioid addiction. Erica, a 49-year-old heterosexual Black woman, currently works in a harm reduction program and talked a lot about people who died in active use and how Narcotics Anonymous (NA) was key in her early recovery. Levon is a 40-year-old heterosexual African American man who spent 18 years in prison on charges related to alcohol and prescription pill use. He described trauma recovery as very difficult, as he did not realize how his lived experiences had led to impaired functioning, even after achieving sobriety. Olivia, a 31-year-old heterosexual White woman, is currently pursuing a degree in social work and is employed as a peer specialist. She feels the cognitive behavioral therapy she received for trauma and 12-step fellowship for addiction were essential for the healthy relationships she has in her life now.

Kara is a 37-year-old heterosexual biracial (Columbian/White) woman who turned to alcohol and other drugs after the death of her brother. She says pregnancy and parenthood helped push her toward recovery and she is an advocate for improving Methadone access. Alecia is a 41-year-old heterosexual biracial (Puerto Rican/White) woman, who credits a supportive probation officer for helping her work toward recovery after 20 years of active addiction. She is a supporter of multiple interventions for recovery, including harm reduction, prevention, and diversion programs. Rhonda, also 41, is a heterosexual White woman. She supports many pathways to recovery, but for her, becoming involved in her church was the key to making progress. Corva is a 53-year-old heterosexual Black woman who talked about how her chaotic childhood led her to cope with alcohol, as well as having an unhealthy relationship with food and sex. Finally, Rosemary is a 23-year-old lesbian White woman. She was a college student who participated in a collegiate recovery program and has found substance recovery through harm reduction rather than abstinence.

Data Collection
     Participants gave verbal consent at the beginning of each interview. Data collection included semi-structured interviews (see Appendix for the interview protocol). Interviews were scheduled for 1 hour, and participants were advised that they may receive contact for a brief follow-up if clarification was needed (no participants were contacted for follow-up). Questions focused on the participants’ lived experiences of recovery from trauma and substance use. Zoom videoconferencing software was used to meet with the participants, and all interviews were video-recorded. The recordings were transcribed by Ripley, Jordan, and Allesch.

Data Analysis
     Each transcript was read and coded by two members of the research team. Ripley, Jordan, and Allesch completed the coding. In reviewing the transcripts, each member used the selective or highlighting approach (van Manen, 2016). This approach requires several readings of the text, paying attention to statements that “seem particularly essential or revealing about the phenomenon or experience being described” (van Manen, 2016, p. 93). We highlighted these statements in the text, then copied and organized the data in an Excel spreadsheet with repetitive data being identified and deleted. Statements were synthesized into a phrase that encompassed the statement’s meaning. Using cross-case analysis (Patton, 2015), the statements were grouped based on focus and perceived meaning (coding), leading to initial coded themes. In hermeneutic phenomenology, themes are used to describe a common aspect of the experience (van Manen, 2016). Collaborative analysis, or hermeneutic conversations, were then conducted by the three coders (van Manen, 2016). This entailed coding team meetings in which members discussed patterns and content, and preliminary ideas for themes emerging from the transcripts. Each coding review meeting included Ripley, Jordan, and Allesch.

Collaborative analysis assures “themes are examined, articulated, re-interpreted, omitted, added, or reformulated” as needed (van Manen, 2016, p. 100). Ripley, Jordan, and Allesch met several times over 4 months for collaborative analysis to calibrate and reach consensus regarding emergent themes. They examined lines of text that seemed to capture the essence of the recovery phenomenon and experience. We generated ideas for thematic groupings and descriptions; some themes were dropped because of inconsistency or lack of consensus, including a theme focused on “giving back” in recovery, which did not have the same amount of participant endorsement as the other themes. These dialogues included examining potential biases in interpreting transcripts, exploring overlaps and distinctions between themes, and ensuring each theme was evaluated and agreed upon amongst us. Once consensus was reached, themes were audited by Sharma. Sharma checked each coded statement to ensure its match to the assigned theme and then reported potential mismatches or poorly fitting codes to Ripley, Jordan, and Allesch. Further meetings and dialogues were held to work through different interpretations until consensus was met for all themes and coded statements (sometimes, a vote was held, requiring a majority to move forward). Themes were considered sufficiently refined when we all agreed that the essence of the interviews had been captured and no additional themes were needed to understand the participants’ experiences.

Trustworthiness
     Our research team engaged in several strategies to enhance the trustworthiness of our findings. Researcher bias was addressed using reflexive journals (Hays & Singh, 2012). Reflexive journals were kept by Ripley, Jordan, and Allesch. After each interview, the interviewer would write a reflexive journal documenting thoughts, assumptions, feelings, and reactions to the interview. The reflexive journals were read and examined for influence on code/theme generation by Sharma while auditing the themes. Sharma spoke about the journals and inquired about biases during meetings. Based on this feedback, the coding team was able to talk through and mitigate biases that affected data analysis, including transference related to personal and professional experiences.

Trustworthiness was also ensured using triangulation with multiple analysts (Patton, 2015). Ripley, Jordan, and Allesch conducted interviews and coded the transcripts, thus helping to “reduce the potential bias that comes from a single person doing all the data collection” and analysis (Patton, 2015, p. 665). Additionally, Sharma did not participate in conducting interviews or the initial coding process. Sharma audited the coding and themes without prior exposure to the data, with the intent of remaining objective.

Findings

Interviews with 10 participants were analyzed via a hermeneutic phenomenological approach. Six themes emerged from the interviews and subsequent coding process: recovery is hard, recovery includes structured support services, recovery is an ongoing process, recovery is relational, recovery is self-discovery, and substance use and trauma recovery are interconnected. These themes encompass defining characteristics of the dual recovery journey for the 10 participants in our study.

Recovery Is Hard
     Participants discussed how working toward and living in recovery comes with many challenges, especially related to stigmas and navigating systemic barriers in receiving help. Looking for support early in their substance use recovery process, Dedra highlighted, “Even if I’m an addict, I still deserve the proper treatment and proper care and proper empathy, and I didn’t get that.” She elaborated that, “I had to fight for myself; nobody else was doing it so I just had to fight hard.” Rhonda talked about multidimensional challenges that led to being overwhelmed in early substance use recovery, stating, “The hardest thing for me to get over in that first year is changing absolutely everything.”

Another common difficulty that participants expressed was finding a place to “fit in.” After experiencing traumas related to homelessness during pregnancy while simultaneously managing a chronic blood illness, Kara described, “I think some of the hardest parts for me were just sort of like learning how to reintegrate in society, and I think that continues to be hard for me, like ‘where do I fit in here?’” Kara felt that finding a sense of belonging was essential for healing, given the disconnection from supports she experienced before pursuing recovery. In pursuing formal treatment for co-occurring struggles, Kara indicated that she encountered “all these wait lists,” and shared, “if you want to go to a program . . . you can’t get in right away.” Olivia also described substance use and trauma having “such a stigma on it already anyway, receiving any kind of mental health service . . . it just seemed so unobtainable.” Dedra discussed judgment within the substance use recovery community because of being prescribed Suboxone, a medication used to treat opioid use disorder: “I experienced a lot of stigma because I was an opiate user and they had to put me on Suboxone. I just had all this weird treatment toward me that was so uncomfortable, so embarrassing, and really degrading.” Participants had a lot to overcome in order to receive support in pursuing recovery and sustaining their efforts amidst treatment barriers and social stigma. Some participants reported that they had to learn how to advocate for themselves because of the lack of support and barriers they encountered trying to seek support.

Recovery Includes Structured Support Services
     Most participants emphasized the necessity of structured support such as mental health and substance use treatment programs, mutual self-help groups (AA and NA), and other systems (e.g., church) as essential to their recovery journeys. The theme of recovery includes structured support services encompasses the importance of treatment programs, groups, and organizations that provide help to participants. Participants talked about the importance of these support systems to help people work toward change early on in pursuing recovery. Olivia benefited from both mutual self-help and professional therapy, sharing:

I personally worked a 12-step program [for substance recovery], and so, in that, [my counseling] was really based more on my trauma than it was actual substance use and I, I went to counseling and just a lot of things like that. . . . cognitive behavioral therapy is really what helped me work through those childhood traumas that I had, and the trauma that I added on to it as an adult, and it was difficult.

She elaborated about positive experiences working on trauma in formal treatment: “When I went into that treatment setting, the people there were already so well equipped to handle the kind of things that I needed to talk about, that I wanted to talk about.” Speaking more broadly, Olivia shared the importance of having multiple systems for support in dual recovery, saying, “I also think it’s really important to be able to connect people to a lot of different services, kind of like the wraparound services.” Jackson also benefited from both mutual self-help groups and formal treatment, stating: “When I got out [of incarceration], I did kind of dive into AA, which was integral, in my early recovery, and, you know, continued to see my therapist [for trauma counseling].”

Kara found out that she was pregnant while she was incarcerated and did an intensive 3-year program for women who were prescribed Methadone and pregnant. She reported this as an important step for her recovery. That group meant a lot to her. When asked about her trauma recovery process, Alecia talked about a peer specialist being a role model when she entered treatment, saying, “I can do this. If she can do it, I can do it,” as well as participating in SMART [Self-Management and Recovery Training] Recovery meetings. She expressed that this specialist helped her feel understood as someone who had been incarcerated and using substances to subdue childhood trauma symptoms. Overall, this theme showed that participants felt that they could not achieve sustained recovery on their own and benefited from programs, services, and mutual help spaces in healing from trauma and addiction.

Recovery Is an Ongoing Process
     Another theme that emerged from the interviews was that recovery is an ongoing and continuous process. Participants described their recovery from trauma and substance use as continuing to unfold, rather than a destination where they had already arrived. This process was discussed as an individual journey because, as they recovered, each person had to make choices about what resources to utilize and what changes fit their lives. Several participants explicitly identified that their co-occurring recovery is a continuous process. In characterizing her journey in dual recovery as being unique, Rosemary stated: “It took time for me to learn that recovery is a spectrum, and there’s not one right way to do this.” Alecia agreed with this theme and made similar statements, including: “I know this is a process that I’ll go through for the rest of my life.” In speaking primarily to substance recovery, Rhonda had similar sentiments, sharing her belief that “everybody’s not the same, and there’s so many different paths out there now. It’s just finding the right path in the right way for you.” She added, “Yes, I went to treatment, but I don’t use that as my recovery. My recovery was honestly therapy and going to church.”

This theme encompasses descriptions of making broad lifestyle changes and continuing to grow as a human, while still acknowledging the influence of substance use and trauma in one’s life journey.

Recovery Is Relational
     All participants spoke to relationships as they related to their recovery journeys. This theme is given more attention here, as it was the most frequently coded and consistent theme. Recovery is relational focuses on the importance of bonding and human connection in the recovery process. This theme is distinct from the theme of recovery includes structured support services, which focuses on therapy/counseling, education, or tangible resources, such as medications or financial assistance, rather than the general importance of interpersonal relationships.

Specifically, participants highlighted how relationships facilitated recovery, which included connections to individuals in the mutual self-help community, professionals, and treatment providers, but also support from their families, friends, and community. These connections helped participants cultivate hope and accountability as they progressed in healing from substance use and trauma. The sense of being understood and accepted through the challenges of recovery was impactful and motivating.

Jackson described the importance of his relationship with his 12-step sponsor, a high school teacher that “really got me.” His sponsor worked the steps with Jackson, trying to understand Jackson’s unique perspectives on the steps and recovery. He described his sponsor as patient and intelligent. The sponsor was able to repackage the AA message in a way that fit for Jackson, who said that “if I hadn’t had somebody like that, I wouldn’t have stopped.” Kara and Erica similarly shared the importance of relationships in the 12-step community, including not feeling alone in pursuing recovery.

Sources of support varied widely in our study. Olivia described the important relationship she had with her children’s foster parent. Not only did the foster parent take care of her children, but she became an integral part of Olivia’s life; she described her as “my absolute biggest supporter.” This foster parent helped her build back community and showed her that it is possible to live the kind of life she had always wanted.

Other participants also emphasized the benefits of community and support broadly. Olivia shared that she had to learn new ways of living and building relationships within her community. Her local community has been essential to her success in recovery. She detailed how this support facilitated recovery from trauma and substance use:

I spent almost an entire year just digging through those things and opening up and sharing about them, and that’s also where I built that first sense of community of speaking on those traumas with like-minded people who had been through similar situations.

Alecia spoke about the significant support she received from her probation officer. She stated that having a probation officer who really understood her and wanted to see her succeed was “a game changer.” The probation officer’s investment in her was a turning point for Alecia. Corva felt that recovering from both issues has given her relationships authentic connection: “Being around people who really know us and know us at our depth and, you know, and that’s what life is truly about. So, for me, that’s what recovery is about. And it’s given me a family.”

Participants were consistent in pointing to relationships boosting their success in recovery, which included building back bonds with people they had lost touch with or been cut off from during active use, as well as building a new network of support. The theme of recovery is relational had the highest number of identified codes from participants supporting the theme.

Recovery Is Self-Discovery
     Participants identified the development of self-awareness and connecting with themselves as part of their recovery. This theme of recovery is self-discovery included emphasizing new personal growth since confronting trauma and addressing substance use struggles, including reconnecting with prior values and aspects of their identity. Additionally, participants described self-awareness as a key component of their life in recovery, including being honest with themselves and processing emotions that they may have avoided previously. Epitomizing this theme, Jackson stated:

So much of my recovery is about finding my place in the world—that sense of comfort and connection and stuff. A lot of my trauma that I experienced entails me forgiving other people. This, you know, is forgiving myself for the mistakes I’ve made, which I still struggle with, but also is letting go of resentments.

When asked about critical points in his recovery, Levon also spoke about personal development, saying that he started to see how to present a stronger version of himself, knowing internally that he was courageous and could fight through obstacles. Olivia added that she had created walls that served the purpose of protecting her but had to “chip away” at those protections for her true self to emerge in recovery.

In terms of confronting emotions and suppressed thoughts, Dedra shared that trauma recovery required “this ability, which only came to me late in life, to just be objective with my own self, and to be honest and objective about what [trauma is] doing, and who I am, and what’s happening to me.” In connecting this to substance use recovery, both Dedra and Rosemary agreed that self-awareness and honesty are key to recovery and that secrets can continue the cycle. Multiple participants alluded to increased self-awareness, understanding, and reconnection with their true self as being an important part of the recovery process.

Substance Use and Trauma Recovery Are Interconnected
     The theme of substance use and trauma recovery are interconnected was described in multiple ways by participants, often referencing trauma being an underlying aspect of substance use struggles. Participants spoke about realizing the connectedness of trauma, mental health issues, and substance use in recovery. Erica acknowledged the close connection between substance use and trauma recovery, saying that “they just kind of overlap and intersect, and it’s kind of hard to differentiate where one ends and one begins.” Dedra spoke about trauma being the underlying issue, explaining, “Trauma is the root for me, and you know, with other people it might be that, you know, once they quit drinking, things get better, but I’ve always had to struggle with trauma.” Levon also described that he was unaware of how affected by trauma he was, recounting: “Trauma drove the substance use in that sense . . . because the trauma had certain effects on me that I didn’t [recognize].”

Additionally, participants noted that addressing trauma, including associated mental health concerns, along with substance use, was an essential part of recovery. Jackson spoke about the importance of getting help with mental health diagnoses, which he didn’t start until 10 years after engaging in substance use recovery. He had experienced multiple hospitalizations related to suicide attempts, which eventually spurred him to address his mental health:

But it was at that point I kind of really took my mental health issues as seriously as I took my substance use issues because it was easy to see that my substance use issues were killing me, were going to kill me. It’s harder to see that with mental health issues.

Alecia used similar language, describing that “addiction is just one of the symptoms of trauma, and . . . you can’t get to the root with the symptoms still there.” The direct relationship between trauma healing and substance use recovery was consistent in the interviews. Participants were directly asked if these recovery processes were related, and all participants replied affirmatively and elaborated on the reasons for this connection. Although many responses highlighted the trauma as an underlying cause of substance use, the responses showed that in conceptualizing the recovery process, healing from each was interconnected.

Discussion

Six themes emerged from the phenomenological analysis of these 10 interviews focused on the experience of trauma and substance use recovery: recovery is hard, recovery includes structured support services, recovery is an ongoing process, recovery is relational, recovery is self-discovery, and substance use and trauma recovery are interconnected. Taken as a whole, these themes demonstrate that the lived experience of dual recovery from substance use and trauma is an individual, holistic journey supported by personal and formal relationships. There is an inherent connection between trauma and substance use recovery for these participants. This type of dual recovery includes hardships on the path to healing for both trauma and substance use. Among our participants, there were multiple pathways to recovery, and yet there were parallels in how they described essential elements of long-term recovery. Recovery is a forward-focused endeavor rather than a cure for pathology (Witkiewitz et al., 2020), which is a useful perspective for laypersons and professionals who offer guidance to people working to overcome trauma symptoms and substance use addictions.

This study deepens the understanding of dual recovery from these correlated struggles, which counselors commonly address. Acknowledging the ongoing nature of recovery reduces the focus on acute symptom management and shifts the focus toward lifestyle factors such as relationships. These themes support an individualized self-exploration process for discovering a new sense of self within substance use and trauma recovery. All participants indicated that these two recovery processes were correlated. This finding supports a simultaneous approach to healing substance use and trauma, as opposed to a historical emphasis on sequential treatment.

These findings call for a focus on development and wellness congruent with counselor professional identity (Woo et al., 2014), in contrast to a medical model framework. Conceptualizing recovery as an ongoing purpose, rather than a destination, supports the benefits of counselors embracing holistic wellness and developmental perspectives. Participants described a long-term process enabled by relationships and structured support, calling on counselors to be responsive to recovering clients’ ongoing healing journeys. This aligns well with how counselors join clients in pursuing meaningful, multidimensional changes in their lives (Woo et al., 2014) rather than focusing solely on symptom reduction. Trauma and substance use are correlated, but each individual navigates unique challenges in pursuing a better life in recovery. This healing is not just alleviating symptoms but rather finding new identities and maintaining wellness daily. These findings demonstrate that counselors benefit from recognizing that there is no one-size-fits-all approach to dual recovery. Long-term support is needed in recovery and that care should target both trauma and substance use in order to be successful. The participants acknowledged that addressing the trauma at the root of their struggles would benefit both their mental wellness and ability to avoid harmful substance use. Our participants have given us evidence in their own voices to help clarify what the phenomenon of co-occurring recovery looks like.

Refining the understanding of recovery as a process advances the pursuit of better supports for survivors persevering through trauma and substance use that has negatively impacted their lives. Recognizing that trauma and substance use recoveries are intertwined calls for services designed to support the long-term healing process. This recognition also discredits siloed treatments that do not address co-occurring needs. The importance of relationships and support networks was clear, as was the individualized nature of the recovery process over time. Counselors are trained and equipped to meet clients where they are by matching interventions to individual needs. This means cultivating recovery based on clients’ unique strengths rather than using cookie-cutter prescriptive approaches to support sustained recovery.

Implications for Counselors

Counseling, being defined as a relationship that facilitates growth and healing (Kaplan et al., 2014), is a fitting intervention for people pursuing recovery. Emphasizing holistic wellness, supporting development through the lifespan, and honoring the specific needs of the client are all aspects of professional counselors’ duty (American Counseling Association [ACA], 2014). Counselors are uniquely equipped to provide holistic and development-focused support for individuals in dual recovery, given that these approaches are congruent with counselor professional identity (Woo et al., 2014).

Historically, addiction treatment has relied on a prescriptive, sequential approach to substance use recovery, usually involving the pursuit of sobriety before addressing mental health concerns. Recent research supports concurrent treatment as best practice for treating trauma and substance use (Garland et al., 2015; Roberts et al., 2023; Schumm & Gore, 2016). This approach to co-occurring treatment supports the holistic approach emphasized by leaders and researchers in the counseling profession (Dollarhide & Oliver, 2014; Fickling, 2023; Kaplan et al., 2014). Valuing client autonomy and personal preferences in navigating recovery is necessary for counselors, which aligns with the individuality of recovery journeys found in our study. This research demonstrates that for many individuals, trauma struggles were not addressed until after they managed substance use effectively, which likely inhibited progress and overall wellness. Additionally, counselors integrating wellness, prevention, and developmental perspectives can help these individuals thrive long after the pathology of acute addiction or trauma symptomology is relieved.

Motivational interviewing and principles of trauma-informed care embrace this stance, including focusing on empowering the individual on their own terms and assuming a natural tendency toward growth (Miller & Rollnick, 2023). Addiction treatment, specifically, has traditionally been confrontational and behaviorally focused (White & Miller, 2007). This contradicts a trauma-informed approach to recovery and is particularly concerning given the high rates of co-occurrence between these struggles (Dore et al., 2012; Giordano et al., 2016). Harm reduction is another approach that fits for dually recovering individuals based on these findings. One of the main hardships that participants described was the experience of stigma because of their substance use. This approach mitigates stigma by focusing on wellness without judgment (Collins & Clifasefi, 2023). Harm reduction is a humanistic and pragmatic approach that prioritizes autonomy and the holistic well-being of the individual. Harm reduction is uniquely suited to co-occurring trauma and addiction, given its emphasis on collaboration with those being helped, a trauma-informed approach, and avoiding retraumatization through power-over dynamics. This philosophy has been adapted as an approach to psychotherapy by multiple scholars (Collins & Clifasefi, 2023; Tatarsky & Kellogg, 2012). Some participants had awareness, knowledge, and experiences receiving or providing harm reduction care and expressed their support for harm reduction within the continuum of services supporting substance use recovery.

With trauma, counselors may wish to engage with post-traumatic growth phenomena, as well as validating the natural tendency toward self-improvement, wellness, and growth. With substance use, counselors can draw from motivational interviewing, harm reduction, and self-guided changes to empower clients to take responsibility for personal change and respect their autonomy in the process. In supporting the dual recovery process, professional counselors can honor the unique strengths and meaning created through relationships, self-discovery, overcoming barriers, and the unfolding pursuit of growth in their clients.

Limitations

The current study did not differentiate the types of substances participants were recovering from, nor did it focus on specific types of trauma. Our research team intentionally focused on self-defined experiences with these struggles and the phenomena of recovery rather than the etiology of the struggle. It is difficult for these themes to be applied to substance use or trauma separately, as most interview questions focused on the participants’ experiences in co-occurring recovery. Sometimes, there was a clear distinction in which process, or sequential experience with recovery, they were referring to; those are noted in the Findings section. However, by design, most of the time, they were speaking about the dual recovery process. It is likely that complex trauma recovery may have phenomenological differences from acute event traumas. Similarly, recovery from different types of substances includes unique needs and experiences, such as medication treatment for opioid use recovery. During the coding and theme development process, our researchers may have been influenced by prior definitions of recovery in the literature. Despite this influence, our research team was diligent in focusing on giving voice to the participants as they reviewed coded statements from the interviews in clustering emergent themes.

Broadly, our study provides nuance in conceptualizing the phenomenon of dual recovery from trauma and substance use, but it cannot be generalized given that it is a qualitative study. Our study was limited geographically and by purposeful sampling. It is noteworthy that peer recovery specialists may have received education or exposure as helpers that has influenced their conceptualizations of recovery, which may differ from the broader population of individuals recovering from trauma and substance use. Finally, recovery as an experience extends to many other struggles beyond trauma and substance use issues, and it is unclear if the themes found in the current study would apply to other medical or mental health recoveries.

Future Research

These findings build on prior studies examining how substance use and trauma experiences are correlated and provide an in-depth look at the phenomenon of recovery with 10 individuals. Future studies may utilize quantitative methodology to determine if the themes found in this study are generalizable to people in recovery from trauma and substance use. Research is also needed to explore the specific experiences of peer recovery specialists in dual recovery. Additionally, further research may also explore factors that differentiate trauma recovery from substance use recovery experiences, both for individuals with co-occurring recoveries and those who only identify as being in recovery from one or the other. The current study adds to the research in a significant way but also reinforces a need for more studies looking at subtleties of recovery experiences.

Conclusion

Recovery is a multidimensional process that is defined by wellness and improved overall functioning (Witkiewitz et al., 2020). The current study examined the experience of recovery for 10 individuals identifying as in recovery from both substance use and trauma using hermeneutic phenomenology. Six themes emerged that conceptualize recovery from trauma and substance use as an ongoing, interconnected, individualized process that includes hardships and self-discovery and is facilitated by relationships and formal services. These findings support existing research calling for a concurrent and holistic approach for counseling individuals pursuing recovery from substance use and trauma-related symptoms.

 

Conflict of Interest and Funding Disclosure
The authors reported no conflict of interest
or funding contributions for the development
of this manuscript.

 

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Appendix

Interview Protocol

Research Question: What is the experience of recovery for someone who struggles with substance use and trauma?

  1. When I say the word “recovery,” what comes to mind? How do you define “recovery”?
  2. Tell me about the process of your recovery from trauma.
  3. Tell me about the process of your recovery from substance use.
  4. Do you feel your recovery process from substance use and trauma are related? If so, can you describe how?
  5. What are some of the critical moments or turning points in your recovery?
  6. Describe in as much detail as possible what you struggled with the most during recovery and how you managed those struggles.
  7. How has being in recovery influenced your life and what have you learned from those experiences?
  8. If you could go back and change anything about the process of your recovery, what would it be?

 

 

Dana Ripley, PhD, LPC (KY, VA), is an associate professor at Northern Kentucky University. Justin R. Jordan, PhD, LPC (VA), LSATP (VA), is an assistant professor at Longwood University. Jyotsana Sharma, PhD, LCMHC (NH), ACS, is an associate professor at Oklahoma State University. Taylor Allesch, MS, LPC (OH), LPCA (KY), is a professional counselor at Be Known: Sex and Relationship Counseling. Correspondence may be addressed to Justin R. Jordan, 201 High Street (222 Hull Hall), Farmville, VA 23909, jordanjr2@longwood.edu.

Counseling and the Neurodiversity Paradigm: A Call to Action

Emily Goodman-Scott, Rawn Boulden, Aaron Albright, Jenna Alvarez, Betsy M. Perez

The counseling profession is rooted in prevention, wellness, mental health, and a critical social justice approach to serving historically marginalized communities, including people with disabilities. The overarching construct of disability comprises subtypes, such as neurodivergence. Given the prevalence of neurodivergent individuals worldwide (approximately 15%–20%), the counseling profession must be prepared to support this community. At the same time, there is a dearth of peer-reviewed literature on neurodiversity specifically for the counseling profession. In this article, we address a timely topic in the profession. We discuss utilizing a critical counseling lens and centering marginalized identities, such as people with disabilities; prominent disability models, including the neurodiversity paradigm; and suggestions to infuse neurodiversity throughout the counseling profession.

Keywords: neurodiversity paradigm, disabilities, counseling, neurodivergence, disability models

     According to the American Counseling Association (ACA), “counseling is a professional relationship that empowers diverse individuals, families, and groups to accomplish mental health, wellness, education, and career goals” (Kaplan et al., 2014, p. 92). These ACA priorities are echoed in seminal counseling texts. The Multicultural and Social Justice Counseling Competencies (MSJCC; Ratts et al., 2016) outline the counseling profession as grounded in a culturally affirming, contextual approach to address systemic oppression and intersectionality. The ACA Advocacy Competencies also center context and identities as critical in advocating for systemic change (Toporek & Daniels, 2018). Thus, the counseling profession promotes a strengths-based approach to prevention and mental health, centering equity, social justice, and the use of a critical lens, particularly for those with marginalized intersectional identities (Hays & Singh, 2023; Proctor & Rivera, 2022).

People with disabilities (PWDs) are a historically marginalized identity or culture that includes neurodivergent individuals (Deroche & Mautz, 2024; Long et al., 2024; Roberson et al., 2021). Because of the prevalence of neurodivergence worldwide (15%–20%; Doyle, 2020), allied professions have started incorporating the neurodiversity paradigm into their scholarship, including psychology (Pellicano & den Houting, 2022), occupational therapy (Chen & Patten, 2021; Rajotte et al., 2025), and speech-language pathology (DeThorne & Searsmith, 2021). However, the neurodiversity movement is largely absent from the peer-reviewed counseling literature (Long et al., 2025). In this article, we fill a gap in the literature, noting: (a) a critical counseling lens and the importance of centering marginalized identities, such as PWDs; (b) prominent disability models, including the neurodiversity paradigm; and (c) suggestions to infuse neurodiversity throughout the counseling profession.

Critical Theories
     Overall, critical theories are an overarching paradigm centering the importance of recognizing and changing systemic oppression, advocating for historically marginalized identities, and emphasizing the impact of intersectionality (Hays & Singh, 2023; Proctor & Rivera, 2022). First, critical theorists view the world through the socially constructed dimensions of power, privilege, and marginalization, which suggests that power structures in society were historically developed and are presently maintained to provide power and privilege to some and oppress and marginalize others. These power structures will continue unless identified (i.e., increase critical consciousness) and actively changed (i.e., interrogate and dismantle oppressive systems and move toward more equity and justice). For instance, according to critical theories such as feminism and critical race theory (CRT), dominant established power structures, such as patriarchy and colonialism, should be challenged. Overall, critical theorists prioritize historically marginalized voices and strive to ensure that knowledge is rooted in these communities rather than imposed by dominant outsiders (Hays & Singh, 2023; Proctor & Rivera, 2022).

Next, intersectionality is also central to critical theories (Hays & Singh, 2023; Proctor & Rivera, 2022). Introduced by Kimberlé Crenshaw (1989), intersectionality is a framework that examines how overlapping social identities, such as race, gender, class, and disability, interact to create unique experiences of oppression, privilege, and power. Crenshaw introduced the term to address the ways in which Black women, for example, were often excluded from both feminist and anti-racist discourses, revealing how single-axis analyses failed to capture their experiences. Intersectionality does not simply add identities together. Rather, it highlights how these identities interlock within systems of power and shapes how individuals navigate the world. Therefore, intersectionality accentuates how social activism dismantles systems of oppression and injustice.

Critical Theories and Counseling
     Drawing from critical theories, the counseling profession works to expose and uproot oppressive systems that reinforce privilege for some identities while suppressing others (Hays & Singh, 2023; Proctor & Rivera, 2022). Ratts et al. (2016) developed the seminal MSJCC, which underscores the need for counselors to engage in intersectional and social justice practices, as well as acknowledges the impact of marginalized and privileged identities within the counselor–client relationship. Similarly, ACA (2025) has reinforced the crucial need for counselors to support marginalized populations because of the prevalence of systemic injustices.

As such, several scholars have discussed the importance of CRT and anti-racism within counseling. Holcomb-McCoy (2022) called for the counseling profession to utilize an anti-racist lens to interrogate and change inequitable systems that disproportionately harm those with marginalized racial/ethnic identities. Similarly, Mayes and Byrd (2022) proposed a framework for anti-racist school counseling emphasizing critical consciousness, evidence-based practices, and strategies to interrupt harmful school policies. Haskins and Singh (2015) recommended pedagogical strategies for incorporating CRT into counseling programs to promote counselor trainees’ racial awareness.

In a similar vein, scholars like Sharma and Hipolito-Delgado (2021) and Locke (2021) reflected on the role of feminist and Latino CRT, respectively, in fostering critical consciousness and anti-racism in counselor training, particularly for students from marginalized groups. LaMantia et al. (2015) also applied feminist pedagogy to counselor education, promoting student ally behaviors. Further, Shavers and Moore (2019) incorporated Black Feminist Thought to explore the experiences of Black female doctoral students at predominantly White institutions.

Finally, several scholars have utilized a critical lens when discussing LGBTQ+ communities. Moe et al. (2020) brought post-colonial theory to the fore in their exploration of working with LGBTQI+ youth internationally by advocating for culturally aware counseling practices that address Eurocentric biases. Also, Moe et al. (2017) applied queer theory to support queer and genderqueer clients through emphasizing the importance of acknowledging intersectional identities and the unique needs of queer people of color. Similarly, Smith (2013) applied critical theory to LGBTQ+ youth in schools and addressed the capability of the American School Counselor Association’s National Model (2025) to reinforce or dismantle heteronormativity practices. Overall, counseling scholars have applied a critical lens (e.g., CRT, anti-racism, feminism, queer theory) to serve several historically marginalized identities. However, a focus on PWDs and critical disability theory (CDT) is absent from this body of critical counseling scholarship.

Disabilities

Those who identify as PWDs are part of one of the largest historically marginalized groups in the United States, with a population of over 70 million (Centers for Disease Control and Prevention [CDC], 2024). Though the construct of disability can be understood in a variety of ways, we utilize the definition from the U.S. Census Bureau (n.d.): “Disability is a complex process between an individual’s physical, emotional, and mental health, and the environment in which they live, work, and play. . . . individuals may experience disability if they have difficulty with certain daily tasks due to a physical, mental, or emotional condition” (p. 1).

In Multicultural and Social Justice Counseling (2024), authors Deroche and Mautz organized disabilities into three primary categories: (a) physical disabilities, such as paralysis, chronic illness, or blindness; (b) cognitive or neurodivergent disabilities, such as learning, developmental, or intellectual disabilities, including autism spectrum disorder or dyslexia; and (c) psychiatric disabilities, including mental health disorders such as anxiety, depression, and substance use, among others. Further, these authors also relayed that disability is an overarching term to represent diverse, varied, intersecting identities and experiences that are shaped by factors such as disability onset, symptom progression and impact, degree of visibility, and disability models.

Disability Models Historically
     The construct of disabilities must be understood within its historical context. U.S. society has utilized several models of disability that have evolved over time (Brown, 2015; Deroche & Mautz, 2024; Olkin, 2002). The moral model is one of the oldest and is closely tied to religion; this perspective holds that disabilities are inherently negative and result from one’s lack of faith or as punishment for immoral behaviors (Deroche & Mautz, 2024; Olkin, 2002). The moral model is seen as problematic because it views disabilities adversely and places responsibility on the PWD for their condition, fostering stigma and shame rather than understanding or support.

More recently, disabilities have been conceptualized by two opposing perspectives: the medical model and the social model. Per the medical model, conditions or disorders are classified by the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM; American Psychiatric Association, 2022), and pathologized as impairments or deficits that deviate from a set standard and need to be treated (Brown, 2015; Chen & Patten, 2021; Long et al., 2024; Olkin, 2002). Thus, the medical model recommends that PWDs receive intervention and accommodations to help them operate more closely to a culturally constructed standard of typical. The medical model is currently the most widely utilized disability model, including in the counseling profession. However, this model is critiqued as being deficit-focused and needing greater consideration for both culture and context (Chen & Patten, 2021; Deroche & Mautz, 2024; Olkin, 2002). Further, privileging and encouraging assimilation to a socially constructed norm has been related to adverse mental health for PWDs, such as anxiety and depression from masking or hiding aspects of oneself from others (DeThorne & Searsmith, 2021).

Countering the medical model, the social model considers disability as a social construct, which places the onus on the environment and larger culture, with the aim of removing socially created barriers hindering PWDs from fully accessing societal institutions and spaces (Chen & Patten, 2021; Long et al., 2024; Olkin, 2002). In other words, according to the social model, PWDs are impacted not by their specific disability, but because of how society has structured the world to be unaligned with the unique needs and experiences of PWDs. Scholars have also suggested that the social model is too concrete (Meekosha & Shuttleworth, 2009) and that disabilities must be considered comprehensively, beyond environmental and cultural factors (Dwyer, 2022).

Contemporary Disability Paradigms
     Overall, disability models have been shaped by societal beliefs and historical events, evolving with time, as described by Brown (2015) and Deroche and Mautz (2024). Beginning in the mid-1900s, the larger civil rights movement opened doors for federal protections around disabilities and was crucial in securing legal protections and advancing social inclusion for PWDs. Specifically, the disability rights movement initially addressed workplace discrimination, striving for equitable access to employment and work accommodations; this has since progressed to include advocating for more disability inclusive education, health care, and intersectional identities. Hence, the confluence of these factors—evolving disability models, increased civil rights, activism, and centering diversity—have led to the emergence of the present-day neurodiversity paradigm, a contemporary model of disability rooted in critical theories, such as CDT (Brown, 2015; Deroche & Mautz, 2024).

Critical Disability Theory
     Expanding upon the social model, CDT explores the broader systems and structures that influence disability (Botha & Gillespie-Lynch, 2022; Hays & Singh, 2023). In alignment with the overarching lens of critical theories, CDT is a framework that challenges previous models of disability to instead espouse the complex experience of PWDs, centering the voices of this marginalized identity or cultural group (Gillies, 2014; Meekosha & Shuttleworth, 2009). Gaining momentum in the 2000s, CDT explores how society constructs, defines, and responds to disabled bodies and minds within the context of systemic power, privilege, and marginalization (Meekosha & Shuttleworth, 2009). Rather than defining disability as abnormal or a medical condition requiring treatment, CDT challenges these prevailing views. Mainly, scholars who subscribe to this paradigm recognize disability as a natural aspect of society, with the need to transform public policies and perceptions, as well as redistribute power, control, and autonomy (Deroche & Mautz, 2024; Long et al., 2024). As such, supporters of CDT advocate to ensure that PWDs can fully participate in all aspects of society such as employment and social and educational dimensions, as well as having equitable access to rights, opportunities, and resources. Thus, the CDT paradigm, grounded in social justice, activism, and the disability rights movement, calls for viewing disability as a unique culture, a dimension of diversity, and through the lens of historically marginalized, intersectional identities or cultures.

The Neurodiversity Movement

While CDT is a critical theory applied toward disabilities, it has also been a driving force in the neurodiversity movement (Roberson et al., 2021). Chapman and Botha (2023) stated:

The neurodiversity movement is a social justice and civil rights movement led by and for people with neurocognitive, developmental, and psychological disabilities. Neurodiversity theory proposes that divergence from expected functioning (such as autism, attention-deficit/hyperactivity disorder [ADHD], developmental coordination disorder, or dyslexia) are natural variations of human minds, and those who diverge from the norm (neurominorities) are equally deserving of dignity, respect, and accommodation. . . . with the acknowledgement of neurocognitive diversity as natural, valuable, and in need of support. (p. 310)

While neurodivergence is considered to be a type of cognitive disability (e.g., autism, ADHD, dyslexia) impacting approximately nearly one in five individuals worldwide (Doyle, 2020), the neurodiversity paradigm is a larger movement rooted in social justice and civil rights, countering earlier deficit-based disability models, such as the medical model (Deroche & Mautz, 2024; Long et al., 2024; Sonuga-Barke & Thapar, 2021). As a result, neurodiversity is seen as a movement or paradigm influenced by CDT, in addition to being a type of disability.

The neurodiversity movement began in the 1990s with sociologist Judy Singer drawing on Crenshaw’s lens of intersectionality (Botha & Gillespie-Lynch, 2022; Chapman, 2021). Though originally conceptualized for autism, this paradigm has since expanded (Chapman, 2021; Dwyer, 2022). Rather than perpetuating a continuum of typical and atypical neurological functioning, the neurodiversity paradigm reinforces normal diversity in human neurology instead of pathologizing neurological variations (Chapman, 2021; Chen & Patten, 2021; Olkin, 2002).

Because it is aligned with critical theories such as CDT (Hays & Singh, 2023; Roberson et al., 2021), neurological diversity should be viewed through the lens of culture (Long et al., 2025), as well as through societal and historical systems of power and oppression. Thus, like other historically marginalized groups (e.g., cultural, ethnic, and sexual minorities; Chapman & Botha, 2023), proponents of the neurodiversity movement describe unique aspects of a shared culture, pride, and identity (Brown, 2015). One such example is identifying as neurominorities (Chapman & Botha, 2023).

For instance, Roberson and colleagues (2021) posited that, historically, neurodivergent individuals have been viewed through an ableist lens that judged them based on their ability to conform to neurotypical standards. A CDT approach denounces this deficit-based historical framing and instead highlights the positive cognitive traits and leadership of neurodivergent individuals. Rather than emphasizing the obstacles they face in meeting conventional norms, CDT and the neurodiversity paradigm redefine neurodivergence as a valuable and distinctive strength and skill set that can be used for enhancement (Roberson et al., 2021).

Furthermore, scholars have examined the confluence of neurodiversity and intersectionality (e.g., Mallipeddi & VanDaalen, 2022). Botha and Gillespie-Lynch (2022) made the case for including the neurodiversity paradigm within the intersectionality conversation, specifically focusing on autistic individuals. Namely, they highlighted the systemic barriers and inequities disproportionately impacting the Autistic community. This includes restricted access to gender-affirming care for autistic transgender people, which can correspond to increased odds of mental health challenges such as depression and suicidality (Tordoff et al., 2022). Furthermore, these risk factors may be compounded when additional identities are incorporated, such as when persons of color are also economically disadvantaged individuals (Botha & Gillespie-Lynch, 2022). Thus, taking an intersectional lens to the neurodiversity paradigm is not only aligned with CDT, but also exemplifies a more nuanced understanding of how multiple layers of identity or culture (e.g., race, gender, socioeconomic status) interact with neurodivergence in order to address the compounded barriers and inequities faced by marginalized groups. As such, intersectionality has been interwoven into CDT to highlight the layered identities and aspects of power, privilege, and oppression within the neurodiversity movement (Botha & Gillespie-Lynch, 2022).

Counseling, Disabilities, and the Neurodiversity Movement
     Despite the prevalence of those with disabilities (CDC, 2024), PWDs are often not seen as an underrepresented group or a culture, leading to misconceptions and often a lack of resources and support (Brown, 2015; Olkin, 2002; Pierce, 2024). Within the counseling profession, Degeneffe and colleagues (2021) studied how disability is addressed in ACA’s flagship journal, the Journal of Counseling & Development (JCD). Their results mirrored previous research, noting “limited scope of disability content in JCD . . . [and that] disability is largely neglected in JCD and other counseling-related journals” (Degeneffe et al., 2021, p. 118).

While counseling scholars have focused on critical theories, the literature on CDT is sparse. Öksüz and Brubaker (2020) discussed the historical lens of counseling PWDs and advocated for CDT to shape counseling training. Aligned with CDT, Pierce (2024) outlined the richness of disability culture, recommending that the counseling profession incorporate greater disability justice.

To our knowledge, there has been one peer-reviewed, U.S.-based journal article discussing the neurodiversity paradigm within the counseling profession. Long and colleagues (2025) conducted a qualitative content analysis, examining 21 peer-reviewed counseling journals published between 2013 and 2022. They searched for what they defined as neurodiversity constructs, or content they conceptualized as relating to neurodiversity. Examples of the most frequent terms, or neurodiversity constructs, that they found include autism, ADHD, and twice exceptional, with the most common word/phrase being neurotypical. Thus, while scholars found counseling scholarship demonstrating neurodiversity constructs, these phrases did not include the actual word or a derivative of neurodiversity. Rather, Long et al. (2025) found content more generally related to the construct. These findings underscore the lack of neurodiversity content within counseling. Though the counseling profession centers critical theories with an emerging focus on CDT, the neurodiversity paradigm is absent from the peer-reviewed counseling literature.

Despite the limited counseling scholarship on the neurodiversity paradigm, a different trend exists within allied professions, and scholars have recommended that clinicians utilize the neurodiversity approach in their work (Chapman & Botha, 2023; Sonuga-Barke & Thapar, 2021). Furthermore, the neurodiversity paradigm is being covered in psychology (Pellicano & den Houting, 2022), occupational therapy (Chen & Patten, 2021; Rajotte et al., 2025), and speech-language pathology (DeThorne & Searsmith, 2021). In terms of therapeutic clinicians across disciplines, Sonuga-Barke and Thapar (2021) described the importance of clinicians moving beyond the deficit-based medical model to instead center the perspectives of neurodivergent individuals. Similarly, Chapman and Botha (2023) stated that the need exists for clinical therapeutic approaches to include practical strategies for supporting neurodiversity, including multidisciplinary work across disciplines.

Incorporating the Neurodiversity Movement Into Counseling: A Call to Action

As Long and colleagues (2025) relayed, “counselors across practice settings encounter neurodivergent clients and are responsible for understanding neurodivergence and its impact on client well-being . . . [and] the social, political, and cultural considerations” (p. 57). As approximately 15–20% of the population is neurodivergent (Doyle, 2020), it is likely that counselors will work with this population. As such, counselors must be informed of the neurodiversity paradigm and how to utilize neuro-affirming practices across counseling specialties and the profession as a whole. Next, we provide a call to action, recommending steps for infusing the neurodiversity paradigm throughout the profession: awareness and introspection; guiding documents; professional organizations; research; clinical practice; and pre-service preparation, supervision, and training. It is important to note that these suggestions are preliminary recommendations acting as a springboard for a litany of additional efforts. More depth and focus are warranted across each of the following topics.

Awareness and Introspection
     Neuro-affirming counseling begins by looking at the foundational values guiding our profession. In alignment with critical theories (Hays & Singh, 2023; Proctor & Rivera, 2022), the MSJCC (Ratts et al., 2016), and the ACA Advocacy Competencies (Toporek & Daniels, 2018), we must interrogate and dismantle how the counseling profession and greater society privileges certain abilities and neurological existences while oppressing and marginalizing others. This requires both a paradigm shift and heightened critical consciousness as counselors, as a profession, and for the systems we work within (e.g., schools, agencies, private practices, counselor education programs). The following sample questions guide this introspection: How can the counseling profession challenge the historically deficit-laden conceptualization of disabilities that requires assimilating to a socially constructed norm of typicality? How can counselors advocate for systemic changes that increase access and opportunities for all, rather than placing the onus of change primarily on individuals? How can the profession celebrate and affirm the benefits of diverse ability levels and neurological functioning? How are we incorporating intersectionality within neuro-affirming counseling? How are we ensuring that neurodivergent individuals are leading and integral in the application of the neurodiversity movement within the counseling profession? How can we learn from and collaborate with allied professions engaged in neuro-affirming practices?

Guiding Documents
     The counseling profession would benefit from integrating the neurodiversity movement into its core frameworks. For example, though ACA Code of Ethics (2014) standards C.5., E.8., and H.5.d. explicitly reference disability, they make no direct mention of neurodiversity. Furthermore, H.5.d. is the only standard that addresses accessibility, and it is within the context of website creation. While this inclusion is valuable, there remains an opportunity to expand considerations of accessibility, flexibility, and inclusivity to better support neurodivergent clients within the counseling relationship.

Next, the MSJCC (Ratts et al., 2016) provides a conceptual framework that highlights ways in which counselors can incorporate advocacy within their work with a range of individuals who experience marginalization. Mainly, competency area III.1. indicates that competent counselors “are aware of how client and counselor worldviews, assumptions, attitudes, values, beliefs, biases, social identities, social group statuses, and experiences with power, privilege, and oppression influence the counseling relationship” (Ratts et al., 2016, p. 9). Overall, the MSJCC is a broad framework designed for application to counselors and clients who identify with a range of identities and cultures, within the context of the many systems that impact them individually and in their interactions with one another. However, as there is no research specifically exploring disability or neurodiversity through the lens of the MSJCC framework, we recommend that disability and neurodiversity should be discussed and investigated as cultural variables.

Like the MSJCC, the ACA’s Advocacy Competencies (Toporek & Daniels, 2018) outline guidelines for advocacy work. These competencies could be expanded to include neurodiversity and disability by addressing ability status as a key contextual factor. Historically, disability and neurodiversity have been omitted from diversity and social justice conversations, often being overlooked as cultural variables. To affect social change, explicit inclusion of these groups or factors is necessary.

Professional Organizations
     ACA is the flagship counseling organization, comprised of subgroups, such as divisions representing specialty areas (e.g., substance abuse, veterans, multicultural counseling, child and adolescent counseling). The American Rehabilitation Counseling Association (ARCA) is often viewed as the primary organization relevant to disability within the counseling profession. According to the organization’s website, ARCA is an association of professionals, educators, and students in rehabilitation counseling who are committed to enhancing the well-being of individuals with disabilities. Its goal is to support the growth of PWDs throughout their lives and to advance the quality of the rehabilitation counseling profession (Dunlap, 2024). While the mission is impactful, both the mission and messaging from the organization as a whole often frame disability in terms of rehabilitation or correction. This perspective is discordant with the strengths-based perspective of neurodiversity, affirming the benefits of diverse abilities. Next, we acknowledge ARCA’s commitment to inclusivity and advocacy, which aligns with key principles of the neurodiversity paradigm. However, instead of viewing it as a supplementary task driven by legal requirements, ARCA could benefit from recognizing neurodiversity as an essential aspect of diversity that enriches both the counseling profession and society at large.

Next, the Association for Multicultural Counseling and Development (AMCD; 2025) is the primary organization for multicultural counseling representation within ACA. Notably, the group includes a variety of subgroups (e.g., Native American, Multiracial-Multiethnic, Latinx, International, Asian American-Pacific Islander, African American, Women’s Concerns). Proponents of the disability rights movement, and the neurodiversity movement in particular, consider disabilities and neurodiversity to be both a unique culture with elements of shared identity and a population that represents an element of diversity and multiculturalism (Brown, 2015; Chapman & Botha, 2023). Hence, the AMCD’s mission of connecting, advocating for, and empowering people across multicultural identities makes it ideal for incorporating a neurodiversity or disability subgroup. This is especially fitting as both CDT and the neurodiversity paradigm emphasize intersectionality, wholeness, and cross-movement solidarity as essential to the advocacy and liberation of people with multiple marginalized identities.

Finally, the Association for Counselor Education and Supervision (ACES; 2021) has several interest networks, including Disability Justice and Accessibility in Counseling. This group seems most aligned with the neurodiversity movement because it prioritizes disability justice, intersectionality, and anti-oppression, and addresses neurodiversity. However, as ACES serves counselor education and supervision, additional counseling organizations can share this focus.

Research
     Future research in counseling must intentionally center neurodivergent individuals and their lived experiences with attention to affirming and identity-conscious practices. This research should focus not only on clients, but also on neurodivergent counselors, supervisors, leaders, graduate students, and scholars. Scholars have increasingly called for more rigorous research within counseling and related clinical professions (Botha & Gillespie-Lynch, 2022; Dwyer, 2022; Long et al., 2025), yet the counseling profession continues to lag in fully integrating neuro-affirming approaches. A promising starting point is the development of a conceptual theoretical framework for neuro-affirming counseling, which can be tailored to specific counseling specialty areas. Grounded theory, rooted in the voices and narratives of neurodivergent individuals, may serve as a powerful methodology to generate such a framework. Follow-up studies could include Delphi panels with expert practitioners and neurodivergent partners; concept mapping to refine theoretical constructs; and the development and validation of instruments to assess counselor competence and client outcomes. In addition, researchers should explore the lived experiences of neurodivergent individuals across various counseling settings to better understand barriers to care, perceptions of counselor responsiveness, and markers of affirming practice.

Participatory action research and other inclusive methods should be prioritized to ensure that research is not only about neurodivergent communities but is created with them. Lastly, as the MSJCC offers a meaningful lens through which to examine how counselors engage with clients who identify as neurodivergent and/or PWDs, researchers could explore how the MSJCC framework supports (or falls short in) guiding counselors’ development of awareness, knowledge, and skills in working with this population. These research directions offer rich, essential opportunities to bridge gaps in the literature and advance counseling equity.

Clinical Practice
     In alignment with the ACA Code of Ethics (2014), which emphasizes honoring diversity and embracing a multicultural approach, practicing counselors must recognize neurodiversity as a vital aspect of human diversity. As Long et al. (2025) noted, this has historically been overlooked in multicultural counseling, despite the growing advocacy of the neurodiversity movement. Clinicians are called to adopt a neuro-affirming framework that acknowledges and respects neurological differences as natural human variations rather than deficits. This approach aligns with ethical principles of dignity, potential, and uniqueness, and encourages counselors to critically examine their own biases, clinical language, and treatment paradigms. Counselors should broach the topic of neurodivergence with clients when appropriate; tailor treatment planning to reflect clients’ sensory, communication, and identity needs; and shift from symptom-reduction models to those centered in self-advocacy, autonomy, and strengths.

Meaningful application of a neuro-affirming approach requires attention to all stages of the clinical process, from treatment to diagnosis, as well as to the cultural identities and needs of each counselor and client both independently and within the counseling relationship. Counselors should assess how the physical space, documentation practices, and session structures either promote or inhibit accessibility and inclusion. For example, using flexible communication methods or creating low sensory environments may significantly improve comfort and therapeutic rapport. These shifts are especially important given that many counselors practice in systems governed by the medical model (e.g., DSM-driven environments), which can conflict with neuro-affirming values. Clinicians must grapple with this tension, asking: Can we hold space for both DSM-informed practice and neuro-affirming care? Though diagnoses may be necessary for access to care, counselors have an ethical responsibility to advocate for affirming practices, consult with allied professionals, and frame client experiences in ways that empower rather than pathologize. Ultimately, neuro-affirming counseling must be rooted in intersectionality, accessibility, and cultural humility, core values of an inclusive, socially just counseling practice.

Pre-Service Preparation, Supervision, and Training
     Counselor preparation plays a critical role in shaping how future professionals engage with neurodivergent individuals. However, current training models often fall short in addressing this population through an affirming, socially just lens. Although the Council for the Accreditation of Counseling and Related Educational Programs (CACREP; 2023) sets the standards for counselor education, its integration of disability, and more specifically, neurodiversity, remains limited and inconsistent. For example, though Standard 3.A.4. encourages the removal of systemic, institutional, architectural, and attitudinal barriers that hinder equity and access, it does not explicitly frame neurodiversity as an element of human diversity. Additionally, Section 3.B., which focuses on social and cultural identities and experiences, omits reference to neurodivergence, disability culture, and ability status as meaningful sociocultural identities. This exclusion reinforces a medicalized view of disability and misses the opportunity to promote a strengths-based, identity-affirming framework that aligns with the neurodiversity paradigm.

To address these gaps, counselor education programs should intentionally integrate disability and neurodiversity content across the curriculum. Courses such as human development, multicultural counseling, ethics, and diagnosis can provide students with information about the neurodiversity movement and CDT, as well as suggest counseling strategies that are strengths-based, utilize a critical systemic lens, and acknowledge disabilities as unique cultural identities. Supervision and training for practicing counselors should do the same by utilizing a neuro-affirming approach and encouraging critical reflection on ableism, diagnostic language, and counselor attitudes toward disability. Moreover, the MSJCC can serve as a guiding framework for both counselor education and clinical supervision to teach awareness, knowledge, skills, and advocacy specific to neurodivergent clients and normalize the perspectives of neurodivergent counseling professionals. Infusing disability culture and neurodiversity into preparation, supervision, and training not only equips pre-service and practicing counselors with the tools to work competently and compassionately but also creates space for neurodivergent individuals within the profession to thrive as students, educators, supervisors, clinicians, and leaders.

Conclusion

According to Kaplan and colleagues (2014), counseling organizations and leaders have come together to clarify a shared professional identity: to strengthen the profession and ensure high-quality practices toward those we serve. The counseling profession has a history of evolving, changing, and improving, incorporating knowledge and new trends as they develop. The neurodiversity paradigm has been increasingly discussed across society, such as in allied professions like psychology (Pellicano & den Houting, 2022). The counseling profession must also evolve to stay relevant. This includes expanding the profession to integrate the neurodiversity paradigm and neuro-affirming practices. Utilizing and embracing neurodiversity in counseling strengthens the profession by better equipping scholars, practitioners, leaders, supervisors, and professional organizations. Incorporating a neuro-affirming lens also contributes to a societal shift of increasing awareness, reducing stigma, and advocating for systemic change, particularly for identities who have been historically marginalized. These are fundamental goals at the root of both the neurodiversity movement and the counseling profession.

 

Conflict of Interest and Funding Disclosure
The authors reported no conflict of interest
or funding contributions for the development
of this manuscript.

 

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Body Image Ideals and Risk for Disordered Eating in Black American Women: A Scoping Review

Andie Chilson, Melissa Mecadon-Mann, Rebecca Gwira, Loidaly G. Rosario-Singer

This scoping review examines 12 years of research on body image ideals and eating disorder (ED) pathology in Black American women. The authors synthesized the aims, methods, and results of 10 studies to outline the specific body image ideals within this population and the relationships between these ideals and ED risk. The findings from this review provide important insights to inform counseling and integrated care approaches for working with Black American women struggling with body image and disordered eating. This study highlights the existing evidence on body image and EDs in this understudied population and points to critical directions for future investigation.

Keywords: body image ideals, eating disorders, Black American, women, counseling

     Body image as it relates to disordered eating has been a widely researched topic within the medical and psychology fields (Blostein et al., 2017; Brandsma et al., 2019; Jung & Forbes, 2012; Malachowski & Myers, 2013; Mölbert et al., 2018; Reslan & Saules, 2013). Researchers have explored racial and cultural differences in disordered eating pathology and identified specific body image ideals among racial and ethnic communities (Aldalur & Schooler, 2019; Capodilupo & Kim, 2014; Goel et al., 2021). Disordered eating research has primarily focused on Western European, White body image ideals. Therefore, a scoping review was warranted to achieve a comprehensive view of this underexamined topic. According to Arksey and O’Malley (2005), there are four commonly cited reasons to warrant a scoping review: to examine the extent and nature of existing research on a topic; to discern whether a full systematic review is necessary; to summarize and disseminate key findings; and to identify gaps in the existing literature. We have observed a dearth of research on the intersection of body image ideals and eating disorders (EDs) in Black American women and, therefore, endeavored to summarize and disseminate key findings and identify gaps in the existing literature.

     Research is limited on the most effective modalities to treat disordered eating in minoritized populations. Cognitive behavioral and dialectical behavioral therapy are among the most popular counseling treatments for disordered eating in clients who are striving for a thin body ideal (Federici et al., 2012; Fursland et al., 2012). However, the body image ideals for Black and African American women differ from their White, Asian, Latine, and Native American peers (Smith et al., 2020; Talleyrand, 2012). Therefore, counseling modalities centered around the thin ideal are not the best fit for Black and African American clients who present with EDs. For example, Labarta and Bendit (2024) suggested a relational–cultural approach to ED treatment that provides space for the decolonization of traditional treatment models. As such, this scoping review was driven by the following research question: What are the most common body image ideals (as they relate to body weight/shape) for Black women living in the United States and how does this impact their risk for/presentation of disordered eating?

Body Image Ideals in Black Women Living in the United States
     Studies have shown that Black women may feel less pressure to be thin than their White peers (Awad et al., 2020). Historically, the Black community has seen larger bodies as resilient, healthy, and a symbol of wealth. Awad et al. (2015) identified a thick/toned/curvy body shape as optimal for Black women. Some Black women exercise not to lose weight but to achieve a large backside and a small waist. However, when in a majority White community, the pressure to conform to the thin ideal is still present (Awad et al., 2015). In these instances, diet (or not eating at all) and exercise are emphasized.

     The ideal body shape for Black American women also includes acceptance of a larger body size, or what some call the curvy ideal (Boutté et al., 2022; Cotter et al., 2015; Gitau et al., 2014; Hunter et al., 2017; Parker et al., 2022; Scott, 2019). The curvy ideal, sometimes described as a Coke-bottle figure (Hunter et al., 2017), consists of a large bust, a small waist, and a large backside. It has been stated that because Black women have wider acceptance of a larger body size or the curvy ideal, they experience body dissatisfaction less than their White peers (Boutté et al., 2022). It is important to note that the curvy ideal is not necessarily more attainable or healthy than the thin ideal (Scott, 2019). The curvy ideal is also related to body dissatisfaction and can be associated with body monitoring or body checking (Shafran et al., 2003). Body checking, or continual monitoring of weight, waist size, and body measurements, can be a risk factor for developing bulimia nervosa (BN) and anorexia nervosa (AN; Shafran et al., 2003).

Eating Disorder Prevalence and Risk/Protective Factors in Black American Women
     The scope of the existing research on ED pathology in Black and African American individuals is extremely limited. The most recent comprehensive study examining the prevalence of EDs in Black Americans was conducted in 2007. The study found that binge eating disorder (BED) was the most common ED among Black adults, comprising 2.24% of participants, and AN was the least common, with 0.17% of adults meeting diagnostic criteria (Taylor et al., 2007). Although this study is extremely useful in providing a point of reference for the prevalence of eating pathology in Black Americans, updated research on the topic is needed.

     According to Cotter et al. (2015) and Hunter et al. (2017), Black women have similar rates of disordered eating to their White peers. Many Black women feel an expectation to be thin and/or fit into a specific body ideal; however, there is a lack of research specific to Black women and ED pathology. Additionally, the research that does exist is highly focused on body mass index (BMI) and obesity rates, which have been proven to be poor indices of physical health (Rasmussen, 2019) and fail to address the underlying cause(s) and risk factors of disordered eating in Black communities (Hunter et al., 2017). Black women are often categorized as overweight and/or diagnosed as obese while EDs are likely undiagnosed or underdiagnosed in this demographic (Boutté et al., 2022).

     Racial identity development can act as a protective factor against disordered eating (Capodilupo & Kim, 2014; Rakhkovskaya & Warren, 2014). Capodilupo and Kim (2014) found that identification with the majority culture leads to higher levels of disordered eating, while Black women who identify with Black culture have lower levels of body dissatisfaction. As one works through racial identity development, they tend to identify more with cultural norms and push away from the body ideals of White culture and influence. The Black community emphasizes beauty ideals beyond size and shape (attitude, self-confidence, hair; Rakhokovskaya & Warren, 2014). Therefore, rejecting White beauty ideals through racial identity development may protect some women from disordered eating behaviors.

Present Investigation
     This scoping review was inspired by a review published by Harris (2015), which explored three different strata of research on EDs in Black American women from 1980–2015. The first stratum of research discusses the clinical implications of the exclusion of Black women from ED research in the 1980s. Harris demonstrated that as ED presentations in Black women became increasingly recognized, the rate of treatment for Black women with EDs similarly increased. However, ED research and treatment at this time still largely centered around economically advantaged White women and the Eurocentric beauty ideals with which they aligned (Harris, 2015).

     The second stratum of research highlighted by Harris (2015) emphasizes an expanded definition of body image to include affective, psychological, and behavioral facets, thus creating a more nuanced and inclusive dialogue around the implications of body image concerns for Black women. This expanded definition of body image also opened up the conversation for cultural variables related to body image that could be precursors to EDs in Black women (Harris, 2015).

     The third and final stratum of research examined by Harris (2015) saw an increase of within-group studies of Black American women compared to the between-group studies with White and Black women that dominated ED literature up to that point. This stratum of research also identified strong ethnic identity as a protective factor against EDs in Black women, and low ethnic identity as a risk factor for BED and BN symptomatology (Harris, 2015). In the conclusion of the paper, Harris called for further investigation into risk factors associated with eating pathology in Black American women.

     The goal of the present investigation, therefore, is to bridge the gap between the findings of the Harris (2015) study and the existing body of research. We endeavored to accomplish this in three ways: first, identify the most common body image ideals for Black women living in the United States; second, identify what relationship (if any) exists between body image and disordered eating in Black women living in the United States; and third, identify implications for counselors based on the research findings of the first two objectives. The language “Black” and “African American” was utilized to capture as many ethnic identities as possible, including those that did not originate in the United States. When articles specified ethnic identities in their demographics, we indicated as such.

Methods

Author Positionality
     There were four authors for the present investigation. It is critical to acknowledge that the first and second authors, Andie Chilson and Melissa Mecadon-Mann, are White women who have learned, only as outsiders, about the intersecting experiences of body image challenges and eating disorders in Black American women. Chilson has benefited both directly and indirectly from systemic racism, particularly as it pertains to adherence to Eurocentric beauty ideals and the inherent protection provided in identity. She has extensive experience working with eating disorders and body image challenges in women from diverse racial backgrounds. The second author, Mecadon-Mann, identifies as a cisgender White American woman in a large body. She has experience working with adolescents and emerging adults with diverse ethnic backgrounds and varied body image ideals and disordered eating behaviors. The third author, Rebecca Gwira, identifies as a first-generation, cisgender, Black woman in a mid-sized to large body. She also has experience working clinically with diverse eating disorder patients across demographic characteristics and levels of care. Her research centers marginalized voices, specifically Black women’s eating and body image concerns and intersectional stress. The fourth author, Loidaly G. Rosario-Singer, identifies as a cisgender Puerto Rican woman; she has benefited from some aspects of Eurocentric body ideals because she has had a small to mid-sized body the majority of her life. She has experience working with multilingual children and families with a focus on health equity and reproductive justice.

Methodology
     The following research questions guided this scoping review:

RQ1:   What specific body ideals are most commonly endorsed by Black American women, and how do these ideals differ from or align with the thin ideal traditionally emphasized in ED research?

RQ2:   What (if any) relationship does the existing literature identify between culturally specific body image ideals and the manifestation of different types of disordered eating behaviors in Black American women?

RQ3:   Identify implications for counselors based on the research findings of the first two objectives.

     Our systematic search was conducted based on the guidelines put forth by the PRISMA extension for scoping reviews (PRISMA-ScR), a 22-item checklist aimed at helping readers develop a better understanding of the terminology and key concepts reported in scoping reviews (Tricco et al., 2018). The checklist was created by a panel of 24 expert members and two research leads and was informed by the published guidelines of the EQUATOR (Enhancing the QUAlity and Transparency Of Health Research) Network (Tricco et al., 2018). A five-step scoping review process was undertaken, including 1) identifying the research question and objectives; 2) defining the scope of the review; 3) selecting the records; 4) charting the data; and 5) summarizing the results. Inclusion and exclusion criteria were identified a priori and documented in a protocol.

Eligibility Criteria
     The eligibility criteria for inclusion were based on population (P)—Black American women; exposure (E)—body image ideals; and outcome (O)—disordered eating. To attempt to capture all relevant literature published after or around the time of Harris (2015), articles published in English between 2013 and 2025 were eligible for inclusion in this review. Sources examining a pediatric population (under 18 years) or research conducted outside of the United States were excluded from the review.

Information Sources
     Inclusion and exclusion criteria were established a priori with the assistance of a public health librarian at Western Carolina University. These criteria were used to develop a standard checklist for study eligibility for screening titles/abstracts and subsequently full-text sources. All stages of the screening process were conducted using Covidence, an online software tool used to organize records in the systematic or scoping review process and to blind the results between the researchers. Study selection was conducted independently by Chilson and Mecadon-Mann based on the preestablished checklist. All decisions were automatically recorded via Covidence. Conflicts between the authors were resolved through discussion. Records were identified through searching the following electronic databases: Academic Search Premier, Biological & Agricultural Index Plus (H.W. Wilson), Business Source Premier, Child Development & Adolescent Studies, CINAHL Plus with Full Text, Communication & Mass Media Complete, eBook Collection (EBSCOhost), Education Source, ERIC, Gender Studies Database, Health Source: Nursing/Academic Edition, MasterFILE Premier, MEDLINE Complete, Mental Measurements Yearbook with Tests in Print, Military & Government Collection, Philosopher’s Index, APA PsycArticles, APA PsycInfo, APA PsycTests, SocINDEX with Full Text, SPORTDiscus with Full Text, and Ebony Magazine Archive.

Search
     To achieve an extensive review on the topic, literature from the past 12 years was included in the search. Because of limitations with access to sources outside of Western Carolina University, reference mining was not conducted as part of the present study. The search strategy was created by a public health librarian at Western Carolina University in collaboration with Chilson. The search strategy was checked for comprehensiveness and errors against the PRESS Peer Review of Electronic Search Strategies Guidelines. The specific search terms utilized were as follows: (Black OR Blacks OR African American*) AND (female* OR woman* OR women* OR lady OR ladies* OR gyn* OR girl*) AND (“eating disorder*” OR “disordered eating” OR anore* OR “binge eating” OR bulimi* OR purging OR purgeing OR “restrictive eating” OR orthore* OR overeat* OR pica) AND (body OR personal) AND (image OR perception OR satisfaction OR dissatisfaction OR psychosocial OR societ*).

Data Charting Process
     A data extraction template in Covidence was used to record key characteristics and relevant information from eligible records, including study design, research purpose, study participants, and research findings/results. Chilson and Mecadon-Mann independently charted the data, discussed the results, and regularly updated the data extraction form in Covidence.

Data Items
     Chilson and Mecadon-Mann abstracted data on article characteristics (i.e., country of origin, publication date, language), sample characteristics (i.e., race, gender, and age), and constructs/outcomes examined (i.e., body image ideals and EDs). Gwira subsequently vetted all the extracted articles based on the same criteria.

Critical Appraisal of Individual Sources of Evidence
     An in-depth examination of the unique body image ideals held by Black women and their influence on the risk for EDs is lacking in the current literature. Therefore, we endeavored to explore the link between specific body image ideals of Black women and their correlation with EDs. We also aimed to identify the most common body image ideals for Black women living in the United States as an independent construct. Individual articles were screened for eligibility using the systematic review management tool, Covidence. Chilson and Mecadon-Mann independently screened the articles against inclusion/exclusion criteria, which were established a priori. We then screened articles at the abstract level for general relevance and subsequently conducted full-text screenings. Articles included in the full-text screening were assessed to determine if sources examined Black American women, specifically; examined body image ideals, specifically, or body image ideals as an independent variable and ED as a dependent variable; and examined an adult sample (18 years or older) from the United States. After reviewing at the full-text level to determine that Black American women, specifically, were examined, Chilson and Mecadon-Mann looked for language such as Black American, African American, Caribbean American, and Haitian American to encompass the full spectrum of Black American women. Also at the full-text level, we screened for clearly identified body image ideals, which required reference to a preferred size/shape of a specific body part (e.g., Coke-bottle waist; Hunter et al., 2017) or preferred shape of the body, generally (e.g., curvy ideal; Scott, 2019). If the intersection of an ED was present, Chilson and Mecadon-Mann screened for either general reference to ED (e.g., “ED pathology”; Siegfried, 2021) or specific reference to an ED diagnosis (e.g., anorexia and bulimia; Hunter et al., 2017). Gwira screened each source separately against the established inclusion/exclusion criteria and charted assessments in an Excel spreadsheet. Gwira and Rosario-Singer reviewed the manuscript for accuracy and offered feedback for Chilson and Mecadon-Mann’s consideration.

Synthesis of Results
     The synthesis included quantitative analyses (e.g., means, standard deviation) to summarize the characteristics of included records, body image ideals in Black women, and any ED intersection noted. The results are presented in both a table and a descriptive format that aligns with the review’s objectives of identifying the most common body image ideals for Black women living in the United States and identifying the relationship between body image and disordered eating in Black women living in the United States.

Results

     The record identification process is outlined in Figure 1. A total of 501 records were identified through the initial search process. After removing all duplicates (n = 301), the authors were left with 200 records for screening. Next, 107 records were excluded based on criteria such as examination of a pediatric population (under age 18), women outside of the United States, and a lack of focus on Black women. There were 93 records then screened for eligibility, 83 of which were excluded because of patient population, type of publication, and lack of access. This process resulted in 10 records selected for inclusion.

Figure 1

PRISMA Flow Diagram for Scoping Reviews

Note. Adapted from Page et al., 2021.

 

Characteristics of the Sources of Evidence
     Included records examined Black women living in the United States. One study (Bruns & Carter, 2015) also examined White women, and another study (Siegfried, 2021) examined Hispanic/Latina/x women in addition to Black women. Participant ages ranged from 18–73 years and there was no discernible trend in the age selection of the included records. Only one study specifically examined a sample of women 25 years and older (Talleyrand et al., 2016). The majority of records included the age range with mean/standard deviation, except two papers, which only reported the age range and not the mean/standard deviation (Bruns & Carter, 2015; Siegfried, 2021).

     Included study designs were qualitative research (n = 4), randomized controlled trial (n = 2), cross-sectional (n = 2), mixed methods (n = 1), and exploratory factor analysis (n = 1). The 10 included records presented data from sample sizes ranging from 11 to 232. Two studies (Awad et al., 2015; Hollier, 2019) were conducted with women enrolled in universities across the United States. One study (Talleyrand et al., 2016) was conducted in the greater Washington metropolitan area. The other seven studies did not specify where they were conducted within the United States.

     Four studies utilized focus group questions aimed at identifying common themes pertaining to beauty ideals specific to Black women. Two studies used the Eating Disorders Inventory – 3 (Garner, 2004) to determine specific body image ideals and assess for the presence of ED pathology. Two studies employed the Eating Attitudes Test – 26 (Garner et al., 1982) to measure disordered eating behaviors. Other instruments utilized in the included studies were the Contour Drawing Rating Scale (n = 2; M. A. Thompson & Gray, 1995), The Skin Color Satisfaction Scale (n = 1; Falconer & Neville, 2000), The Reese Figure Rating Scale (n = 2; Patt et al., 2002), the Rosenberg Self-Esteem Scale (n = 2; Rosenberg, 1965), Family Experiences Related to Food Questionnaire (n = 1; Kluck, 2008), Family Food Experiences-Black Questionnaire (n = 1; Hunter et al., 2017), Body Image Disturbance Questionnaire (n = 1; Cash et al., 2004), Visual Analog Scale- Body Satisfaction (n = 1; Heinberg & Thompson, 1995), The Curvy Ideal Silhouette Scale (n = 1; Scott, 2019), Curvy Ideal Questionnaire (n = 1; Scott, 2019), The Sociocultural Attitudes Towards Appearance Questionnaire—3rd Edition (n = 1; J. K. Thompson et al., 2004), The Sociocultural Attitudes Towards Appearance Questionnaire—4th Edition (n = 1; Schaefer et al., 2015), Objectified Body Consciousness Scale (n = 1; McKinley & Hyde, 1996), Body Shape Questionnaire (n = 2; Cooper et al., 1987), Eating Disorder Examination-Questionnaire (n = 1; Fairburn, 2008), and Gormally Binge Eating Scale (n = 1; Gormally et al., 1982).

Table 1

Results of Individual Sources of Evidence

Author(s), Publication Date Aim of Study Study Participants Study Design Body Image Ideals Eating Disorder Intersection
Awad et al., 2015 Examine the issues that arise pertaining to AA women’s conception of beauty and body image, identify body image themes, and identify the sources of the body image messages received and internalized. Female AA students enrolled in a large Southwestern university in the United States between the ages of 19–25 Qualitative research Thick/toned/curvy as optimal
(n = 33)
Yes
Bruns & Carter, 2015 Examine how model ethnicity and body shape impact body dissatisfaction. Women self-identifying as African American or Caucasian between the ages of 18–45 Randomized controlled trial Thin ideal and plus-sized ideal No
Capodilupo
& Kim, 2014
Explore how race and gender interact and inform body image ideals. Women between the ages of 21–35; identified as African American (n = 10), Black American (n = 4), Caribbean American (n = 4), and Haitian American (n = 2); six women did not specify their ethnicity Qualitative research Large breasts, shapely hips, and full backside No
Hollier, 2019 Examine body dissatisfaction and self-esteem factors that contribute to BEDs among Black female students. Black college women currently enrolled in a private or public university in the United States between the ages of 18–54. All participants self-identified as “Black,” but 3.2% of the participants identified as “other” and “multi-racial” under this umbrella Cross-
sectional
Thighs, breasts, waist/hip ratio Yes
Hunter et al., 2017 Explore family food experiences (FFEs) of AA women and develop a measure of FFEs related to disordered eating. Studies 1 & 3: AA women from two National Pan-Hellenic Council sororities at a Southeastern university; Study 4: AA women from across the United States younger than 25 Mixed methods “Boobs and booties” (Study 1) and “Coke-bottle figure” (Study 3) Yes
Author(s), Publication Date Aim of Study Study Participants Study Design Body Image Ideals Eating Disorder Intersection
Javier, 2017 Increase understanding of body image and eating behaviors in AA and Asian American women. Study 1: AA women between the ages of 18–30 who reported body image problems Qualitative research Curvy and thin ideals Yes
Scott, 2019 Examine the effect of exposing Black women to rap lyrics that promote the curvy ideal on their level of body image dissatisfaction. Black women between the ages of 18–34 who had access to audio output (e.g., headphones, speaker); all participants identified as AA, 2.1% also identified as American Indian/Alaska Native, and 4.2% also identified as White Randomized controlled trial Curvy ideal No
Siegfried, 2021 Increase understanding of the ways cultural values and pressure impact the development of EDs in Black and Latinx women in the United States. Black, Hispanic/Latina/x, and Afro-Latina/x women between the ages of 18–25 living in the United States; 125 participants (49.2%) identified as Black, 107 (42.1%) identified as Hispanic or Latina/x, and 22 women (8.7%) identified as Afro-Latina/x Cross-sectional Thin ideal Yes
Talleyrand et al., 2016 Explore the phenomena that impact body image ideals, eating behaviors, and appearance in AA women over the age of 25 who report body/weight concerns. AA/Black women in the greater Washington metropolitan area; seven women identified as African American, two identified as Black, and two identified as African American/Black. Qualitative research Thin, sculpted “ripped” arms, and “sistah girl” hips No
Wilfred & Lundgren, 2021 Assessing the psychometric properties and validity of a body image assessment
for Black women.
Women between the ages of 18–73 who identified as African American (73.4%), African (8.5%), Afro-Latina (3.5%), Caribbean (1.5%), Caribbean American (1.5%), other Black descent (3.0%), and multiple racial identities (8.5%) Exploratory factor analysis “Slim-thick,” thin, and muscular Yes

 

Main Study Outcomes
     The most salient findings of the current study were twofold: first, the identification of specific body ideals held by Black women living in the United States; and second, the identification of a relationship between specific body image ideals and the presence of ED behaviors in Black women living in the United States. The first predominant body image ideal identified was a thick/slim-thick/curvy ideal. The majority of the included records indicated a striving for the curvy ideal (i.e., large breasts, shapely hips, and large backside) as opposed to the more commonly cited thin ideal. Four studies identified specific body parts that were highlighted as part of the curvy ideal. For example, Hunter et al. (2017) discussed “boobs and booties” (p. 29) as two specific body parts on which Black women focused their attention when striving for the curvy ideal.

     Although the curvy ideal was the predominant body shape ideal that was identified in the included records, the influence of the thin ideal was also present. Five studies highlighted the influence of the thin ideal on their sample populations, either on its own or in conjunction with the curvy ideal (e.g., Bruns & Carter, 2015). The final body image ideal noted in the included records was the muscular/toned ideal. Both Talleyrand et al. (2016) and Wilfred and Lundgren (2021) identified being visibly fit, toned, or muscular as desirable qualities for Black women. Talleyrand et al. described the desirability of Michelle Obama’s “ripped” arms, stating that she was the ideal combination of curvy and healthy. Wilfred and Lundgren identified a similar muscular internalization, specifically regarding having a toned abdomen as a desirable physical trait for Black women.

     The second major finding was that the majority of included records reported a relationship between specific body image ideals and the presence of an ED. More specifically, six out of the 10 included records noted this positive relationship (see Table 1 for specific studies). Hunter et al. (2017) identified an increased risk for AN and BN among Black women in a sorority who idealized being curvy, but only in certain places. Additionally, Awad et al. (2015) described the relationship between experiencing discrimination and the presence of disordered eating behaviors. Both Awad et al. and Javier (2017) found that a disconnect between one’s cultural heritage and the ideals of the White dominant group often led to disordered eating behaviors. If one perceives that they are divergent from the ideals of the dominant group (i.e., the thin ideal), they are likely to engage in potentially harmful disordered eating patterns. Finally, Wilfred and Lundgren (2021) found that the experience of a double consciousness (i.e., the pressure to adhere to two separate cultural ideals) increased ED pathology, specifically BED, among Black women.

     Several of the included articles correlated variation in skin tone with positive/negative body image and ED pathology. Wilfred and Lundgren (2021) and Hollier (2019) noted that pressure to meet White body image ideals, including a fair complexion, increase the risk for ED behaviors, BED in particular. Similarly, Awad et al. (2015) determined that women who experienced discrimination stress, dissonance between the dominant culture and their culture of origin, or identification as a devalued group by the majority culture were at an increased risk for ED pathology. Awad et al. (2015) used the example of having a darker complexion to illustrate this, noting that if a woman was darker complected than her peers, and felt devalued because of it, she was more likely to engage in ED behaviors. Capodilupo and Kim (2014) discussed the influence of skin tone in a similar manner, asserting that women who are lighter complected are more likely to be desired by Black men and are more frequently and positively portrayed in the media, decreasing their risk for poor body image and ED behaviors.

     The authors also examined moderating factors such as level of education, profession, and socioeconomic status, and found that only one study (Siegfried, 2021) examined the relationship between education and body image/ED pathology and determined that there was no substantial correlation with any of the measures. However, significantly, Siegfried (2021) determined that higher income was highly correlated with lower levels of acculturative stress as well as lower levels of internalization of the thin ideal but noted that there was no predictive factor between income and ED pathology.

Discussion

     This scoping review centered around four objectives: first, to identify the most common body image ideals for Black women living in the United States; second, to identify what relationship (if any) exists between body image and disordered eating in Black women living in the United States; third, to bridge the gap between the findings of the Harris (2015) study and the current body of research; and fourth, to identify implications for counselors based on the research findings.

Common Body Image Ideals
     Although some Black women in the United States are driven by the thin ideal, many describe a thick, toned, or curvy body shape as ideal. Most of the examined studies identified the thin ideal in combination with the curvy ideal as most desirable among the examined population. For example, Wilfred and Lundgren (2021) identified a “slim-thick” figure, high muscularity, and thinness as the predominant body ideals for Black women. Only one study, Siegfried (2021), identified thinness alone as the predominant body ideal. It is notable, however, that 50% of the included records highlighted thinness as a prominent body ideal for Black women. Although it has previously been assumed (Bruch, 1966) that Black women did not value thinness, the present findings indicate that this is not the case. Although Black women overwhelmingly value thinness in conjunction with the curvy ideal, thinness alone is still emphasized as a desirable quality.

Black American Body Image and Disordered Eating
     Black women have lower rates of body dissatisfaction than their White peers but comparable rates of disordered eating. However, Black women have also been associated with disordered eating behaviors that center around culturally specific ideals or factors. For example, Siegfried (2021) described the positive relationship between acculturative stress and the internalization of the thin ideal, which then positively predicts an increased risk for ED pathology. Siegfried further identified a relationship between the internalization of the thin ideal and the development of BN, specifically.

     One of the overarching messages regarding the relationship between specific body image ideals and disordered eating in Black American women was that being discrepant from one’s identified cultural ideals was a significant risk factor for disordered eating behaviors (Awad et al., 2015; Hollier, 2019; and Javier, 2017). For example, if an individual strongly identifies with a culture that emphasizes the curvy ideal and they naturally have a curvy figure, they are less likely to engage in disordered eating behaviors to alter their body shape. If an individual with the same curvy figure has a low degree of cultural identity, or identifies more strongly with another culture that emphasizes the thin ideal, they would be at increased risk to engage in disordered eating behaviors. Additionally, women who feel pressured to conform to the body ideals of two cultures are at an increased risk for eating pathology. This experience is referred to as double consciousness (Du Bois, 1903), which in this context means being made to feel like one needs to adhere to the beauty ideals of both mainstream (White European) culture and Black culture.

Gaps in Existing Literature
     Although the included records identified general body image ideals that are emphasized by Black American women, there was a dearth in the existing literature surrounding specific ED diagnoses that are linked with certain body image ideals. In the present investigation, only three of the included records identified a specific diagnosis that is linked with certain body image ideals in Black American women. Therefore, future research is warranted surrounding specific ED diagnoses and the associated prevalence rates in this demographic. We also identified that many Black women perceive beauty through a wider lens than simply body shape/size, including elements such as skin tone, hair (length, style, neatness), self-esteem, and attitude. Further investigation into these ideals will deepen the conceptualization of beauty and attractiveness ideals in Black women living in the United States today. Finally, the authors also identified a gap in recent literature examining moderating factors such as level of education and profession that may serve as risk/protective factors for ED behaviors. Further investigation into these factors is warranted to broaden the conceptualization of ED presentations in Black women.

     Additionally, there is a gap in the current research surrounding disordered eating and body image ideals in Black LGBTQ+ women, specifically. The studies included in the present investigation either excluded discussion of sexuality entirely or conceptualized it in relation to the male gaze. Therefore, further research into the relationship between sexuality and body image ideals/disordered eating in Black American women is warranted. Another identified gap in the existing literature centers around the influence of the Black/White male gaze on Black women’s self-identified body ideals. More specifically, research is warranted surrounding whether there are different body image ideals for Black women who identify more closely with the body shape/size preferences of Black men compared to White men, and any eating pathology associated with these ideals.

Implications for Counseling and Integrated Care
     Traditionally, there has been a limited focus on Black women and ED behaviors outside of the thin ideal. Counselors and care providers must be aware of the culturally embedded protective factors (e.g., racial identity development) that can support healthy eating patterns as well as potential risk factors. It is common for Black women to have higher body weight and BMI, but this does not mean they are immune from disordered eating. It is important to explore how stress and trauma may affect restriction and eating patterns (Small & Fuller, 2021). Boutté et al. (2022) suggested that care providers utilize strengths-based interventions that are holistic rather than interventions focused solely on diet and exercise. It is important, also, to assess for disordered eating before making recommendations to lose weight or form a weight loss plan. Counselors and other helping professionals should consider the implications of skin tone when supporting Black women. As previously noted, darker complected women who exist in a dominant White culture may be at a higher risk for poor body image and ED behaviors (Awad et al., 2015; Capodilupo and Kim, 2014; and Wilfred and Lundgren, 2021). The influence of White, Eurocentric beauty standards on Black women of varying skin tones should be accounted for when conceptualizing treatment plans.

     Labarta and Bendit (2024) suggested the use of an integrated relational–cultural approach to ED treatment. Relational–cultural theory (RCT) is rooted in feminist and multicultural theory with a central goal of connection, mutuality, and relationship (Jordan, 2017). RCT approaches to ED treatment allow the care provider and client to work in mutuality, break down power differentials, and repair relationships with food and the body. This framework provides space for discussion and healing focused on racial and social marginalization and how it affects body dissatisfaction, thus building self-image and resilience and empowering clients to live authentically. Further, Labarta and Bendit suggested a self-compassion approach to help clients build knowledge and skills about self-compassion, common humanity, and mindfulness. These factors are helpful in building resilience and can serve as protective factors for people from marginalized communities.

     Lastly, care practitioners should be trained in holistic approaches and cultural humility (Matthews et al., 2021). One way practitioners can do this is through expanding care services into the communities where marginalized people live and work. For example, community outreach partnerships can be made with organizations that promote Black female health and wellness. Additionally, practitioners should read literature and attend professional development presented by Black women. One suggested book is Treating Black Women with Eating Disorders (Small & Fuller, 2021).

Strengths and Limitations

     This review outlines research spanning a 12-year timeframe, providing a bridge to the anchor article written by Harris (2015). Because of reasons outside of our control, there were a handful of articles that were inaccessible. Furthermore, because of these constraints, we did not conduct reference mining as part of the search strategy. These articles may have added to the findings of the present study. We utilized Covidence software to review articles and lessen the chance of reviewer bias. After consensus was reached between Chilson and Mecadon-Mann, Gwira and Rosario-Singer provided insight into the articles and cultural implications of the research. However, bias is still a possibility in identifying terms and phrases that allude to body image satisfaction or dissatisfaction. An additional limitation is that this review only examined cisgender women. Research examining body image ideals and eating disorder prevalence in individuals outside of the gender binary is needed. The most substantial limitation is the dearth of research specifically focused on body image and EDs in Black women. Therefore, the authors identified a need for ED research and practice publications specifically focused on treating Black women in the United States.

 

Conflict of Interest and Funding Disclosure
The authors reported no conflict of interest
or funding contributions for the development
of this manuscript.

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Andie Chilson, MS, LGPC, is a psychotherapist at Greenhouse Psychotherapy. Melissa Mecadon-Mann, PhD, NCC, LPC, LSC, is an assistant professor at Western Carolina University. Rebecca Gwira, PhD, is a clinical postdoctoral fellow at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill School of Medicine. Loidaly G. Rosario-Singer, PhD, NCC, LCMHC-A, is Founder and Mental Health Consultant of De Colores Family Wellness. Correspondence may be addressed to Andie Chilson, 1519 Connecticut Ave NW, Washington, DC 20036, andie@greenhousepsych.com.

Barriers to Seeking Counseling Among a National Sample of U.S. Physicians: The Revised Fit, Stigma, and Value Scale

Michael T. Kalkbrenner, Shannon Esparza

Physicians in the United States are a client population facing increased risks for mental distress coupled with a reticence to seek professional counseling. Screening tools with valid scores have utility for helping counselors understand why prospective client populations who might benefit from counseling avoid seeking services. The Revised Fit, Stigma, and Value (RFSV) Scale is a screener for measuring barriers to counseling. The primary aims of the present study were to validate RFSV scores with physicians in the United States and to investigate demographic differences in physicians’ RFSV scores. Results revealed that the RFSV Scale and its dimensionality were estimated sufficiently with a national sample of physicians (N = 437). Physicians’ RFSV scores were a significant predictor (p = .002, Nagelkerke R2 = .05) of peer-to-peer referrals to counseling. We also found that male physicians and physicians with help-seeking histories were more sensitive to barriers to counseling than female physicians and physicians without help-seeking histories, respectively. Recommendations for how counselors can use the RFSV Scale when working with physician clients are provided.

Keywords: Revised Fit, Stigma, and Value Scale; counseling; barriers to counseling; help-seeking; physicians

Because of the particularly stressful nature of their work, coupled with the pressure in medical culture to not display psychological vulnerability (Linzer et al., 2016), physicians in the United States must be vigilant about their self-care. Physicians are responsible for treating over 300 million patients in the United States, which can lead to elevated psychological distress that may undermine the quality of patient services and physicians’ personal well-being (Walker & Pine, 2018). Attending personal counseling is associated with a number of personal and professional benefits for physicians (Melnyk et al., 2020). However, a stigma toward seeking counseling and other mental health support services exists in the U.S. medical culture (Dyrbye et al., 2015). Lobelo and de Quevedo (2016) found that physicians are attending counseling at lower rates since 2000, with approximately 40%–70% attending counseling before the year 2000 and only 12%–40% after 2000. One of the next steps in this line of research is gaining a better understanding of barriers to counseling, including reasons why physicians are reluctant to attend.

Screening tools with valid scores are one way to understand why individuals are reticent to attend counseling (Goldman et al., 2018). For example, the Revised Fit, Stigma, and Value (RFSV) Scale is a screening tool with rigorously validated scores for measuring barriers to counseling (Kalkbrenner et al., 2019). Scores on the RFSV Scale have been validated with seven different normative samples since 2018, including adults in the United States (Kalkbrenner & Neukrug, 2018), mental health counselors (Kalkbrenner et al. 2019), counselors-in-training (Kalkbrenner & Neukrug, 2019), college students attending a Hispanic Serving Institution (HSI; Kalkbrenner et al., 2022), and STEM students (Kalkbrenner & Miceli 2022).

At the time of this writing, RFSV scores have not been validated with a normative sample of physicians. Validity evidence of test scores can fluctuate between normative samples (American Educational Research Association [AERA] et al., 2014; Lenz et al., 2022). Accordingly, counseling practitioners, researchers, and students have a responsibility to validate scores with untested populations before using the test in clinical practice or research (Lenz et al., 2022). Validating RFSV scores with a national sample of U.S. physicians may provide professional counselors with a clinically appropriate screening tool for ascertaining what barriers contribute to physicians’ reluctance to attend counseling services. Identifying barriers to counseling within this population may also promote efforts to increase physicians’ support-seeking behaviors (Mortali & Moutier, 2018).

Barriers to Counseling
     Counseling interventions provide physicians with protective factors such as promoting overall health and wellness (Major et al., 2021) and decreasing emotional exhaustion associated with burnout (Wiederhold et al., 2018). Despite these correlations, Kase et al. (2020) found that although 43% of a sample of U.S. pediatric physicians had access to professional counseling and support groups, only 17% utilized these services. Participants cited barriers to attending counseling, including inconvenience, time constraints, preference for handling mental health issues on their own, and perceiving mental health services as unhelpful.

A significant barrier contributing to U.S. physicians’ reticence to attend counseling is the influence of medical culture which reinforces physician self-neglect and pressure to maintain an image of invincibility (Shanafelt et al., 2019). This pressure can begin as early as medical school and may lead to a decreased likelihood of seeking counseling, as medical students who endorsed higher perceptions of public stigma within their workplace culture perceived counseling as less efficacious and considered depression a personal weakness (Wimsatt et al., 2015). An association of frailty with mental health diagnoses and treatment may be driven by incongruences in medical culture between espoused values and actual behaviors, such as teaching that self-care is important, yet practicing excessive hours, delaying in seeking preventive health care, and tolerating expectations of perfectionism (Shanafelt et al., 2019). Such hidden curricula may perpetuate the stigma of seeking mental health treatment, which is considered a primary driver of suicide in the health care workforce (American Hospital Association [AHA], 2022).

In addition to the barrier presented by medical culture, the stigmatization and negative impact on licensure of receiving a diagnosis also discourages physicians from seeking care (Mehta & Edwards, 2018). Almost 50% of a sample of female U.S. physicians believed that they met the criteria for a mental health diagnosis but had not sought treatment, citing reasons such as a belief that a diagnosis is embarrassing or shameful and fear of being reported to a medical licensing board (Gold et al., 2016). It is recommended best practice for state medical licensing boards to phrase initial and renewal licensure questions to only inquire about current mental health conditions, to ask only if the physician is impaired by these conditions, to allow for safe havens, and to use supportive language; yet in a review of all 50 states, the District of Columbia, and four U.S. territories, only three states’ or territories’ applications met all four conditions (Douglas et al., 2023). Thus, it is unsurprising that out of a sample of 5,829 U.S. physicians, nearly 40% indicated reluctance to seek formal care for a mental health condition because of licensure concerns (Dyrbye et al., 2017). The barriers of medical culture and its expectations, stigma, and diagnosis are consequential; further research is needed given the pressure physicians may experience to remain silent on these issues (Mehta & Edwards, 2018).

Demographic Differences
     A number of demographic variables are related to differences in physicians’ mental health and their attitudes about seeking counseling (Creager et al., 2019; Duarte et al., 2020). For example, demographic differences such as gender and ethnoracial identity can add complexity to physicians’ risk of negative mental health outcomes (Duarte et al., 2020). Sudol et al. (2021) found that female physicians were at higher risk of depersonalization and emotional exhaustion than male physicians, while physicians from racial/ethnic minority backgrounds were more likely to report burnout than White physicians. Gender identity can also affect help-seeking behavior, as female physicians are more likely than male physicians to utilize social and emotional supports and less likely to prefer handling mental health symptoms alone (Kase et al., 2020). Work setting is another demographic variable that is associated with physicians’ mental health wellness, as Creager et al. (2019) identified lower burnout and stress rates among physicians working in private practice than those working in non–private practice settings.

Help-seeking history has become a more frequently examined variable in counseling research, often categorized into two groups: (a) individuals who have attended at least one session of personal counseling or (b) those who have never sought counseling (Cheng et al., 2018). This demographic variable is especially important when evaluating the psychometric properties of screening tools for physicians, who encounter numerous obstacles to accessing counseling services. Help-seeking history is related to more positive attitudes about seeking counseling, as Kevern et al. (2023) found that 80% of a sample of U.S. resident physicians who attended mental health counseling reported their sessions increased their willingness to attend counseling. These collective findings suggest demographic variables such as gender, ethnoracial identity, work setting, and help-seeking history may impact physicians’ mental health and their sensitivity to barriers to attending counseling and thus warrant further investigation.

The Revised Fit, Stigma, and Value Scale
     Neukrug et al. (2017) developed and validated scores on the original 32-item Fit, Stigma, and Value (FSV) Scale with a sample of human service professionals in order to appraise barriers to attending personal counseling. The FSV subscales assess sensitivity to three potential barriers to counseling attendance, including fit, the extent to which a respondent trusts the counseling process; stigma, the feelings of shame or embarrassment associated with attending counseling; and value, the perceived benefit of being in counseling. Kalkbrenner et al. (2019) also developed and validated scores on a briefer 14-item version of the FSV Scale (the RFSV Scale), that contains the original three subscales. Additionally, Kalkbrenner and Neukrug (2019) identified a higher-order factor, the Global Barriers to Counseling Scale, which is the composite score of the RFSV’s Fit, Stigma, and Value single-order subscales.

Integrative Behavioral Health Care
     Mental health challenges and attitudes toward seeking support are shaped by both individual (microsystemic) and broader societal (macrosystemic) factors, making it impossible for a single discipline to address these issues (Lenz & Lemberger-Truelove, 2023; Pester et al., 2023). As a result, the counseling profession is increasingly adopting interdisciplinary collaboration models, in which mental health professionals work together to deliver holistic care to clients or patients. Emerging research highlights interventions aimed at reducing barriers to accessing counseling services (e.g., Lannin et al., 2019). However, the complex interplay of ecological factors influencing mental health distress and service utilization makes evaluating these interventions challenging. Accordingly, counselors and other members of interdisciplinary teams need screening tools with valid scores to help determine the effectiveness of such interventions.

The primary aims of the present study were to validate RFSV scores with a national sample of physicians in the United States and to investigate demographic differences in physicians’ RFSV scores. The validity and meaning of latent traits (i.e., RFSV scores) can differ between different normative samples (AERA, 2014; Lenz et al., 2022). RFSV scores have not been normed with physicians. Accordingly, testing for factorial invariance of RFSV scores is a pivotal next step in this line of research. In other words, the internal structure validity of RFSV scores must be confirmed with physicians before the scale can be used to measure the intended construct. Although a number of different forms of validity evidence of scores exists, internal structure validity is a crucial consideration when testing the psychometric properties of an inventory with a new normative sample (AERA, 2014; Lenz et al., 2022). If RFSV scores are validated with a national sample of U.S. physicians, counselors can use the scale to better understand why physicians, as a population, are reticent to seek counseling.

Pending at least acceptable validity evidence, we sought to investigate the capacity of physicians’ RFSV scores for predicting referrals to counseling and to examine demographic differences in RFSV scores. Results have the potential to offer professional counselors a screening tool for understanding why physicians might be reticent to seek counseling. Findings also have the potential to reveal subgroups of physicians who might be especially unlikely to access counseling services. To these ends, the following research questions (RQs) were posed:

RQ1.    What is the factorial invariance of scores on the RFSV Scale among a national sample of U.S. physicians?
RQ2.    Are U.S. physicians’ RFSV scores statistically significant predictors of making at least one referral to counseling?
RQ3.    Are there demographic differences to the RFSV barriers among U.S. physicians’ RFSV scores? 

Method

Participants and Procedures
     A quantitative cross-sectional psychometric research design was utilized to answer the research questions. The current study is part of a larger grant-funded project with an aim to promote health-based screening efforts and wellness among physicians. The aim of the previous study (Kalkbrenner et al., 2025) was to test the psychometric properties of three wellness-based screening tools with physicians. In the present study, we further analyzed the data in Kalkbrenner et al. (2025) to answer different research questions about a different scale (the RFSV Scale) on barriers to counseling. This data set was collected following approval from our IRB. Crowdsourcing is an increasingly common data collection strategy in counseling research with utility for accessing prospective participants on national and global levels (Mullen et al., 2021). Qualtrics Sample Services is a crowdsource solutions service with access to over 90 million prospective participants who voluntarily participate in survey research for monetary compensation. Grant funding was utilized to engage the services of a data collection agency to enlist a nationwide cohort of U.S. physicians. Qualtrics Sample Services was selected because they were the only crowdsource service we came across that could provide a sample of more than 400 licensed U.S. physicians. A sample greater than 400 was necessary for answering the first research question because 200 participants per group is the lower end of acceptable for multiple-group confirmatory factor analysis (MG-CFA; Meade & Kroustalis, 2006). Qualtrics Sample Services provided us with a program manager and a team of analysts who undertook a meticulous quality assessment of the data. This quality assessment involved filtering out respondents exhibiting excessive speed in responding, random response patterns, failed attention checks, and instances of implausible responses (e.g., individuals claiming to be 18 years old with an MD).

A total of N = 437 valid responses that met quality standards were obtained. An analysis of missing values indicated an absence of missing data. Examination of standardized z-scores and Mahalanobis (D) distances identified no univariate outliers (z > ± 3.29) and no multivariate outliers, respectively. Skewness and kurtosis values for physicians’ scores on the RFSV Scale were within the range indicative of a normal distribution of test scores (skewness < ± 2 and kurtosis < ± 7). Participants in the sample (N = 437) ranged in age from 25 to 85 (M = 47.80, SD = 11.74); see Table 1 for the demographic profile of the sample.

Table 1

Demographic Profile of the Sample (N = 437)

Sample Characteristics n %
Gender
Male 217 49.7
Female 215 49.2
Transgender 1 0.2
Nonbinary 1 0.2
Preferred not to answer 3 0.7
Ethnoracial Identity
American Indian or Alaska Native 1 0.2
Asian or Asian American 28 6.4
Black or African American 76 17.4
Hispanic, Latinx, or Spanish origin 97 22.2
Middle Eastern or North African 6 1.4
Multiethnic 6 1.4
White or European American 216 49.4
Identified as another race, ethnicity, or origin 1 0.2
Preferred not to answer 4 0.9
Help-Seeking History
No help-seeking history 228 52.2
Help-seeking history 208 47.6
Work Setting
Private practice 202 46.2
Non–private practice 233 53.3
Did not report work setting 2 0.5


Measures
     Prospective participants voluntarily indicated their informed consent and confirmed that they met the eligibility criteria for participation, including being a physician licensed as an MD, treating patients in the United States, and being over 18 years old at the time of data collection. Participants then responded to a demographic questionnaire and completed the RFSV Scale. 

The RFSV Scale
     The RFSV Scale is a screening tool designed to measure respondents’ sensitivity to barriers to attending counseling (Kalkbrenner et al., 2019) and is comprised of three subscales. Participants respond to a stem (“I am less likely to attend counseling because . . . ”) on the following Likert scale: 1 = Strongly Disagree, 2 = Disagree, 3 = Neither Agree nor Disagree, 4 = Agree, or 5 = Strongly Agree. Higher scores indicate greater reluctance to seek counseling. The Fit subscale measures the degree to which a respondent believes that the counseling process is congruent with their personality, values, or beliefs (e.g. “I couldn’t find a counselor who would understand me”). The Stigma subscale measures one’s reluctance to attend counseling because of shame or embarrassment (e.g. “It would damage my reputation”). The Value subscale appraises the degree to which a respondent perceives the effort required to attend counseling as beneficial (e.g. “It is not an effective use of my time”).

Kalkbrenner et al. (2019) found moderate to strong reliability evidence of scores on the RFSV subscales (Fit α = .82, Stigma α = .91, Value α = .78) and support for the internal structure validity of the RFSV through factor analysis. Additionally, Kalkbrenner and Neukrug (2018) demonstrated evidence of internal structure validity of RFSV scores through confirmatory factor analysis (CFA). Moreover, Kalkbrenner et al. (2022) found internal structure validity and criterion validity evidence of RFSV scores. More specifically, Kalkbrenner et al. (2022) found internal structure validity evidence of RFSV scores via CFA with a normative sample of STEM students. In addition, Kalkbrenner et al. (2022) found that STEM students’ scores on the Value barrier were a statistically significant predictor of a non-test criterion (referrals to the counseling center), which supported criterion validity of RFSV scores.

Cronbach’s alpha (α) and McDonald’s omega (ω) were calculated to estimate the reliability of physicians’ scores on the RFSV Scale. Consistent with the Responsibilities of Users of Standardized Tests (RUST-4E) standards, we computed confidence intervals (CIs) for each point reliability estimate (Lenz et al., 2022). All CIs were estimated at the 95% level. The following interpretive guidelines for internal consistency reliability evidence of test scores were used: α > .70 (Tavakol & Dennick, 2011) and ω > .65 (Nájera Catalán, 2019). Among the sample of physicians in the present study, scores on the Fit subscale showed acceptable internal consistency reliability of scores (α = .819, 95% CI [.789, .846]; ω = .827, 95% CI [.799, .851]). Scores on the Stigma subscale displayed acceptable-to-strong internal consistency reliability evidence of scores (α = .896, 95% CI [.877, .912]; ω =. 902, 95% CI [.885, .918]). Physicians’ scores on the Value subscale displayed acceptable internal consistency reliability of scores (α = .817, 95% CI [.781, .848]; ω =.820, 95% CI [.783, .850]). Finally, we found strong internal consistency reliability estimates of scores on the Global Barriers scale (α = .902, 95% CI [.885, .915]; ω = .897, 95% CI [.887, .911]).

Data Analytic Plan
     MG-CFA is an advanced psychometric analysis for determining the extent to which the meaning of latent constructs remain stable across subgroups of a sample (Dimitrov, 2012). MG-CFA is particularly sensitive to sample size (Meade & Kroustalis, 2006). A number of guidelines for MG-CFA sample size exist; however, at least 200 participants per each level of every invariance variable tends to be the minimum. To ensure that the present sample included 200+ participants in each group (see Table 2), the gender identity and ethnoracial identity variables were coded as female or male and White or non-White, respectively, for sample size considerations. This method of dummy coding highlights a frequent sample size–based challenge encountered in survey research, particularly in the context of assessing gender or ethnoracial identity (Ross et al., 2020). However, this coding method can be appropriate for survey research provided that the authors openly acknowledge the limitations inherent in such procedures, and that there is at least some degree of consistency between the dummy-coded groups and both the existing literature and the research questions (Ross et al., 2020). The coded groups are consistent with the literature and RQs, as findings in the extant literature (e.g., Duarte et al., 2022) demonstrated mental health care disparities between White and non-White and between male and female physicians. There are macro- and microlevel inequalities in the U.S. health care system between White and non-White populations (Matthew, 2015). Using the comparative method between participants with White and non-White ethnoracial identifies can have utility for highlighting the discrepancies in the U.S. health care system (Matthew, 2015; Ross et al., 2020). The limitations of this statistical aggregation procedure in terms of external validity will be articulated in the Discussion section.

Table 2

Multiple-Group Confirmatory Factor Analysis: RFSV Scale With U.S. Physicians

Invariance Forms CFI ∆CFI RMSEA ∆RMSEA RMSEA CIs SRMR ∆SRMR Model Comparison
Ethnoracial Identity: White (n = 216) vs. Non-White (n = 215)
Configural .934 .057 .049; .064 .070
Metric .933 .001 .055 .002 .048; .063 .070  < .001 Configural
Scalar .928 .005 .055 < .001 .048; .062 .071 .001 Metric
Gender Identity: Female (n = 215) vs. Male (n = 217)
Configural .936 .056 .048; .063 .060
Metric .935 .001 .055 .001 .047; .062 .066 .006 Configural
Scalar .921 .014 .057 .002 .051; .064 .067 .001 Metric
Help-Seeking History: Yes (n = 208) vs. No (n = 228)
Configural .921 .062 .055; .070 .080
Metric .921 < .001 .061 .001 .053; .068 .080 < .001 Configural
Scalar .906 .015 .063 .001 .057; .070 .079  .001 Metric
Work Setting: Private Practice (n = 202) vs. Non-Private Practice (n = 233)
Configural .942 .053 .045; .061 .062
Metric .937 .005 .054 .001 .046; .061 .075 .013 Configural
Scalar .936 .001 .052 .002 .044; .059 .075 < .001 Metric

 

We computed an MG-CFA to test the factorial invariance of U.S. physicians’ RFSV scores (RQ1). All statistical analyses were computed in IBM SPSS AMOS version 29 with a maximum likelihood estimation method. The fit of the baseline configural models was compared to the following cutoff scores: root mean square error of approximation (RMSEA < .08 = acceptable fit and < .06 = strong fit), standardized root mean square residual (SRMR < .08 = acceptable fit and < .06 = strong fit), and the comparative fit index (CFI, .90 to .95 = acceptable fit and > .95 = strong fit (Dimitrov, 2012; Schreiber et al., 2006). Pending at least acceptable fit of the baseline models, we used the following guidelines for factorial invariance testing: < ∆ 0.010 in the CFI, < ∆ 0.015 in the RMSEA, and < ∆ 0.030 in the SRMR for metric invariance or < ∆ 0.015 in SRMR for scalar invariance (Chen, 2007; Cheung & Rensvold, 2002).

A binary logistic regression analysis was computed to investigate the predictive capacity of physicians’ RFSV scores (RQ2). The predictor variables included physicians’ interval level scores on the RFSV Scale. The criterion variable was whether or not physicians have made at least one referral to counseling (0 = no or 1 = yes). Interscale corrections between the RFSV scales ranged from r = .44 to r = .55, indicating that multicollinearity was not present in the data.

A 2 (gender) X 2 (ethnicity) X 2 (work setting) X 2 (help-seeking history) factorial multivariate analysis of variance (MANOVA) was computed to investigate differences in physicians’ RFSV scores (RQ3). The categorical level independent variables (IVs) included gender (female or male), ethnoracial identity (White or non-White), help-seeking history (yes or no), and work setting (private practice or non–private practice). The dependent variables (DVs) were physicians’ interval level scores on the RFSV Scale. Box’s M test demonstrated that the assumption of equity of covariance matrices was met, F = (90, 73455.60) = 86.28, p = .719.

Results  

Factorial Invariance Testing
     An MG-CFA was computed to answer the first research question regarding the factorial invariance of U.S. physicians’ scores on the RFSV Scale. First, the baseline configural models were investigated for fit. We then tested for invariance, as the baseline models showed acceptable fit based on the previously cited guidelines provided by Dimitrov (2012) and Schreiber et al. (2006), including gender identity (CFI = .936, RMSEA = .056, 90% CI [.048, .063], and SRMR = .060), ethnoracial identity (CFI = .934, RMSEA = .057, 90% CI [.049, .064], and SRMR = .070), help-seeking history (CFI = .921, RMSEA = .062, 90% CI [.055, .070], and SRMR = .080), and work setting (CFI = .942, RMSEA = .053, 90% CI [.045, .061], and SRMR = .062).

In terms of invariance, all of the fit indices (∆CFI, ∆RMSEA, and ∆SRMR) supported both metric and scalar invariance of scores for ethnoracial identity and work setting (see Table 2). For the gender identity and help-seeking history variables, the ∆RMSEA and ∆SRMR supported both metric and scalar invariance of scores. The ∆CFI supported metric but not scalar invariance of scores for the help-seeking history and gender identity variables. Demonstrating invariance can be deemed acceptable solely based on metric invariance (Dimitrov, 2010). This is particularly true when only a single fit index, such as the CFI, confirms metric invariance but not scalar invariance of scores.

Logistic Regression
     A logistic regression analysis was computed to answer the second research question regarding the predictive capacity of physicians’ RFSV scores. The logistic regression model was statistically significant, X2 (3) = 15.36, p = .002, Nagelkerke R2 = .05. The odds ratios, Exp(B), demonstrated that an increase of one unit in physicians’ scores on the Stigma subscale (higher scores = higher barriers to counseling) was associated with a decrease in the odds of having made at least one referral to counseling by a factor of .711, Exp(B) 95% CI [.517, .947], p = .036. In addition, an increase of one unit in physicians’ scores on the Value subscale was associated with a decrease in the odds of having made at least one referral to counseling by a factor of .707, Exp(B) 95% CI [.508, .984], p = .040.

Factorial MANOVA
     A 2 (gender) X 2 (ethnicity) X 2 (work setting) X 2 (help-seeking history) factorial MANOVA was computed to investigate differences in physicians’ RFSV scores (RQ3). A significant main effect emerged for gender on the combined DVs, F = (3, 409) = 6.50, p < .001, Λ = 0.95,  n2p = .05. The statistically significant findings in the MANOVA were followed up with post-hoc discriminant analyses. The discriminant function significantly discriminated between groups, λ = 0.94, X2 = 25.07, df = 3, Canonical correlation = .29, p < .001. The correlations between the latent factors and discriminant functions showed that Fit (−1.17) loaded more strongly on the function than Stigma (0.68) and Value (0.62), suggesting that Fit contributed the most to group separation in gender identity. The mean discriminant score on the function for male physicians was 0.24 and the mean score for female physicians was −0.25 (higher scores = greater barriers to counseling).

A significant main effect emerged for help-seeking history on the combined DVs, F = (3, 409) = 4.57, p = .004, Λ = 0.95,  n2p = .03. The post-hoc discriminant function significantly discriminated between groups, Wilks λ = 0.96, X2 = 19.61, df = 3, Canonical correlation = .21, p < .001. The correlations between the latent factors and discriminant functions showed that Value (1.03) loaded more strongly on the function than Stigma (0.28) and Fit (0.26), suggesting Value contributed the most to group separation in help-seeking history. The mean discriminant score on the function for physicians with a help-seeking history was −0.23 and the mean score was 0.21 for physicians without a help-seeking history.

Discussion

The aims of the present study were to: validate RFSV scores with a national sample of physicians in the United States, investigate the capacity of RFSV scores for predicting physician referrals to counseling, and investigate demographic differences in physicians’ RFSV scores. The findings will be discussed in accordance with the RQs. The model fit estimates for each of the baseline configural models were all in the acceptable range based on the recommendations of Dimitrov (2012) and Schreiber et al. (2006; see Table 2). The acceptable fit of the configural models supported that the RFSV Scale and its dimensionality were estimated adequately with a normative sample of physicians. RFSV scores have been normed with seven different normative samples since 2018, including adults in the United States (Kalkbrenner & Neukrug, 2018), mental health counselors (Kalkbrenner et al., 2019), counselors-in-training (Kalkbrenner & Neukrug, 2019), college students at an HSI (Kalkbrenner et al., 2022), and STEM students (Kalkbrenner & Miceli, 2022). The baseline CFA results in the present study extend the generalizability of RFSV scores to a normative sample of physicians in the United States. Because we found support for the baseline configural models, we proceeded to test for invariance of scores.

Invariance testing via MG-CFA takes internal structure validity testing to a higher level by revealing if the meaning of a latent trait stays consistent (i.e., invariant) between specific groups of a normative sample (Dimitrov, 2012). The results of factorial invariance testing were particularly strong and evidenced both metric and scalar invariance of RFSV scores for the ethnoracial identity and work setting variables. The ∆ in RMSEA and SRMR also supported both metric and scalar invariance for the help-seeking history and gender identity variables. The ∆ in CFI revealed metric, but not scalar invariance of scores for the help-seeking history and gender identity variables. Metric invariance alone can be sufficient for demonstrating invariance of scores across a latent trait (Dimitrov, 2010). This is particularly true when only a single fit index, such as the CFI, supports metric invariance but not scalar invariance of scores. In totality, the MG-CFA results supported invariance of physicians’ RFSV scores by ethnoracial identity, work setting, and, to a lesser but acceptable degree, help-seeking history and gender identity.

The MG-CFA results demonstrated that RFSV scores were valid among a national sample of U.S. physicians (RQ1). This finding adds rigor to the results of RQs 2 and 3 on predictive and demographic differences in physicians’ RFSV scores, as the scale was appropriately calibrated with a new normative sample. A test of the predictive capacity of RFSV scores revealed that physicians’ scores on the Stigma and Value subscales were statistically significant predictors of having made one or more referrals to counseling (RQ2). In other words, lower levels of stigma and higher attributions to the value of counseling were associated with higher odds of physicians making one or more referrals to counseling at a statistically significant level. This finding is consistent with Kalkbrenner and Miceli (2022), who found that scores on the Value subscale were predictors of referrals to counseling among STEM students. Similarly, Kalkbrenner et al. (2022) found that scores on the Value subscale predicted supportive responses to encountering a peer in mental distress among college students attending an HSI. Collectively, the findings of the present study are consistent with past investigators (e.g., Kalkbrenner et al., 2022) who found that more positive attitudes about counseling tend to predict increases in the odds of having made one or more peer referrals to counseling.

The final aim of the present study was to test for demographic differences in physicians’ sensitivity to the RFSV barriers (RQ3). We found statistically significant main effects for the gender identity and help-seeking history variables. Results revealed that male physicians were more sensitive to the Fit barrier than female physicians. This finding suggests that physicians who identify as male might be more skeptical about the counseling process in general and may doubt their chances of finding a counselor they feel comfortable with. This finding adds to the extant literature on physicians’ mental health and attitudes about seeking counseling. Past investigators (e.g., Sudol et al., 2021) documented female physicians’ increased risk for mental health stress when compared to male physicians. The findings of the present study showed that male physicians were more sensitive to the Fit barrier than female physicians. Accordingly, it is possible that female physicians are more likely to report symptoms of and seek support services for mental health issues than male physicians. This might be due, in part, to differences between male and female physicians’ beliefs about the fit of counseling. Future research is needed to test this possible explanation for this finding.

We found that physicians with a help-seeking history (i.e., attended one or more counseling sessions in the past) were less sensitive to the Value barrier when compared to physicians without a help-seeking history. Similarly, past investigators found associations between help-seeking history and more positive attitudes about the value and benefits of seeking counseling, including among STEM students (Kalkbrenner & Miceli 2022), college students at an HSI (Kalkbrenner et al., 2022), and adults living in the United States (Kalkbrenner & Neukrug, 2018). Collectively, the results of the present study are consistent with these existing findings, which suggest that physicians and members of other populations with help-seeking histories tend to attribute more value toward the anticipated benefits of counseling.

Limitations and Future Research
     We recommend that readers consider the limitations of the present study before the implications for practice. Causal attributions cannot be drawn from a cross-sectional survey research design. Future researchers can build upon this line of research by testing the RFSV barriers using an experimental approach. Such research could involve administering the scale to physician clients before and after their counseling sessions. Such an approach might yield evidence on how counseling reduces sensitivity to certain barriers. However, it is important to note that pretest/posttest approaches can come with a number of limitations, including attrition, regression to the mean, history, and maturation.

Dummy coding the sociodemographic variables into broader categories to ensure adequate sample sizes for MG-CFA was a particularly challenging decision, especially for the ethnoracial identity variable. Although this statistical aggregation procedure can be useful for making broad and tentative generalizations about ethnicity and other variables (Ross et al., 2020), it limited our ability to explore potential differences in the meaning of the RFSV barriers among physicians with identities beyond White or non-White, and male or female. Future research with a more diverse sample by gender and ethnoracial identity is recommended.

Implications for Practice
     The findings from this study provide robust psychometric evidence that supports the dimensionality of U.S. physicians’ scores on the RFSV Scale and carries important implications for counseling professionals. The National Board for Certified Counselors (NBCC; 2023) emphasizes the use of screening tools with valid scores as a means of improving clinical practice. Additionally, ethical guidelines for counselors stress the importance of ensuring that the screening tools that they utilize offer valid and reliable scores, derived from representative client samples, to uphold their effectiveness and proper application (AERA, 2014; Lenz et al., 2022; NBCC, 2023). Mental health issues and attitudes about utilizing mental health support services are influenced by microsystemic and macrosystemic factors (Lenz & Lemberger-Truelove, 2023; Pester et al., 2023). To this end, implications for practice will be discussed on both microsystemic and macrosystemic levels.

The practicality of the RFSV Scale adds to its utility, as it is free to use, simple to score, and typically takes between 5 and 8 minutes to complete. Identifying barriers or doubts that physician clients have about counseling during the intake process might help increase physician client retention. To these ends, counselors can include the RFSV Scale with intake paperwork for physician clients. Counselors can use the results as one way to gather information about doubts that their physician clients might have about attending counseling. Suppose, for example, that a physician client scores higher on the Fit subscale (higher scores = higher barriers to counseling) than the Stigma or Value subscales. It might be helpful for the counselor and client to discuss how they can make the counseling process a good fit (i.e., how and in what ways the counseling process can be congruent with their personality, values, or beliefs). Increasing physician clients’ buy-in regarding the counseling process may increase retention.

Counselors could also administer the RFSV Scale at the beginning, middle, and end of the counseling process when working with clients who are physicians or medical students. Results might reveal the utility of counseling for reducing barriers to counseling among clients who are physicians or medical students. Our results revealed that physicians with help-seeking histories perceived greater value about the benefits of counseling than physicians without help-seeking histories. Mental health support services provided by counselor education students can be a helpful resource for medical students and residents (Gerwe et al., 2017). Accordingly, there may be utility in counselor education programs collaborating with medical colleges and schools to address stigma around seeking counseling that can exist in the medical field. This broader perspective is consistent with the ecological systems direction that the counseling profession spearheaded (Lenz & Lemberger-Truelove, 2023; Pester et al., 2023) and could help address stigma toward seeking counseling before medical students become physicians. More specifically, directors and clinical coordinators of counseling programs can reach out to directors of medical schools to establish collaborative relationships in which counseling interns provide supervised counseling services to medical students and residents. This might have dual benefits because medical schools would be able to offer their students free mental health support services and counseling programs would provide additional internship sites for their students. Early intervention before students become physicians could reduce stigma toward counseling throughout their careers.

Time constraints can be a barrier to counseling among physicians, residents, and medical students (Gerwe et al., 2017; Kase et al., 2020). Accordingly, it could be beneficial for counseling students who are interested in working with medical students or residents to complete their internship placements in the same settings where medical students and residents work. In all likelihood, providing supervised group and individual counseling for medical students at their work sites would increase the accessibility of counseling.

The counseling profession is moving toward interdisciplinary collaboration models that involve teams of mental health professionals working together to provide comprehensive client/patient care (Lenz & Lemberger-Truelove, 2023; Pester et al., 2023). Interventions designed to reduce barriers to counseling are only beginning to appear in the extant literature (e.g., Lannin et al., 2019). The ecological systemic nature of mental health distress and influences on attitudes about accessing mental health support services makes evaluating the utility of reducing barriers to counseling interventions complex. To address this, counselors and interdisciplinary teams need screening tools with reliable and valid scores in order to effectively assess the impact of these interventions.

The results of CFA and MG-CFA in the present study confirmed that the RFSV Scale measured the intended construct of measurement with a national sample of U.S. physicians (RQ1). Thus, the RFSV Scale may have utility as a pretest/posttest for measuring the effectiveness of interventions geared toward reducing barriers to counseling. The extant literature on interventions for reducing barriers to counseling is in its infancy. Lannin et al. (2019) started to fill this gap in the knowledge base by conducting an intervention study with random assignment. Lannin et al. (2019) tested the extent to which contemplation about seeking counseling and self-affirmation were related to seeking mental health screening and general information about mental health support services. Results revealed that participants who used both self-affirming personal values and contemplation were significantly more likely to seek mental health screening and general information about mental health than participants in the contemplation-only group. In addition, participants in the contemplation about seeking counseling group only reported higher self-stigma. Findings indicated that interventions including both contemplation and self-affirmation of participants’ personal values were more likely to increase receptivity to outreach efforts.

Lannin et al. (2019) sampled undergraduate students attending a historically Black college/university. Lannin et al.’s (2019) intervention might have utility with physicians. However, to the best of our knowledge, the screening tools used by Lannin et al. have not been validated with U.S. physicians. Accordingly, professional counselors can use the RFSV Scale as one way to measure potential reductions in barriers to seeking counseling before and after participating in interventions geared toward promoting help-seeking among physicians. Fully developing an intervention that reduces barriers to counseling is beyond the scope of this study. Although future research is needed in this area, the results of this study confirmed that the RFSV Scale measured the intended construct of measurement with a national sample of U.S. physicians. Accordingly, professional counselors can use the RFSV Scale to better understand why prospective or current physician clients are reluctant to seek counseling. For example, professional counselors can work with medical supervisors and the directors of physician residency programs to administer the RFSV Scale at orientations for new physician employees and medical residents. The results could reveal specific barriers that are particularly salient in a given medical setting. Professional counselors can use the results to structure psychoeducation sessions about the utility of counseling for physicians. Suppose, for example, that physicians in a particular setting score higher on the Stigma subscale. A counselor can structure the content of the psychoeducation session on reducing stigma toward counseling. Specifically, the session could involve reframing seeking counseling in the context of the courage it takes for one to reach out to a counselor and the benefits associated with participating in counseling. These sessions may also help strengthen interpersonal bonds among physicians and begin to normalize mental health support within the medical community.

Consistent with the findings of Kalkbrenner and Miceli (2022), we found that lower scores on the Value subscale (lower scores = greater perceived benefits of counseling) was a statistically significant predictor of higher odds of participants having made one or more peer referrals to counseling. This finding, combined with the extant literature on physicians’ vulnerability to mental health distress and reticence to seek counseling (Lobelo & de Quevedo, 2016; Walker & Pine, 2018), suggested that peer-to-peer support may be a valuable resource for counselors who work in medical settings. In other words, we found that greater perceived value of the benefits of counseling was a statistically significant predictor of an increase in the odds of physicians recommending counseling to another physician. Accordingly, professional counselors who work in medical settings are encouraged to organize peer-to-peer support networks among physicians within their work setting. For example, professional counselors can work to promote physicians’ awareness of the value of attending professional counseling, particularly for reducing burnout, grieving the loss of a patient, coping with the demanding work life of physicians, and increasing general health (Major et al., 2021; Trivate et al., 2019; Wiederhold et al., 2018). Our results revealed that when compared to female physicians, male physicians scored higher on the Fit subscale (higher RFSV scores = poorer attitudes about counseling) and physicians with a help-seeking history scored higher on the Value subscale than those without help-seeking histories. To this end, there may be utility in focusing outreach sessions about the benefits of counseling to male physicians. For example, professional counselors could produce short videos, flyers, or other types of media on the benefits that attending counseling can have for physicians. These media sources can be shared with physicians. Such awareness advocacy about the benefits of counseling may result in an increase of peer-to-peer referrals to counseling among physicians.

Summary and Conclusion
     Physicians in the United States face increased risks for mental distress and often hesitate to seek professional counseling (Lobelo & de Quevedo, 2016; Walker & Pine, 2018). Screening tools with validated scores are essential resources for helping professional counselors to understand why potential clients avoid seeking counseling services. The RFSV Scale measures barriers to counseling. This study aimed to validate RFSV scores among U.S. physicians and investigated demographic differences in their scores. Results indicated that the RFSV Scale and its dimensions were adequately estimated with a national sample of physicians in the United States. Physicians’ RFSV scores significantly predicted peer-to-peer counseling referrals. We identified demographic differences in sensitivity to barriers to counseling based on gender identity and help-seeking history. Physicians who self-identified as male and those without help-seeking histories were more sensitive to barriers to counseling than female physicians or physicians with help-seeking histories, respectively. At this phase of development, professional counselors can use the RFSV Scale as a tool for understanding barriers to seeking counseling among physicians.


Conflict of Interest and Funding Disclosure
The authors reported no conflict of interest
or funding contributions for the development
of this manuscript.

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Michael T. Kalkbrenner, PhD, NCC, is a full professor at New Mexico State University. Shannon Esparza, BA, is a graduate student at New Mexico State University. Correspondence may be addressed to Michael T. Kalkbrenner, Department of Counseling and Educational Psychology, New Mexico State University, Las Cruces, NM 88003, mkalk001@nmsu.edu.

Lifetime Achievement in Counseling Series: An Interview with Barbara Herlihy

Wendi L. Ferrell, Joshua D. Smith, Neal D. Gray

Each year TPC presents an interview with an influential veteran in counseling as part of its Lifetime Achievement in Counseling series. This year, Dr. Barbara Herlihy shared insights from her decades-long commitment to the professionalization of counseling and the evolution of the profession’s ethical standards. Dr. Herlihy’s scholarship and service have had a profound effect on how counseling ethics are taught, applied, and revised to remain relevant in an ever-evolving world. In this interview, she connects counselors’ professional ethical obligations to the advancement of social justice and the internationalization of the profession. We are grateful for Dr. Herlihy’s contributions to our profession and for the wisdom that she shared in this interview.
—J. Richelle Joe, Editor

     Barbara Herlihy, PhD, NCC, is Professor Emerita in the counselor education program in the College of Education and Human Development at the University of New Orleans. She is a Fellow of the American Counseling Association and is a recipient of the Chi Sigma Iota Thomas J. Sweeney Professional Leadership Award, the SACES Courtland Lee Social Justice Award, and the ACES Distinguished Mentor Award.

A prolific writer, she is co-author (with Dr. Gerald Corey) of the ACA Ethical Standards Casebook and (with Dr. Theodore Remley) of Ethical, Legal, and Professional Issues in Counseling, and co-editor (with Dr. Cassie Storlie) of Counseling Leaders & Advocates. She has authored or co-authored over 100 journal articles and book chapters, primarily on ethics, social justice, and feminist therapy. She serves as Associate Editor for Ethics for Counseling and Values. She has served twice as Chair of the ACA Ethics Committee, and she currently serves as Chair of the ACA Ethics Appeals Committee. In recent years, she has become passionate about furthering the globalization of the counseling profession and has presented seminars and workshops across the United States and in other countries. She currently serves as Co-Director of Global Issues for the International Institute for the Advancement of Counseling Theory.

1. Can you provide more details about your experience as Chair of the ACA Ethics Appeal Committee? What were your key responsibilities, and how did the committee operate in addressing ethical issues in the counseling profession? What drew you to the field of counseling ethics, and what makes this area so meaningful to you, both personally and professionally?

Looking back, I realize I’ve been engaged consistently with the ACA Code of Ethics in some way for several decades now. I’ve served on the ACA Ethics Committee, the ACA Ethics Appeal Committee, and on Ethics Code Revision task forces; co-authored (first with Larry Golden and then with Gerald Corey) the most recent four editions of the ACA Ethical Standards Casebook; and presented on various ethical issues at numerous professional conferences. With this constant engagement, one might think that I can recite the Code of Ethics from memory. No, not even close! However, I do have a feel for how the Code has evolved over the decades to continue to meet the needs of counselors in a constantly changing and increasingly complex world of practice.

That constant evolution is a major reason why ethics has remained interesting and meaningful to me over the years. Opportunities are constantly being created to ponder new and intriguing ethical dilemmas. I’m routinely challenged to refine how I teach ethics to help students develop finely honed ethical reasoning skills, to research and write about ethical issues as they emerge, and to serve the counseling profession through membership on committees and task forces.

Of all the committees on which I have served, I would say that the ACA Ethics Committee and the Ethics Appeal Committee are the most challenging. Ethics and Ethics Appeals Committee members are charged with reviewing all the evidence provided in a complaint or an appeal and then rendering a judgment. If a counselor is found to be in violation of one or more ethical standards, then the appropriate consequence (which can be anything from a recommendation to change a particular practice to permanent expulsion from ACA) must be chosen and applied. Because counselors are trained to be nonjudgmental and because we gravitate toward forgiveness and compassion rather than imposing punishments, the entire process can be very uncomfortable. In my experience, the ACA members who take on these committee assignments take them very seriously and are keenly aware that their decisions can be consequential. Thankfully, these committees typically have only a very small number of complaints to adjudicate over the course of a year. Formal complaints of ethical violations against counselors are rare, considering the thousands of ACA members who are in practice at any given time, and appeals are even more uncommon. This speaks to the integrity of the practitioners of our profession!

2. Given the current climate, ethical concerns are becoming even more pressing. What are your thoughts on the tension between personal and professional values, and how counselors can uphold ethical standards while respecting cultural diversity and individual client autonomy?

Conflicts between personal and professional values is an issue that jumped into bold relief about 15 years ago as a result of two court cases, Ward v. Wilbanks (2010, 2012) and Keeton v. Augusta State University (2011), in which students were dismissed from their master’s programs in counseling after they refused to counsel clients regarding the clients’ same-sex affectional relationships. The students argued that these relationships were not acceptable according to their religious beliefs. These cases spawned considerable discussion about values conflicts in counseling. Counselor educators grappled with how to best teach students to set aside, or “bracket,” their personal values when entering a counseling session. A body of professional literature developed around managing conflicts between personal and professional values and around the ethical decision-making process when values conflicts exist.

The difficulties associated with counseling clients whose values differ from those of the counselor re-emerged during the run-up to the 2024 presidential election, a time when it seemed that most Americans had such strong political feelings that they found it difficult if not impossible to really hear each other’s viewpoints. Again, counselors struggled when clients expressed views with which the counselors strongly disagreed. Although the specific values-laden issues were different from those that emerged around the students who were dismissed from their training programs, counselors sometimes struggled to set aside their personal values so they could be fully present for their clients. To me, it seems inevitable that in our diverse culture, these issues will continue to emerge. Our work as counselors will be challenged by values conflicts, and I believe we will need to remain vigilant to our own experiences, and work to identify both our explicit and implicit biases so that we can continue to honor and respect our clients without judging their personal value systems. We are a richly diverse society, and as I’ve been saying for many years, multicultural competence and ethical practice go hand in hand—neither one can exist without the other.

3. Given your extensive knowledge and experience in counseling, how do you maintain your motivation and enthusiasm for your work, especially during difficult periods? What aspects of counseling resonate most with you, and are there any particular initiatives or methods that you’re currently excited about?

I have been blessed with the incredibly good fortune of working in what is, for me, the perfect profession. Knowing that as a counselor I may have touched some lives in meaningful ways, and that as a counselor educator I’ve had the privilege of mentoring young professionals who went on to make significant contributions, has been more than enough to maintain my motivation and enthusiasm. Seeking out my own counselor whenever I hit a rough spot on my own personal journey has also sustained me.

Ethics, multicultural competence, social justice, and feminist therapy have been consistent themes throughout my work. At this point in my journey, I am also passionate about the internationalization of counseling. I hope to help find ways to extend helping and healing, whether or not the process is formally called “counseling,” to serve marginalized communities across the globe. I’m also intrigued by the broad spectrum of counseling theory, and how we can connect it more directly to effective practice, particularly with culturally diverse client populations in the United States and internationally.

4. Would you take a moment and share your thoughts on the internationalization of counseling—specifically, how counseling practices are expanding across borders and adapting to different cultural contexts? What are the challenges and benefits of these cross-cultural exchanges, and how does the profession develop effective practice across diverse populations?

One of the exciting projects in which I am currently involved is a “world mapping” initiative, sponsored by the International Institute for the Advancement of Counseling Theory and spearheaded by Dr. Ed Neukrug of Old Dominion University. Along with Dr. Courtland C. Lee, I co-chair the Global Subgroup that is engaged in the mapping project. This year we are exploring South America; our incredible graduate assistant, Kacey Bunting, is presently conducting interviews with leaders who engage in and teach counseling/helping/healing in South American countries. (We refer broadly to “counseling/helping/healing” as many countries don’t have formal counseling professions.) As we analyze Kacey’s interviews, we hope to learn about approaches that are unique to these countries and the extent to which and how Euro-American theories and practices are being adapted. We’re eager to see what we can learn about mental health and the helping process in other countries. Of course, many challenges exist, including language barriers and lack of contact information that would enable us to identify and connect with key people. However, the anticipated benefits far outweigh the challenges. In addition to helping counselors and counseling students improve their “global citizenship,” an attribute that Dr. Lee has emphasized in his writings, this project should provide us with a wealth of information that can be used to improve our counseling practices here in the United States, particularly with culturally diverse clients.

5. How have you seen the counseling profession evolve over the years? What changes, either positive or negative, have you observed?

Over my several decades as a counselor and counselor educator, I have witnessed incredible changes in our profession. I think these changes are reflected in the ways that the ACA Code of Ethics has evolved since it was first published in 1961. The original contained no section on technology, of course, but it also made no mention of diversity or multicultural competence. Early versions made what seem now to be rather simplistic statements like “dual relationships should be avoided.” Over the years, the code has been revised periodically to reflect a constantly changing and increasingly complex world of practice.

Overall, I think the most significant change in a positive direction has been the increased professionalization of counseling. Hard-won battles have resulted in the achievement of counselor licensure in all 50 states, the establishment of training standards, and the inclusion of counselors in diverse work settings like the military, inpatient and outpatient mental health facilities, and business and industry.

6. Looking ahead, what do you envision for the future of counseling, and what do you see as potential challenges or boundaries that might delay progress or limit growth in the profession? How do your relationships with counseling associations and organizations influence or shape the evolution of your practice, and do you see any potential challenges or support coming from these affiliations?

The counseling profession in the United States is, inevitably, a microcosm of our society. I am concerned that relationships among our professional associations seem to be divisive in some ways, and that right now our profession does not seem to speak with one voice to our public. My hope is that we will be able to focus on our common purpose and use our united voice to help ensure that social justice issues have a prominent position in our politics, our lives, and our work. Professional associations such as ACA and NBCC have been instrumental in my own professional development, and they continue to be a source of support. I am honored to have had opportunities to give back, in small measure, what I have received, through service to professional associations. If I may end with a word to early-career counselors and counselor educators—those service opportunities exist for you, as well. I hope you will get involved!

This concludes the 10th interview for the annual Lifetime Achievement in Counseling Series. TPC is grateful to Wendi L. Ferrell, Joshua D. Smith, and Neal D. Gray for providing this interview. Wendi L. Ferrell is a graduate candidate at the University of Mount Olive. Joshua D. Smith, PhD, NCC, LCMHC, is an assistant professor at the University of Mount Olive. Neal D. Gray, PhD, LCMHC-S, is a professor at Lenoir-Rhyne University. Correspondence can be emailed to Joshua Smith at jsmith@umo.edu.