Jun 3, 2026 | Volume 16 - Issue 2
Matthew C. Fullen, Jonathan D. Wiley, Paul M. Delaughter, Connie C. Tomlin, Jordan B. Westcott, Nick Gowen
Older adult living communities (OALCs; i.e., continuing care retirement communities, assisted living facilities, and long-term care settings) are growing in number and complexity, and industry leaders are recognizing that promoting wellness among their residents is a top priority. Although OALCs offer services to keep their residents engaged and active, residents’ emotional needs often go unmet. Adults who reside in OALCs are likely to benefit from counseling services, especially when delivered within a wellness framework; however, there is inconsistent availability of wellness counseling within OALCs. Our article describes how wellness approaches can be utilized, addresses the unique counseling needs of OALC residents, and considers the importance of multicultural competence when serving older adults. The included case study highlights the promise of wellness counseling in OALCs.
Keywords: older adults, counseling, wellness, living communities, assisted living
Older adult living communities (OALCs) play an essential role in promoting multidimensional wellness among older adults (Hettler, 1976). OALCs are growing in number and complexity, and industry leaders suggest that promoting wellness among residents is a top priority (Johnson, 2025). Although OALCs offer services that engage residents’ multidimensional wellness, their mental health needs often go unmet (Fullen, Wiley, et al., 2020). Adults who reside in these communities are likely to benefit from counseling services; however, counseling is not consistently available within OALCs (Fullen, Wiley, et al., 2020).
Concurrent with the population increases of older adults, the number of OALCs, such as continuing care retirement communities, assisted living facilities, and long-term care settings, is increasing across the United States (Christman, 2025). According to the U.S. Census Bureau, by 2060 almost a quarter of all U.S. residents will be over age 65 and life expectancy will reach 85 years (Medina et al., 2020). It is estimated that OALCs will need to hire 1.2 million new employees across professional domains in order to meet residents’ needs and account for this growth in the older adult population (Argentum, 2016).
Demographic and industry trends point to counselors being well-positioned to meet the mental health and emotional wellness needs within OALCs. This is a timely development in the counseling profession, as licensed counselors recently became eligible to enroll as Medicare-eligible providers (Consolidated Appropriations Act, 2023). However, counselors face the challenges of understanding the counseling needs of older adults, practicing culturally competent care, and overcoming the obstacles related to providing professional counseling services within OALCs (Fullen, Wiley, et al., 2020). Therefore, we describe the unique counseling needs of residents of OALCs, as well as specific challenges to providing counseling services within OALCs related to mental health services integration, payment and reimbursement, and counselor education, training, and supervision. Because OALCs are increasingly using a wellness framework in their approaches to older adult health care, we will also describe how wellness can be used to introduce counseling within these settings.
Older Adult Wellness Counseling
To better conceptualize older adult wellness, it is helpful to summarize the eight dimensions of older adult wellness that have been described in our previous work (Fullen, 2019). These dimensions include physical, relational, emotional, developmental, spiritual, cognitive, contextual, and vocational domains. These dimensions are briefly defined in Table 1, with a corresponding assessment question included for reference.
Table 1
Eight Dimensions of Wellness in Older Adulthood
| Wellness Dimension |
Brief Definition (derived from Fullen, 2019) |
Sample Assessment Question |
| Physical |
Taking care of one’s body, as well as attending to needs associated with disability, chronic illness, or pain |
In what ways do you continue to care for your body? |
| Relational |
Maintaining meaningful relationships with friends, family, and others in your community |
Do you feel supported by those around you, and how do you support others? |
| Emotional |
Maintaining hope and resilience in spite of challenges one faces |
Are you content, and do you think you will be in the future? |
| Developmental |
The need to develop healthy, realistic attitudes about growing older |
What does growing older mean to you? |
| Spiritual |
Exploring your meaning and purpose |
Where do you find meaning in your daily life? |
| Cognitive |
Fostering control, self-efficacy, and commitment to brain health and lifelong learning |
How do you exercise your brain? |
| Contextual |
Inhabiting a community where you belong and thrive |
Do you feel secure and supported where you live? |
| Vocational |
Pursuing your life’s calling, regardless of whether the calling is associated with paid work |
What is your calling? |
Wellness Counseling
Multidimensional wellness is based on the assumption that older adults have holistic needs that may reflect intersections between physical, emotional, social, or spiritual domains (Fullen, 2019). Wellness counseling occurs when counselors incorporate multidimensional assessment and treatment planning, a focus on client strengths, and a paradigm shift from addressing illness to promoting growth and self-discovery (Fullen, 2016). Frameworks for wellness counseling across client ages have been described (Ohrt et al., 2019), and specific modifications for using wellness counseling with older adults exist (Fullen, 2019). Wellness counseling has been identified as a strategy to counteract ageism (Fullen, 2019), particularly because of the medicalization of aging and the shift away from illness and client deficits that is emphasized within the wellness paradigm. Because older adult wellness is multidimensional, counselors using a wellness framework may identify several wellness dimensions that correspond with particular presenting problems. Therefore, the practice of wellness counseling begins with a multidimensional assessment of a client’s wellness, followed by a review of the client’s strengths, and ongoing discussion about how to apply these strengths to meet specific, multidimensional wellness goals and challenges that older adult clients may bring to counseling. Consistent with its focus on holism, counselors using a wellness counseling approach emphasize how client strengths can be leveraged to address areas of vulnerability (Fullen, 2016). Areas of strength may be targeted for additional growth, whereas areas of present vulnerability may be highlighted for intervention. As interventions are applied, ongoing assessment of wellness dimensions occurs to advance the pursuit of holistic wellness.
Wellness Challenges Facing Older Adults in OALCs
Older adults residing in OALCs face many of the same challenges as their peers living outside of these settings. Living in a residential setting can provide older adults with security and comfort, enabling them to age in place. Many OALCs offer a range of care options, including independent living, assisted living, skilled nursing, long-term care, and memory care (Shippee, 2012). Although these communities are designed to promote aging well in multiple dimensions (e.g., physical wellness, social wellness, intellectual wellness; Johnson, 2025), some residents will experience wellness challenges that necessitate counseling intervention (Fullen, 2016). Counselors working in these settings need to be prepared to meet residents’ counseling needs and to be aware of the unique challenges that older adults living in OALCs routinely face. When considering how to apply a wellness framework to counseling older adults in OALCs, counselors can respond by engaging clients in dialogue about how common challenges impact their wellness, identifying clients’ wellness strengths, and developing strategies to leverage strengths to address specific challenges.
Grief and Loss
Grief and loss issues are common among older adults. In addition to grief associated with the loss of family members and friends, there are other substantial losses that older adults face, including the loss of independence, home, health and mobility, vision and hearing, career and purpose, finances, preferred living arrangements, and cognitive abilities (Gitterman & Knight, 2019). Sometimes the decision to move into an OALC is made after losing a spouse, which could include a long-term grieving process (Sopcheck, 2020). In some cases, people decide to move into OALCs shortly after retirement, anticipating a comfortable life with fewer responsibilities, appealing amenities, and the comfort provided by being surrounded by others in their same age cohort (Brecht et al., 2009). Considerations of both contextual and developmental wellness can be valuable when responding to grief and loss. For example, asking an OALC client to define what it would look like to feel secure and supported (i.e., contextual wellness) during a period of bereavement may promote their sense of belonging within the OALC, which could contribute to the belief that the next phase of life is still worthwhile (i.e., developmental wellness). Moreover, helping clients identify wellness strengths during a period of grief and loss can be beneficial. For example, an OALC client may experience encouragement at the thought that a deceased loved one would be proud of them for meeting new friends in their OALC community, which reflects a form of relational wellness.
For those moving into these communities shortly after retiring, the loss of career and vocation may result in tremendous challenges (LaBauve & Robinson, 2011). This life stage transition can result in feelings associated with a lack of purpose and belonging, and the loss of a social network that may have been in place for many years (Myers & Degges-White, 2007). Another challenging adjustment for older adults occurs when they are no longer able to drive. This decision is often prompted by other family members who encourage them to stop driving, making many older adults feel as if they have lost a key element of their independence (Bell & Menec, 2015). Supporting clients in reappraising their vocational wellness, which may involve broaching how they continue to pursue a sense of meaning and purpose in their lives, can be beneficial.
Adjustment
In contrast, other older adults are forced to move into these settings because of failing health, mobility issues, or cognitive decline (Krout et al., 2002). Adjustment issues related to failing health can be difficult for older adults, and many live with chronic pain, limited mobility, and full reliance on others for care. Older adults who relocate to an OALC may have left behind a home of many years, familiar surroundings and routines, as well as friends and neighbors. Many older adults are surprised by the intense feelings that arise shortly after moving into a facility (Ayalon & Green, 2012), including an extended period of grief. For older adults who have lived most of their lives in single family dwellings, sharing common areas such as dining halls and activity spaces may be difficult (Chaudhury et al., 2013). These adjustments are particularly pronounced for older adults who transition to higher levels of care in OALCs. Nighttime sleep disturbances are common and may result in a variety of physical and mental health issues (Martin & Ancoli-Israel, 2008). For individuals facing physical health challenges, the dimension of physical wellness may be most relevant. Specifically, encouraging clients to consider ways in which they continue to care for their bodies, despite bodily changes they may be experiencing, can shift the emphasis from a focus on client deficits to one of resilience and strength.
Moving into an OALC is a significant life adjustment that can lead to emotional distress. In the early stages of adjustment, residents may find it difficult to refer to their OALC as their home; instead, they may hold on to emotional connections to their prior residence. They may feel ambivalent and uncertain as they struggle to place themselves within the existing categories of residents, which may reflect the disenfranchisement of their grief and grieving process (Ayalon & Green, 2012). For some, this may be the first time they have been in a setting where most people around them use assistive devices such as canes, walkers, and wheelchairs (Ayalon, 2015). Mental health concerns may rise to a level of depression and/or anxiety. Depression may result from various factors, including the adjustment to living in an OALC, profound grief and loss, failing health, and lack of purpose and belonging (Ayalon & Green, 2012). Anxiety can also be a concern for adults in these settings as they face their mortality, financial worries, fear of decline and death, and loss of independence, which would require them to rely on others for care (Creighton et al., 2016). Understanding the impact of these adjustments on emotional wellness may be an important first step in these cases.
Relationships
One of the most challenging life transitions older adults face is the shift in family dynamics that occurs when children begin to take care of their parents (Branson et al., 2019). As older adults move into advanced levels of care in OALCs, their adult children may experience guilt for having placed their parents in a “home.” This guilt may lead to overinvolvement and overprotection by their children, which can be a source of frustration for the older adults (Davis et al., 2019). For spouses moving into OALCs together, the strain of living in a smaller environment may create tension (Ayalon & Greed, 2016). Oftentimes, one spouse may be the primary caregiver for the other, which can also create relational challenges (Polenick & DePasquale, 2019). Approaching these cases from a relational wellness perspective allows both the counselor and the client to assess changes in their relationship and how clients continue to receive and provide emotional support. The therapeutic relationship can also function as a source of relational wellness, which may provide clients with the foundation they need to pursue other relationships with OALC community members, friends outside the OALC, or family members.
Alzheimer’s Disease and Other Related Dementias
As the size and proportion of the U.S. population aged 65 and older continue to increase, the number of Americans with Alzheimer’s and other related dementias will continue to rise. There are currently an estimated 7.4 million Americans living with Alzheimer’s dementia (Alzheimer’s Association, 2026). Those in the earlier stages of the disease are often undiagnosed and still capable of living independently (Savva & Arthur, 2015). Older adults residing in OALCs during this phase of the disease may withdraw from social activities because of feelings of inadequacy associated with their cognitive impairment (Nelis et al., 2011). Others may not recognize the changes they are experiencing, which can lead to confusion, frustration, and embarrassment in social situations (Robinson et al., 2012). Maximizing the length of independence for those with early-stage dementia is critical because it is likely their last phase of life for living independently. Quality of life is likely to be significantly reduced as the disease progresses. Counselors can play a vital role for these individuals by maximizing the length of time they can live independently. Although counseling can be instrumental for people in all stages of dementia, OALC residents with early-stage dementia may find counseling services particularly beneficial.
Given the complexity of Alzheimer’s Disease and other related dementias, a multifaceted approach to older adult wellness could be useful (Fullen, 2019). By using the eight dimensions of wellness, a counselor may find specific strengths or shortcomings in areas such as relational wellness, cognitive wellness, emotional wellness, or contextual wellness. Clients who are caregivers may have needs in the same dimensions, as well as in areas such as vocational wellness, developmental wellness, and spiritual wellness. Identifying wellness dimensions in which clients and caregivers maintain strengths may be a helpful strategy in maintaining quality of life and bolstering a sense of resolve during what can be an overwhelming and discouraging experience.
Substance Misuse
As the Boomer generation (i.e., adults born between 1946 and 1964) continues to enter older adulthood, a growing number of older adults are at risk for alcohol and substance abuse (Barry & Blow, 2016). Misuse of alcohol and prescription drugs among older adults is currently higher than in previous generations, partially attributed to the 25% of older adults who are prescribed potentially addictive psychoactive medications, which are the most prevalent medications prescribed to this age group (Ogbonna & Lembke, 2019). Older adults residing in OALCs typically have convenient and frequent access to alcohol at planned social gatherings. Researchers assert that alcohol may be used as a coping mechanism for those living in these settings (Sacco et al., 2015). There may be less concern about limiting social drinking, as driving is less common. However, there are numerous negative consequences for older adults, including increased fall risks and harmful drug interactions (Barry & Blow, 2016). Many older adults are unaware of substance abuse ramifications, particularly related to the physiological changes related to aging that make them more vulnerable to these adverse effects (Williams et al., 2005).
Counselors can play a supportive role for these older adults through both psychoeducation and professional treatment. Problematic substance use has a multifaceted connection to wellness, requiring counselors to consider an array of relevant wellness dimensions, such as physical wellness, emotional wellness, and relational wellness. Once one or more areas of wellness are identified for greater emphasis during treatment, it is also important to discuss which areas of wellness continue to be sources of strength. For example, an OALC resident whose alcohol use has negatively impacted their relationships may describe how taking care of their body through walking or lifting weights (physical wellness) continues to provide a healthy sense of control and self-efficacy (cognitive wellness).
Ageism
Counseling professionals in OALCs should be knowledgeable about experiences associated with aging, including societal stigma against older adults. Ageism, or prejudice, stereotyping, and discrimination against older adults based on age (Butler, 1969), negatively influences older adults’ mental health (Gendron et al., 2016). Like other forms of prejudice, ageism is systemic (Fullen, 2018).
For example, stereotypes about older adults permeate American culture and can lead to poor mental health outcomes for older adults (Fullen, 2018). Systemic ageism is reinforced by individual, interpersonal expressions of ageism, which older adults may experience from medical professionals, family members, and even OALC staff.
Furthermore, older adults may assimilate negative stereotypes about aging and late life into their self-concept, leading to internalized ageism, through which they may believe negative stereotypes about themselves or discriminate against other older adults (Gendron et al., 2016). Counselors working in these settings should be aware of the impact that ageism can have on older adults and remain vigilant in identifying ways in which ageism is organizationally embedded in OALCs. Attitudes toward aging contribute to a person’s developmental wellness, which can be more broadly assessed through therapeutic dialogue (Fullen, 2019). When clients describe internalized aging attitudes, it is important to identify the origin of these messages. Gently challenging these ageist assumptions can enhance the therapeutic relationship (relational wellness) and result in a greater sense of resilience (emotional wellness) and self-efficacy (cognitive wellness).
Culturally Responsive Care With Older Adults in OALCs
In addition to being prepared to work with a wide variety of clinical concerns using a wellness framework, counselors working in OALCs should be prepared to work with clients from many different backgrounds with diverse lived experiences. It is important to ask clients how their sociocultural experiences, as well as gender, socioeconomic status, and religious affiliations, influence how they define the eight dimensions of wellness for themselves. Counselors can best meet their clients’ needs when they understand clients contextually, considering the unique experiences that have informed clients’ lives based on their sociocultural identities (Ratts et al., 2016). Although all clients have specific cultural considerations counselors should attend to, counselors who desire to work in OALCs must be aware of specific issues in later life and how sociocultural factors can influence development across the lifespan (Fullen, 2020b).
Use an Intersectional Lens
Counselors who practice in OALCs will undoubtedly work with clients who have been impacted by ageism. However, many clients will hold additional marginalized identities that influence their experiences of aging and ageism. The intersection of age with other marginalized identities significantly alters the experiences of aging for older adults (Wang et al., 2025). Crenshaw (1989) introduced the construct of intersectionality to explain how occupying two or more marginalized positionalities creates a gestalt experience of discrimination. Intersectionality is a framework that enables people to understand how interlocking systems of oppression can exacerbate one another, creating a unique experience for individuals who hold multiple minoritized identities (Crenshaw, 1989). In essence, understanding clients in OALCs through an intersectional lens is crucial for developing a nuanced understanding of their experiences and clinical concerns. Therefore, in addition to the necessity of understanding systemic ageism (Fullen, 2018), counselors who provide services in the context of OALCs should be aware of the unique intersections other sociocultural factors can have with age in such settings.
Social determinants of health, such as race/ethnicity, gender/gender identity, sexual orientation, and socioeconomic status, influence clients’ mental health across the lifespan, with some effects emerging in later life (Allen et al., 2014). Additionally, there is evidence that inequity across the lifespan leads to poorer mental health outcomes in older adulthood for marginalized groups, such as racial/ethnic minority older adults (Ferraro et al., 2017); lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBTQ+) older adults (Fredriksen-Goldsen et al., 2017); and older adults with disabilities (Kattari et al., 2017). These findings suggest that the older adults who are most likely to need counseling are also more likely to have experienced unique intersectional challenges. Therefore, understanding clients’ contexts and backgrounds, selecting appropriate interventions and assessments that account for clients’ unique cultural considerations, and providing opportunities for clients to process experiences of discrimination and stigma are all critical components of culturally competent care for all clients.
Broach Culture
Counselors should endeavor to learn about their clients’ cultures, broach cultural differences, select culturally appropriate interventions and assessments, and engage in advocacy within OALCs to ensure equitable access to resources and programming (Day-Vines et al., 2007; Ratts et al., 2016). To understand the salience of client identities and how these identities have influenced the client’s life, it is crucial to directly discuss both the client’s culture and the cultural differences between the counselor and the client early in the counseling process (Day-Vines et al., 2007). Broaching the client’s culture provides them with the opportunity to share their most salient identities, how those identities have shaped their lives, and how those identities influence their experience in their OALC. This strategy also provides an opportunity for the counselor to demonstrate cultural humility and indicate that they will not perpetuate the same harm that clients may experience from staff or other residents in the community.
Similarly, counselors must commit to learning about their clients’ cultures, including the influence of age and generational cohort (Ratts et al., 2016). For example, counselors who work in OALCs should familiarize themselves with adult development and aging rather than educating themselves on the basics related to that process. By developing a knowledge base around the aging process, counselors create space for their clients to share their unique experiences of aging. In order to conceptualize their clients through an intersectional framework, counselors should also research how aging is perceived in the various cultures their clients belong to (Ratts et al., 2016). This approach may require the counselor to develop self-awareness concerning implicit biases they may possess regarding their clients’ cultural identities to ensure that they do not contribute to their clients’ experience of marginalization. Particularly salient is ageism, which counselors may invoke in counseling if they do not develop awareness around their biases related to the aging process (Fullen, 2018). In learning about their clients’ cultures, counselors have the opportunity to select interventions and assessments that are culturally appropriate based on age and other sociocultural factors that impact the client.
Address Systemic Barriers
Finally, inequitable access to resources impacts older adults who reside in OALCs. Counselors should advocate within their workplace to address systemic barriers to access within the community (Ratts et al., 2016), help specific clients access necessary resources (Ratts et al., 2016), and develop programming that meets the unique needs of residents who are disproportionately impacted. Ultimately, counselors must attend to their clients’ holistic cultural experiences and maintain an awareness of the risks posed to older adults by a lifetime of marginalization. An essential consideration for culturally responsive work with older adults is selecting appropriate theory and empirically sound interventions.
Case Study
Michelle, a licensed counselor, begins a new staff position at a local continuing care retirement community, where she will provide talk therapy services to residents. This is the retirement community’s first counselor, and Michelle understands that this may be some of the residents’ first experience with a mental health professional. To broach the topic of mental health at a services fair hosted by the community, Michelle creates a booth and designs a flyer outlining the eight dimensions of wellness and describing how they relate to older adult mental health. Residents stop by Michelle’s booth at the services fair, and she uses the tool as a conversation starter about mental health and also a preview of what working with her in individual therapy sessions may entail.
One community resident, Roy, tells Michelle that he is struck by her description of vocational wellness, particularly the question, “What is your calling?” Roy admits that he has only thought about “vocation” in terms of his career, from which he retired over a decade ago. He tells Michelle that he has been struggling with the concepts of purpose and meaning since moving to the community, and Michelle invites Roy to schedule an individual session with her to discuss these ideas in depth.
During their intake session, Michelle reminds Roy of the eight dimensions of wellness and asks him to point out any dimensions that are going particularly well in his life. She also broaches culture with Roy and invites him to share how aging is viewed among people who share his cultural background. Roy remarks that he had previously seen aging as “only going downhill” and admits that he has not thought about his wellness so much as his illness. Michelle uses this as an opportunity to take a strengths-based approach with Roy, explaining that enhancing certain aspects of wellness can help offset any inevitable or sudden deterioration in other aspects of wellness. Hearing this, Roy describes his robust social life in the retirement community—a sign of high relational wellness—and how his relationships increased his well-being, in spite of a worsening eye condition that has left him unable to see far distances (an example of decreasing physical wellness). Michelle notes how Roy’s increased relational wellness may be positively offsetting his declining physical wellness; she uses this as an example of the importance of a holistic approach to wellness in Roy’s life. Michelle and Roy decide to include vocational, physical, and relational wellness in Roy’s treatment plan. Together, they decide on three counseling treatment goals: 1) Determine what gives Roy meaning and purpose, and identify concrete actions to incorporate meaning and purpose into each day (vocational wellness); 2) Care for his eyesight as best he can while also maintaining a healthy diet and routine exercise in consultation with his primary care provider (physical wellness); and 3) Invest in existing and new friendships within his OALC with a goal of thriving in the area of relational wellness.
After the initial session, Michelle reflects on her session with Roy. She is pleased that the eight dimensions of wellness provide her with a helpful, strengths-based lens through which to view aging and older adulthood. She reflects that previously in her career, she overly focused on older adults’ physical wellness, often medicalizing the aging process and “othering” aging bodies. By exposing herself to a holistic approach to older adult mental health, Michelle challenges her own ageist beliefs and behaviors and notes that wellness can exist at any age.
Challenges Facing Counselors Working in OALCs
Despite the numerous benefits of integrating wellness-based counseling services within OALCs (Fullen, 2020b), there are several challenges to consider. Historically, OALCs have been slower to integrate mental health services compared to medical services. Payment barriers for counseling have historically interfered with creating opportunities to work within this context. Finally, there are barriers associated with how counselor education programs prepare students, which have limited the growth of counseling within OALCs. The following section will describe each of these barriers.
Mental Health Services Integration Challenges
Although older adults’ mental health needs are well documented (Moye et al., 2019), the number of OALCs that employ or contract with a mental health professional is unclear. In a large survey of counseling professionals, only 1.6% described 65 years of age and older as a primary area of clinical emphasis (Fullen, Lawson, & Sharma, 2020). Additionally, in a study of psychologists, scholars found that only 1.2% described geropsychology as a specialty area (Moye et al., 2019). Moye and colleagues found that psychologists who specialize in working with older adults were more likely to work in independent practice, including over half of private practice practitioners. However, it is not clear how often their services were integrated into OALCs.
The presence of counseling services within long-term care settings is slightly more apparent. A survey of Florida nursing homes indicated that approximately 50% had a psychiatrist and a psychologist present at their site on a weekly basis. However, 90% of these providers were independent practitioners who were not formally affiliated with the long-term care facility (Molinari et al., 2009). Meanwhile, wellness programming, which aims to address the holistic needs of OALC members, is increasingly being implemented within OALCs, particularly in communities that provide ongoing care to older adults as their needs evolve. Those wellness initiatives are often focused on enhancing physical and social wellness (Edelman et al., 2010), frequently excluding other dimensions, including psychological or emotional well-being (Fullen, Wiley, et al., 2020).
Counselors who aim to work within OALCs should consider that some residents prioritize finding resources available on the community’s campus over seeking counseling services outside the community (Plys & Kluge, 2016). This suggests that until counseling services are offered in the OALC setting’s immediate vicinity, residents may continue to experience a barrier to access. Therefore, efforts are needed to integrate counseling services into the range of other on-site services offered directly to OALC residents (Fullen, Wiley, et al., 2020). Two other barriers are payment challenges and a dearth of training opportunities for working with older adults in counselor preparation programs.
Counselor Education, Training, and Supervision Challenges
Developing counselor training opportunities to provide services for older adults, including those who reside in OALCs, is an additional barrier that must be addressed. Historically, the counseling profession has not adequately prioritized the counseling needs of older adults. For example, the 2016 Standards of the Council for the Accreditation of Counseling and Related Educational Programs (CACREP) failed to include any reference to terms like old, older, older adults, or ageism, and only one reference each to the words age and aging (CACREP, 2015; Fullen, 2018). A content analysis of 26 years of research in the counseling profession indicated that only 1.6% of all publications focused on issues associated with aging (Fullen et al., 2019). However, following revisions to the Medicare mental health law, there have been recent indications that efforts to equip counseling students and counseling professionals to work with older adults are underway. The 2024 CACREP Standards include subtle improvements, such as including age and generational status in glossary definitions of diversity, cultural identity, and marginalized populations (CACREP, 2023). This reflects the viewpoint that older adults should not be overlooked in discussions of how social and cultural identities impact the needs of clients. There is evidence that exposure to working with older adults and greater self-efficacy around this work are associated with increased interest in working with older adults (Schmidt et al., 2024; Wagner et al., 2019). Likewise, Moye et al. (2019) found that psychologists expressed a strong interest in further gerontology education on depression, dementia, anxiety, bereavement, caregiver stress, and adjustment to medical illness or disability. These findings suggest that there is recognition of the need for greater emphasis on aging-related topics during training programs and beyond.
To address this shortage of training opportunities, developing partnerships between university-based mental health training programs and local OALCs is essential (Silva-Smith et al., 2011). Fortunately, OALCs near universities are common and university-based OALCs are popular among older adults (Gresham, 2024). Expanding counseling services in OALCs by embedding a mental health trainee represents an innovative approach to service delivery that is mutually advantageous for students, training programs, community residents, and the OALC (Fullen, Wiley, et al., 2020). Anecdotally, we have curated a counselor training program within a local OALC. Recognizing the need for emotional well-being supports, the counselor training program at Fullen’s university (Virginia Tech) partnered with a local OALC in 2018 to launch an innovative program in which graduate students in counseling provide pro bono counseling services to older adults. Individual, couples, and group counseling services are provided to residents in independent living, assisted living, skilled nursing, and long-term care, resulting in a diverse array of opportunities to address unmet mental health needs and promote emotional well-being.
This partnership alleviates cost barriers by enlisting graduate students who are completing their clinical internships. Accessibility concerns are mitigated by integrating the counseling services directly on the OALC campus. By making counseling available and visible within the community, stigma about working with older adult clients appears to be shrinking. Students are exposed to older adults’ mental health needs within their counselor training program using a strengths-based wellness model. This approach introduces students to the effectiveness of counseling services for older people while addressing myths about aging. Counseling services are advertised at the site’s health and wellness fair, at meet and greets, and in the OALC newsletter. Referrals from site staff or other residents are customary. Overall, the services have been well-received by residents of the community. The OALC, counselor training program, and counseling interns all report a high degree of program satisfaction.
Future Research
There is considerable opportunity for future research to illuminate the impact of wellness counseling within OALCs. For example, outcome research on the use of a multidimensional wellness framework within OALCs, such as the eight-dimensional model previously described, is needed to demonstrate the utility and effectiveness of this approach to counseling. Similarly, research demonstrating whether certain wellness dimensions are prioritized more or less by OALC clients would be useful. If more counselor training programs are developed within OALCs, future research on the supervision of counselor trainees using wellness counseling within OALCs would be beneficial.
In addition to a focus on wellness counseling outcomes, more research on multicultural competence when working with OALC clients is necessary. For example, research is needed to improve the practice of broaching in the areas of age and ability, given the fact that most counselors and counselor trainees will hold chronological ages, and in some cases ability levels, that differ from their OALC clients. Studies are needed to better understand how counselors proactively engage their older adult clients in dialogue around age identity, age differences, ageism and ableism, and the potential for misunderstanding within the therapeutic relationship based on these differences.
Conclusion
In conclusion, OALCs are an emergent setting for the delivery of wellness counseling services. The interest in wellness among industry leaders, combined with a growing awareness of the mental health needs of older adults, suggests that OALCs have a great deal of potential for counselors. By incorporating multidimensional wellness approaches that are responsive to the unique needs of older adults, counselors have an opportunity to expand their footprint and promote mental health and well-being across the lifespan.
Conflict of Interest and Funding Disclosure
The authors reported no conflict of interest
or funding contributions for the development
of this manuscript.
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Matthew C. Fullen, PhD, LPCC (OH), is an associate professor at Virginia Tech. Jonathan D. Wiley, PhD, LPC (VA), is an assistant professor at Tennessee Tech. Paul M. Delaughter, PhD, LPC (VA), is an assistant professor at Appalachian State University. Connie C. Tomlin, MA, LPC (TN), is the owner of Tomlin Counseling & Consulting. Jordan B. Westcott, PhD, NCC, is an assistant professor at the University of Tennessee-Knoxville. Nick Gowen, LPC (CO), is a counselor at Verve Therapy. Correspondence may be addressed to Matthew C. Fullen, Virginia Tech, School of Education, 1750 Kraft Drive, Blacksburg, VA 24061, mfullen@vt.edu.
Jun 3, 2026 | Volume 16 - Issue 2
Shane M. Faulk, Dania Fakhro
Middle Eastern and North African (MENA) individuals are a largely ignored community. Historically, they have been portrayed negatively in the broader media and American society. This lack of understanding has extended to the counseling profession as well. This article seeks to address this lack of understanding and stigma. Who MENA individuals are, along with a brief history of these individuals, common values, experiences of discrimination, and the impact of counseling, are discussed. The aim of this work is not only to raise awareness of this community but also to discuss counseling considerations to support their mental health.
Keywords: Middle Eastern, North African, counseling, stigma, mental health
The American Counseling Association’s (ACA; 2014) Code of Ethics compels counselors to advocate for underserved communities and to provide culturally responsive treatment grounded in social justice. Middle Eastern and North African (MENA) Americans meet the definition of an underserved population (Resnicow et al., 2022), yet counselors often receive little formal training specific to their sociocultural and historical contexts. As a result, many counselors are asked to work with MENA clients without having access to practice-oriented guidance that reflects their lived experiences.
MENA Americans come from diverse cultural, religious, and national backgrounds shaped by migration, political conflict, discrimination, and longstanding invisibility within U.S. systems (Mechammil et al., 2019). These experiences carry important implications for mental health, help-seeking, and counseling engagement, and they require competencies that extend beyond general multicultural frameworks. However, counseling-specific literature addressing the unique needs of MENA clients remains limited (Atari-Khan et al., 2025; Awad, 2010; Erickson & Al-Timimi, 2001; Samari, 2016).
This gap is especially concerning as global conflict, political violence, and public discourse increasingly shape the daily realities of MENA communities in the United States. Counselors are more likely than ever to encounter MENA clients presenting with identity-related stress, discrimination, and trauma, yet many remain underprepared to address these concerns within clients’ sociopolitical and cultural histories (Basma et al., 2019; Cho, 2018). Although approximately 3.5 million individuals in the United States identify as MENA, this population has historically not been counted as a distinct group in U.S. census data, which contributes to ongoing invisibility and limited research attention (Awad et al., 2021; Cho, 2018). This absence in both research and counselor preparation creates significant clinical consequences.
The purpose of this paper is to address these gaps by offering a clinically grounded, culturally responsive framework for counseling practice with MENA Americans. The sociopolitical and historical contexts relevant to MENA communities, such as identity, racialization, and discrimination, are addressed. In addition, we seek to explore how cultural values and psychosocial factors influence help-seeking. Lastly, counseling considerations, ethical and counselor education implications, and directions for future research are also presented.
Sociopolitical and Historical Context of MENA Communities
The literature consistently documents challenges in defining MENA identities, which often result in confusion across clinical and research contexts (Amer & Hovey, 2007; Awad et al., 2021, 2025; Haboush, 2007). Clarifying the diversity within MENA communities is essential, as it supports a more accurate understanding of individuals’ identities and lived experiences. Individuals who identify as MENA originate from or have ancestry in the Middle East and North Africa (Awad et al., 2021) and represent a highly diverse population (Cho, 2018; Erickson & Al-Timimi, 2001; Nassar-McMillan, 2003). Historically, many of these individuals have been labeled as Arab and have ancestry from one of the 22 Arab League member states, which extend from northern Africa to southwestern Asia (Awad et al., 2021, 2025). These countries include Algeria, Bahrain, Comoros, Djibouti, Egypt, Iraq, Jordan, Kuwait, Lebanon, Libya, Mauritania, Morocco, Oman, Palestine, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, Somalia, Sudan, Syria, Tunisia, United Arab Emirates, and Yemen (Awad et al., 2025). This categorization also includes three non-Arab countries—Iran, Turkey, and Armenia (Awad et al., 2025).
Historically, this diversity has not always been clearly recognized within the counseling profession (Amer & Hovey, 2007; Awad et al., 2021, 2025; Haboush, 2007). For counselors, recognizing the diversity within the MENA population is vital to building rapport and conducting accurate assessments. When counselors mislabel clients as Arab, White, or Muslim, this can undermine rapport and trust and contribute to the sense of invisibility that many MENA individuals already experience. Such misunderstandings highlight the importance of attending to the sociopolitical and historical contexts that shape how MENA individuals understand and express their identities.
The history of MENA individuals is an aspect of cultural competence in working with this population and a significant counseling consideration (Erickson & Al-Timimi, 2001; Nassar-McMillan, 2003; Zarrugh, 2016). MENA individuals came to the United States in three waves: the first was from the late 19th century to the end of World War I, with most migrating from Syria and Lebanon (Erickson & Al-Timimi, 2001). The second wave followed the creation of Israel in 1948. As a result, the majority of these individuals were Palestinian and primarily Muslim (Erickson & Al-Timimi, 2001). The third wave occurred in 1967, following the conclusion of the Arab Israeli War (Awad et al., 2019, 2025; Erickson & Al-Timimi, 2001; Zarrugh, 2016), and included individuals from Egypt, Lebanon, Palestine, Iraq, and Syria (Awad et al., 2022). This wave included both Muslim and Christian immigrants and continues today (Erickson & Al-Timimi, 2001).
These migration histories are not simply historical details; they shape this community’s experiences. For many MENA individuals, migration is closely tied to war exposure, forced displacement, political violence, and intergenerational loss and trauma that often emerge in counseling work (Atari-Khan et al., 2025; Awad et al., 2019; Haboush, 2007). Understanding these contexts provides an important foundation for examining how identity, discrimination, and racialization shape mental health among MENA individuals.
Identity, Discrimination, and Racialization
Lack of Visibility
The lack of visibility of MENA individuals has significant structural, social, and clinical consequences. MENA individuals have historically not been recognized as a distinct category in U.S. census data (Awad et al., 2025). As a result, there has been minimal research on these individuals (Awad et al., 2025). This invisibility also has a hypervisibility element to it, in which, although these individuals are not considered different from White individuals, they are targeted and discriminated against differently than White individuals (Awad et al., 2021).
MENA individuals have been identified as non-White, White, and Asian or yellow in racial categorization systems (Zarrugh, 2016), despite the repeated evidence that MENA individuals do not consider or identify themselves as White (Awad et al., 2021). The instability of MENA individuals’ identities may lead to increased distress and identity confusion (Awad et al., 2025; Zarrugh, 2016). This instability, coupled with the lack of ethnic minority status for MENA individuals, may have given rise to a lack of civil rights protection, as data collection is absent on hate crime statistics or racial disparities (Awad et al., 2025).
Within this context of invisibility, naming and self-identification have become complex and contested. The term Arab is commonly used interchangeably with MENA; however, individuals’ preferences for this label vary. Awad et al. (2021) found that approximately half of individuals of MENA descent preferred the term Arab, while the other half preferred MENA and did not identify as either Arab or White. Those who rejected the Arab label often cited stigma associated with negative stereotypes or noted that the term did not accurately reflect their linguistic or cultural background (Awad et al., 2021). Additionally, some populations, such as Iranians, may identify as Persian rather than Arab or MENA (Awad et al., 2021; Erickson & Al-Timimi, 2001). These patterns underscore the limitations of relying on singular or externally imposed identity labels. However, identity labels alone do not fully capture the lived experiences of MENA individuals.
Beyond naming, many MENA individuals navigate persistent experiences of othering, in which belonging is shaped by sociopolitical narratives. The othering of MENA individuals may contribute to uncertainty about belonging and identity for many within this population (Awad et al., 2025; Khoury & Manuel, 2016; Samari, 2016). Zarrugh (2016) highlighted how inconsistent racial classification shaped MENA identities over time, noting that whenever a significant political event involving MENA individuals occurs, their White status is no longer recognized. Examples of these events include the Six-Day War of 1967, the Israeli war, the Iran Hostage Crisis, and the terror attacks of 9/11 (Zarrugh, 2016).
More recently, anti-MENA sentiment has been remarkably common because of the recent events in the Middle East, including the war in Gaza (Awad et al., 2025), the current Iran war, and the attack on Lebanon (PBS NewsHour, 2026; Sky News, 2026). MENA individuals can experience a tremendous amount of stress from discrimination as a result of the world events described above, despite being considered White (Awad et al., 2019, 2025).
MENA individuals’ historical lack of visibility also means that many counselors have provided treatment that is similar to that of the majority. Such misalignment and lack of an individualized approach may lead clients to feel unseen or misunderstood in the counseling setting (Huang & Zane, 2016). Counselors who overlook these identity-related experiences risk reproducing the invisibility clients experience in their day-to-day lives (Cho, 2018; Huang & Zane, 2016). Understanding how invisibility and marginalization shape MENA clients’ experiences provides an important foundation for examining culturally responsive approaches to mental health services.
A notable shift occurred in 2024, when the Office of Management and Budget included a category for MENA individuals. Therefore, MENA individuals will be officially counted and documented separately in their own category in 2030 (Awad et al., 2025). This recognition in the U.S. Census may lead to increased documentation of MENA individuals and to the mitigation of discrimination faced by this community (Awad et al., 2025). In addition to structural invisibility, MENA individuals are impacted by persistent misunderstandings about identity, particularly the conflation of ethnic, regional, and religious identities (Awad et al., 2025; Erickson & Al-Timimi, 2001).
Conflation of Religion and Ethnicity
The terms Arab, MENA, and Muslim are often used interchangeably in public discourse and clinical settings, even though they refer to distinct ethnic, regional, and religious identities (Awad et al., 2019, 2021, 2025). This conflation has contributed to widespread misunderstanding, reduced visibility, and discrimination toward MENA individuals, many of whom do not identify as Muslim. In the United States, MENA individuals are overwhelmingly Christian, a reality that is frequently obscured by media portrayals and dominant narratives (Awad et al., 2025). For counselors, this conflation may contribute to inaccurate assumptions about clients’ beliefs, values, and sources of support within counseling.
When MENA individuals are viewed primarily through a religious lens they do not identify with, important aspects of their cultural background, lived experiences, and sources of meaning may be overlooked. At the same time, Islam continues to hold cultural significance in many MENA communities, even for individuals who do not personally identify as Muslim (Cho, 2018; Erickson & Al-Timimi, 2001; Nassar-McMillan & Hakim-Larson, 2003). Recognizing this nuance is essential, as cultural influence does not equate to religious identification.
Treating MENA individuals as a homogeneous group and reducing them to a single identity obscures the diversity within this population (Awad, 2010; Awad et al., 2021). MENA individuals identify across a range of religious traditions, including Christianity, Islam, Judaism, Hinduism, and others, though accurate demographic data remain limited because of inconsistent data collection practices (Awad et al., 2021; Haboush, 2007). This lack of clarity reinforces the importance of approaching identity as self-defined and contextually grounded, rather than assumed. For counselors, attending to how clients describe and make meaning of their own identities can foster trust and reduce the risk of misattunement in the counseling relationship.
Identity Complexity and Acculturation
Identity development and acculturation among MENA individuals are shaped by intersecting factors, including religion, national origin, sociopolitical context, and migration history (Amer & Hovey, 2007; Awad, 2010). These processes are rarely linear and often involve navigating multiple cultural expectations simultaneously. Research suggests that Christian immigrants from countries such as Lebanon, often described as more Westernized, may face fewer challenges adapting to life in the United States (Haboush, 2007; Nassar-McMillan & Hakim-Larson, 2003). In contrast, MENA individuals who identify as Muslim and immigrate from countries such as Iran may face greater difficulty during acculturation, particularly when cultural norms, religious practices, or visibility increase vulnerability to discrimination (Haboush, 2007; Nassar-McMillan & Hakim-Larson, 2003).
These differences are clinically meaningful. Some studies indicate that Muslim-identifying MENA individuals experience higher levels of discrimination and acculturation-related stress than their Christian-identifying counterparts (Ikizler & Szymanski, 2018). However, acculturation experiences vary widely, even among individuals from similar national or religious backgrounds (Awad et al., 2025). For counselors, this variability highlights the importance of understanding acculturation as a personal and relational process rather than a fixed stage or outcome.
Acculturation has been associated with both increased and decreased psychological distress, depending on generational status and contextual pressures (Amer & Hovey, 2007). Individuals who immigrated to the United States as adults may experience less distress when not pressured to abandon their cultural norms, whereas first- and second-generation individuals often report more positive outcomes when they can integrate aspects of both cultures (Amer & Hovey, 2007). These patterns show how identity negotiation can be both a source of strain and a source of resilience. Despite the complexity of these experiences, public narratives and media portrayals frequently collapse MENA identities into simplified and stigmatized representations (Awad et al. 2025). Such portrayals can influence how MENA individuals understand themselves and how they are perceived by others, including within clinical settings.
Racialization, Media Portrayals, and Mental Health Outcomes
Historically, the media’s portrayal of MENA individuals has primarily been negative. Depictions have often framed MENA individuals as “brute murderers, sleazy rapists, religious fanatics, oil-rich dimwits, and abusers of women” (Awad et al., 2019, p. 79). Positive portrayals of MENA individuals that are not rooted in stereotypes remain rare in mainstream media. Studies have shown that much of the knowledge about MENA individuals comes from popular media (Cho, 2018). These negative depictions, coupled with limited and inaccurate information, may contribute to identity confusion and foster critical misunderstandings of MENA individuals within broader society, including among helping professionals (Amer & Hovey, 2012; Cho, 2018; Erickson & Al-Timimi, 2001).
One of the most significant media-related events shaping perceptions of MENA individuals is the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001 (Amer & Hovey, 2012; Zarrugh, 2016). A substantial body of literature has documented the negative impact of 9/11 on the racialization and portrayal of MENA individuals in the United States (e.g., Awad et al., 2019, 2025; Cho, 2018; Ikizler & Szymanski, 2018; Mechammil et al., 2019; Zarrugh, 2016). Although negative stereotypes existed prior to 9/11, the events of that day intensified and legitimized existing biases (Awad, 2010; Awad et al., 2025; Zarrugh, 2016). Scholars argue that even MENA individuals who previously identified as White were prompted to reconsider their racial identities following 9/11 because of heightened scrutiny and discrimination (Zarrugh, 2016). Given the scale and visibility of this event, media narratives following 9/11 played a central role in shaping public perceptions of MENA individuals in the United States (Awad, 2010).
As a result of persistent negative media portrayals and sociopolitical events, MENA individuals have experienced substantial discrimination in the United States (Awad, 2010; Mechammil et al., 2019). One prominent example is the enactment of the Patriot Act following 9/11, which disproportionately targeted individuals of MENA descent, particularly those perceived to be Muslim (Awad, 2010; Zarrugh, 2016). These policies and practices reinforced suspicion toward MENA communities and legitimized discriminatory surveillance and treatment based solely on identity. The cumulative impact of prejudice and discrimination has been associated with elevated stress and psychological distress among MENA individuals (Awad et al., 2025).
Research indicates that MENA individuals are at an increased risk for depression and anxiety linked to experiences of discrimination and marginalization (Amer & Hovey, 2012; Samari, 2016). Multiple studies document heightened vulnerability to mental health concerns within this population, with estimates suggesting that approximately 66% of MENA Americans may be at increased risk for depressive disorders (Mechammil et al., 2019; Samari, 2016). Given this heightened vulnerability, attention to how MENA individuals experience and express psychological distress is essential for understanding their mental health needs and presenting concerns in counseling contexts. These experiences also interact with broader cultural values and psychosocial factors that shape how MENA individuals understand mental health concerns and engage in help-seeking.
Cultural Values and Psychosocial Factors Influencing Help-Seeking
Many MENA communities can be incredibly family-centric and patriarchal (Haboush, 2007; Kira et al., 2014; Mechamil et al., 2019; Nassar-McMillan, 2003). Usually, the father is the head of the family; however, the oldest male sibling can also exert influence within the family system (Haboush, 2007). Like other ethnic communities, MENA individuals tend to come from collectivist cultures, which can manifest in decision-making that extends beyond immediate family and in prioritizing family harmony over individual needs (Cho, 2018; Haboush, 2007). These values may also contribute to multigenerational living arrangements, which reflect the central role of family in daily life (Erickson & Al-Timimi, 2001). Counselors may need to take a systems approach when working with MENA individuals, as their families’ well-being may play into their goals of therapy.
MENA families can be incredibly supportive of one another, but they may not necessarily support seeking counseling services (Erickson & Al-Timimi, 2001). Although families may express care and support, they may not fully understand the extent of an individual’s mental health concerns (Amer & Hovey, 2007). This mixed support can be seen in research as studies have shown that there can be a devaluing of mental struggles within the MENA family (e.g., Amer & Hovey, 2007; Mechammil et al., 2019). This stigma comes from an emphasis on family harmony and role. Concepts such as family honor may influence the decision to seek help outside the home, as doing so may be perceived as a sign of weakness or a threat to the family’s reputation (Amer & Hovey, 2007; Awad et al., 2022; Erickson & Al-Timimi, 2001; Mechammil et al., 2019). Understanding help-seeking behaviors and stigma can aid counselors in conceptualizing potential barriers to treatment or perceived resistance.
Religion, as well as family, is deeply ingrained in MENA culture and thus can be seen as another counseling consideration; regardless of religious identity, there may be significant value placed on religion (Cho, 2018; Mechammil et al., 2019; Nassar-McMillan, 2003). The literature emphasized that many MENA communities view religion as both a cause of mental illness and a solution for it (Cho, 2018; Ikizler & Szymanski, 2018; Mechammil et al., 2019). For example, if an individual is experiencing difficulties, it is not uncommon for those within the MENA community to believe they have offended God or Allah (Mechammil et al., 2019). The other side of this belief is that by seeking penance or praying, they can be relieved of their affliction (Mechammil et al., 2019). Practices such as prayer, faith in a higher power, and religious coping have also been identified as sources of resilience that help individuals navigate psychological stressors (Manning et al., 2019; Mechammil et al., 2019).
A religious concept that counselors should be familiar with and that may shape how distress is understood within MENA communities is the Djinn, a common religious figure in this culture (Lim et al., 2018). The Djinn is defined as an invisible being capable of occupying the body and affecting psychological functioning (Nathan, 2005). Psychological distress may be interpreted as being Majnoun or indjinned, meaning under the control of Djinn (Nathan, 2005). Djinn beings are commonly associated with possession, although they are not inherently evil and are understood as part of the natural or spiritual world (Nathan, 2005).
Awareness of these religious figures can help counselors understand how their clients make sense of the world and how they conceptualize their mental health issues. This knowledge can inform assessment for mental health issues and treatment planning among this population. In addition to shaping beliefs about mental health and help-seeking, these cultural values also influence how MENA individuals communicate distress and present symptoms in counseling contexts (Elshamy et al., 2023).
Communication Patterns and Symptom Manifestation
Language can significantly influence how MENA individuals present concerns within counseling settings. Individuals who speak Arabic or related languages (e.g., Persian) may communicate in ways that differ from dominant U.S. norms. Arabic, in particular, includes many regional dialects that shape meaning and expression (Versteegh, 2014). MENA individuals may communicate with high levels of emotional intensity and indirect phrasing, which can reflect cultural norms rather than psychological distress (Awad et al., 2022; Haboush, 2007). For example, indirect communication may involve using general statements rather than direct commands (e.g., “all good children make their bed” instead of “go make your bed”). In counseling contexts, indirect phrasing may also influence how sensitive topics are discussed, such as framing suicidal ideation as a wish for suffering to end rather than a direct statement of self-harm (Cho, 2018; Haboush, 2007). Attending to these communication patterns is important for accurate understanding and assessment.
In addition to verbal communication styles, nonverbal expression may also shape counseling interactions with MENA individuals. Emotional intensity, animated gestures, and louder vocal expression are common and culturally normative forms of communication in many MENA communities (Awad et al., 2022; Haboush, 2007). In counseling settings, these expressive behaviors may be misinterpreted as hostility or agitation, even when there is no such intent. Understanding these nonverbal patterns is important for accurately interpreting clients’ affect and emotional engagement within the therapeutic relationship.
The literature indicates that some MENA individuals, particularly those who speak Arabic, may describe distress through physical symptoms because of limited psychological terminology and stigma surrounding mental illness (Cho, 2018; Erickson & Al-Timimi, 2001; Zora et al., 2020). Distress may be communicated through complaints such as stomach pain or fatigue rather than verbalized anxiety or sadness (Erickson & Al-Timimi, 2001). In addition, culturally specific idioms of distress may be used, including expressions such as attack of nerves, sadma (shock), or heartache to describe emotional suffering (Bovey et al., 2025; International Organization for Migration, 2008). These somatic and linguistic expressions reflect culturally embedded ways of communicating distress and are relevant to understanding presenting concerns in counseling contexts. Recognizing how MENA individuals understand, communicate, and experience distress provides a foundation for culturally responsive counseling practices.
Culturally Responsive Practices
Given the limited empirical research with MENA populations, intervention recommendations are largely drawn from culturally informed clinical literature and practice-based sources. As such, evidence-based approaches may require thoughtful adaptation to ensure cultural congruence with clients’ lived experiences. Structured and directive approaches, such as cognitive behavioral therapy (CBT), have been identified as potentially congruent for some MENA individuals, particularly given preferences for clear guidance and the perception of the counselor as an expert (Barry, 2005; Erickson & Al-Timimi, 2001; Haboush, 2007; Kira et al., 2014). Although concerns may be communicated indirectly, many clients may value clarity and structure in addressing distress.
In contrast, insight-driven therapies such as psychoanalysis or psychodynamic therapy may be less congruent for some MENA individuals (Erickson & Al-Timimi, 2001). The lack of psychologically oriented vocabulary in Arabic may make it difficult to engage with and understand counseling concepts or to talk about one’s feelings (Erickson & Al-Timimi, 2001). Counseling itself is uncommon in the Middle East and North Africa (Elshamy et al., 2023). Therefore, focusing on the somatic and adopting a directive approach are vital (Cho, 2018; Erickson & Al-Timimi, 2001; Haboush, 2007). Integrating body-based check-ins and attention to physical sensations may further support clients with somatic symptoms.
Psychoeducation can be an important component of culturally responsive approaches for MENA individuals, particularly in addressing stigma related to mental health issues (Mechammil et al., 2019). Internalized stigma and fear of being labeled Majnoun can create significant barriers to help-seeking (Erickson & Al-Timimi, 2001; Kira et al., 2014). Silence around emotional struggles may further delay engagement in counseling (Atari-Khan et al., 2025). Therefore, framing mental health concerns as natural responses to stress, trauma, or life challenges may help reduce stigma and support engagement.
Given the prevalence of migration-related stressors, discrimination, and identity-based marginalization, a trauma-informed lens is particularly relevant when working with MENA individuals (Atari-Khan et al., 2025). Trauma within this population may be cumulative and ongoing, shaped by experiences such as war exposure, displacement, political violence, and chronic societal marginalization (Atari-Khan et al., 2025; Awad et al., 2019). These experiences are not always articulated directly and may instead be normalized, minimized, or expressed through somatic symptoms, emotional restraint, or heightened vigilance (Kira et al., 2014). Counseling approaches that emphasize emotional safety, cultural humility, and sensitivity to power and trust align with trauma-informed principles and may support engagement with MENA clients whose trauma histories are embedded within broader sociopolitical and cultural contexts (Awad et al., 2019; Ratts et al., 2016).
Family-oriented approaches may be an effective and culturally congruent modality when working with MENA individuals (Cho, 2018; Erickson & Al-Timimi, 2001; Zora et al., 2020). Incorporating family involvement or acknowledging family influence can be beneficial when clinically appropriate (Nassar-McMillan & Hakim-Larson, 2003). Counselors should remain attentive to family dynamics, as directly challenging the head of the household in front of family members may be perceived as disrespectful in some contexts (Haboush, 2007; Nassar-McMillan & Hakim-Larson, 2003). Respecting and working within the family system can support rapport-building and engagement (Haboush, 2007).
Knowledge of these cultural norms allows counselors to adapt their approach to foster trust and relational safety. For example, allowing time for initial conversation before moving into formal therapeutic work may support rapport-building and reflect values related to hospitality and relational connection (Cho, 2018; Haboush, 2007). In some settings, small environmental gestures that convey care and respect (e.g., offering snacks and beverages) may help foster engagement, provided they align with ethical guidelines. Attending to these cultural patterns provides a natural bridge to considering the broader implications for counseling practice when working with MENA individuals.
Other Implications for Counseling
In clinical practice, allowing clients to communicate in their preferred language may support deeper emotional expression, enhance meaning-making, and improve diagnostic clarity (Cho, 2018; Sayed, 2003). When counselors do not speak a client’s preferred language, the ethical use of trained interpreters can help maintain accuracy and confidentiality in clinical work (ACA, 2014; Sayed, 2003). Language also serves as a primary means of relational connection within communities, and shared language has been shown to facilitate trust and engagement (Bowker & Richards, 2004).
At the same time, counselors should be mindful that some MENA individuals may experience wariness toward outsiders or heightened concern about confidentiality, particularly when counseling occurs within close-knit communities (Haboush, 2007; Nassar-McMillan & Hakim-Larson, 2003). For individuals from regions with histories of political repression, fears related to surveillance or disclosure may further shape how openly clients express thoughts and emotions in counseling settings. For example, the Syrian phrase “Whisper! The walls have ears” reflects a broader cultural narrative emphasizing caution and self-protection when speaking openly (Pearlman, 2016). Such narratives may influence client engagement, disclosure in sessions, and comfort with therapeutic exploration. In practice, this highlights the importance of counselors explicitly addressing confidentiality, pacing disclosure, and building trust over time rather than assuming immediate openness.
Ethical Implications
ACA’s (2014) Code of Ethics preamble identifies honoring diversity and embracing multicultural approaches as core professional values that support the worth, dignity, and uniqueness of individuals within their social and cultural contexts, as well as promote social justice. Multiple ethical standards (e.g., A.7.a., B.1.a, C.2.a, E.8, F.7.c, F.11.c) further emphasize the importance of multicultural competence and cultural knowledge in both training and clinical practice (ACA, 2014). Ethical work with MENA clients, therefore, requires intentional application of these principles within counseling relationships.
Counselors practicing within a social justice framework are expected to cultivate supportive attitudes and beliefs, understand key social justice concepts, develop culturally responsive skills, and engage in actions that promote equity and inclusion (Ratts et al., 2016). Given the historical marginalization and limited visibility of MENA populations, ethical counseling practice involves recognizing how systemic factors, cultural context, and identity-based experiences shape clients’ mental health and access to care. Providing culturally informed services to underserved populations is an act of advocacy and a crucial ethical responsibility within the counseling profession.
Counselor Education Implications
Given the historical lack of visibility of MENA populations within counseling research and training, counselor education programs are uniquely positioned to help address this gap (Cho, 2018; Khoury & Manuel, 2016; Samari, 2016). Preparing counselors to work effectively with MENA clients begins with developing a deeper understanding of the cultural values, identity processes, and psychosocial factors that shape how mental health concerns are experienced, understood, and expressed within these communities. Counseling programs may benefit from intentionally integrating MENA-related content into multicultural coursework, including case examples that reflect the diversity and complexity of MENA identities.
Providing students with opportunities to practice indirect questioning styles, attend to somatic expressions of distress, and explore experiences of discrimination-based stress can help bridge the gap between theory and practice. Because MENA clients may not readily label these experiences as trauma, training that encourages curiosity and cultural humility in assessment may be especially valuable (Hosny et al., 2023). Exposure to culturally responsive approaches, such as directive interventions, trauma-informed care, and family-sensitive practices adapted to hierarchical family systems, can further support students’ clinical development.
Training may also focus on helping future counselors explore the salience of MENA identities and acculturation processes in counseling relationships (Awad, 2010; Cho, 2018; Erickson & Al-Timimi, 2001). Counselor education can prepare students to recognize how identity labels, cultural self-identification, and acculturation stages influence clients’ presenting concerns and comfort in counseling. Introducing culturally sensitive assessment tools, such as the Acculturation Rating Scale for Arabic Americans–II (ARSAA-IIA, ARSAA-IIE; Jadalla & Lee, 2015), can help students learn to explore cultural explanations of distress in respectful and meaningful ways.
Finally, counselor education programs may benefit from addressing the role of media portrayals in shaping perceptions of MENA individuals. Reliance on popular media has been shown to contribute to stereotypes and incomplete understandings of this population (Awad et al., 2025; Cho, 2018; Erickson & Al-Timimi, 2001). Moreover, incorporating structured tools, such as the DSM-5-TR Cultural Formulation Interview (American Psychiatric Association, 2022), into training can further help students learn to contextualize symptoms and explore clients’ lived experiences. Continued attention to MENA populations within counselor education represents an important step toward more inclusive training and an important area for future scholarship.
Recommendations for Future Research
Despite growing recognition of the mental health needs of MENA individuals, much of the existing literature remains conceptual, leaving important questions unanswered. Future counseling research should examine the effectiveness of the framework and treatment recommendations proposed in this paper using empirical designs. Cho (2018) noted that less than 1% of psychological research has historically focused on MENA populations, which indicates a longstanding gap that warrants continued attention. The inclusion of a distinct MENA category in the 2030 U.S. Census may help address this invisibility and create new opportunities for research that moves beyond narrow or stereotypical representations (Awad et al., 2025).
Further research is needed to better understand how experiences of discrimination, identity confusion, and racialization shape mental health outcomes among MENA individuals. Studies examining the effectiveness of different counseling approaches for this population would be particularly valuable. There is also a clear need to develop culturally responsive assessment tools and to validate commonly used mental health measures with MENA samples to reduce the risk of misdiagnosis and improve clinical accuracy. Finally, future research should explore racial trauma and intergenerational trauma within MENA communities, as these experiences are likely to play a significant role in mental health across generations (Atari-Khan et al., 2025).
Conclusion
The literature demonstrates that MENA individuals have been constantly underrepresented in research. Depictions of MENA individuals, when shown, were more than likely negative. The goal of this work has been to provide a basic framework for working with MENA Americans, given the longstanding lack of acknowledgment in the counseling literature. The recommendations and observations in this paper about the community are not intended to put these individuals into boxes. Instead, these are only suggestions and considerations for practice when working with MENA individuals. MENA individuals are a diverse group with significant levels of intersectionality and acculturation. They come with rich cultural traditions and strong family bonds, and have overcome years of adversity. They are a community whose experiences merit deeper understanding and acknowledgment. May they at last be recognized as a culture with its own beauty, strength, and voice.
Conflict of Interest and Funding Disclosure
The authors reported no conflict of interest
or funding contributions for the development
of this manuscript.
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Shane M. Faulk, MA, NCC, LCMHC-A, is a counselor and PhD student at the University of North Carolina at Charlotte. Dania Fakhro, PhD, NCC, LMHC (FL), LCMHCA, is an assistant professor at the University of North Carolina at Charlotte. Correspondence may be addressed to Shane M. Faulk, Sfaulk8@charlotte.edu.
Jun 3, 2026 | Volume 16 - Issue 2
Dana Ripley, Justin R. Jordan, Jyotsana Sharma, Taylor Allesch
Research has consistently shown a link between substance use disorders and trauma; however, there is a need to explore the experience of dual recovery from these struggles. The purpose of this qualitative research study was to examine the lived experiences of individuals in recovery from both trauma and problematic substance use. This study involved semi-structured interviews with 10 individuals who identified as being in recovery from both trauma and substance use. A hermeneutic phenomenological approach was used to gain an in-depth understanding of the recovery experience. Emergent themes included the importance of social support, self-discovery, and that recovery is an ongoing process rather than a time-limited goal. Implications for understanding dual recovery and for counseling clients with dual trauma and substance use recovery experiences are explored.
Keywords: substance use, trauma, dual recovery, lived experiences, counseling
Research has established a link between addiction and trauma (Gidzgier et al., 2023; Jacobsen et al., 2001; Kilpatrick et al., 2013). Approximately 97.4% of individuals diagnosed with a substance use disorder (SUD) have been found to have experienced a traumatic event (Gielen et al., 2012). Farrugia et al. (2011) also found the prevalence of childhood trauma to be significantly higher among individuals with an SUD diagnosis compared to the general population. Problems with substance use are categorized as an SUD based on impairment of functioning and significant distress (American Psychiatric Association [APA], 2022), while trauma is defined by an acute event threatening one’s physical safety or complex, chronic experiences threatening one’s mental and emotional well-being over time (May & Wisco, 2016; Wamser-Nanney & Vandenberg, 2013). LeTendre and Reed (2017) found that increased exposure to adverse childhood experiences, such as exposure to domestic violence or having a parent with a serious mental health struggle, accounts for a 34% increase in the likelihood of developing an SUD in adulthood. A recent study focused on comparing indirect and direct exposure to traumatic events found an increased risk for substance use and behavioral addictions with both types of exposure (Levin et al., 2021). Direct exposure in this study included combat and sexual assault trauma. Childhood trauma is linked to substance use, with more extensive trauma histories predicting earlier initiation and greater severity of substance use (Farrugia et al., 2011).
Based on the research demonstrating a correlation between trauma and substance use, dual recovery experiences warrant exploration. In clinical treatment settings, clients will present with a need to address these co-occurring struggles. To date, research has focused primarily on the correlated pathology rather than the co-occurring healing and recovery process. To address this gap, this study aims to explore the lived experiences of individuals who self-report dual recovery experiences.
Understanding the Link Between Trauma and Addiction
Evidence suggests that individuals who have these co-occurring struggles have poorer treatment outcomes than clients with only one of these presenting issues (Brewerton & Brady, 2014). Although several explanations for the relationship between trauma and substance use exist, self-medication theory predominates (Hawn et al., 2020). Self-medication theory posits that substances are used to cope with and mitigate trauma-related symptoms. Despite offering a respite from unwanted hypervigilance, anxiety, or thoughts related to trauma, substances do not eliminate symptoms or resolve the underlying reactions. Self-medication suggests that a cycle of experiencing symptom distress and using substances to cope becomes problematic. Once the substances’ effects subside, the cycle may begin again, often with exacerbated emotional distress and additional concerns about one’s inability to control consumption.
Counter to self-medication, some theorists believe there is a relationship between post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) and the predisposition to substance use (Khoury et al., 2010; Van den Brink, 2015). Although not all individuals who identify as in recovery from trauma meet criteria for PTSD, research has often focused on creating sampling parameters to explore epidemiology and treatment protocols (Zrineh et al., 2026). Brewerton and Brady (2014) agreed that epigenetics and genetic predisposition may contribute to substance use vulnerability for people who have experienced significant traumas. Additionally, early trauma caused individuals in the study to feel abnormal and misunderstood, potentially leading them toward social groups involved in substance use (Brewerton & Brady, 2014).
Treatment Considerations
Traditionally, many treatment approaches have sought to disrupt this cycle via a sequential model of treatment, with substance use problems addressed first. This approach assumes that meaningful mental health treatment cannot be effective while a person is still impaired by regular substance use (Schumm & Gore, 2016). Newer evidence suggests that concurrently treating trauma and addiction shows promise in producing successful outcomes like reduced substance use and relapse, and improved quality of life (Flanagan et al., 2016). Concurrent treatment of trauma and substance use has become more widely accepted (Flanagan et al., 2016; Priester et al., 2016; Schumm & Gore, 2016). It remains unclear if this research has influenced treatment practices, especially in addiction programs not affiliated with research institutions (e.g., hospitals and universities). Scholars have recommended universal trauma screening for clients entering care for substance use (Van den Brink, 2015), and concurrent treatment is now seen as efficacious and safe (Flanagan et al., 2016). The National Institute on Drug Abuse (2014) recommends simultaneous treatment for these issues, acknowledging a correlation between substance use and underlying mental health struggles, including trauma.
Evidence that this concurrent approach leads to successful treatment for those who have experienced co-occurring substance use and trauma is accumulating. Studies have found that participants prefer an integrated approach to treatment, such as receiving treatment for both SUD and PTSD in the same treatment program (Brown et al., 1998; Gielen et al., 2016; Roberts et al., 2023). This, however, is not a common experience for individuals with co-occurring diagnoses (Gielen et al., 2016), as most substance use treatment programs do not include trauma-focused interventions (Giordano et al., 2016). The European Society for Traumatic Stress Studies utilized a systematic review of research and expert opinions to develop a list of nine assessment strategies and 21 treatment recommendations for co-occurring trauma and substance use (Roberts et al., 2023). These recommendations include: concurrent treatment, helping clients navigate logistical barriers to treatment (e.g., transportation), case management services, building a strong therapeutic relationship, and psychoeducation about the relationship between trauma and substance use. The current study aims to examine the lived experiences of people identifying as in recovery from both trauma and substance use, with the intent to clarify the phenomena of dual recovery.
Purpose of the Study
Understanding the process of dual recovery for individuals who experience traumatic events and have struggled with substance use is vital for providing appropriate care. The current study aimed to examine the lived experiences of people identifying as in recovery from both trauma and substance use issues, with a focus on their recovery journey over time. The purpose was to build on prior research that focused on trauma and substance use by exploring intersecting recovery processes, rather than etiology, and investigating the phenomenon of recovery by exploring lived experiences. A qualitative study design and methodology was utilized and guided by the overarching research question: What is the experience of recovery for someone who struggles with trauma and substance use?
It is important to acknowledge that a variety of recovery definitions exist. There is disagreement among experts regarding the precise language to describe recovery, and individuals choose to identify for themselves when they are in recovery without precise criteria (Piat et al., 2009). According to Neale and colleagues (2015), individuals in active recovery find previously established definitions to be limiting and focused on a deficit-based mindset and framework. Conceptualizations that are strength-based consider social and context influences and acknowledge that individual differences are preferred. Recent studies have moved away from offering their participants a definition of recovery; instead lived experiences and individual definitions of recovery conceived by the participants themselves are now common in addiction research (Zemore et al., 2023). The current study did not provide a definition of recovery to participants but focused on eliciting participants’ conceptualizations of what defines recovery to the individual.
Methods
In looking at the experience of recovery for someone who struggles with trauma and substance use, we intentionally sought a research methodology that would account for the depth and complexity of these life experiences. Given this focus, hermeneutic phenomenology was chosen as our research approach. Phenomenology aims to understand a phenomenon through the lens of those with direct experience (van Manen, 2016). Phenomenology prioritizes meaning making and attempts to get at the depth of experiences, as opposed to examining generalizable patterns across a broad range of perspectives (Hays & Singh, 2012). Through first-person accounts, phenomenology pulls together key descriptions to form a picture of an experience or phenomenon. Hermeneutic phenomenology was specifically chosen because it places participants as co-researchers (Hays & Singh, 2012). This means that participants are viewed as experts in the field of study, thus lessening the power differential between researcher and participant (Hays & Singh, 2012). Given the marginalization and stigma of those who experience substance use issues and trauma, it was important to utilize a method that recognizes power dynamics and attempts to diminish those between the researcher and the participants. This included asking participants to self-define their recovery status and what qualifies as being in recovery.
Reflexivity
Transparency regarding researcher perspective and positionality is essential in qualitative inquiry (Levitt et al., 2018). We are invested in advancing the understanding of recovery processes, especially among counselors who work with individuals with co-occurring trauma and substance use histories. Through this research, we hope to help counselors use this information to better support those they serve, as well as enhance the awareness of educators and supervisors. Dana Ripley, Justin R. Jordan, and Jyotsana Sharma have been colleagues through their doctoral program, are licensed counselors, and hold doctoral degrees in counselor education and supervision. Ripley, Jordan, and Sharma are currently tenure-track professors in counselor education programs, with Ripley and Jordan consistently teaching addiction counseling courses to master’s-level students. Taylor Allesch is pursuing licensure as a professional counselor and is a former student of Ripley. Ripley has a background in substance use and addictions counseling, which is also her primary teaching and research interest. She teaches at a public university in the Midwest United States. Jordan is a professor at a mid-sized public university in the southern United States. He has more than a decade of experience counseling individuals with trauma and substance use struggles in a public mental health agency and in private practice. Sharma is a professor at a large, research-focused university in the southern United States and has experience working with clients with trauma and other stress-related disorders. Allesch was a master’s student in clinical mental health counseling who completed her degree during the data collection and analysis phases of our study. She has experience addressing trauma in private practice settings, predominantly with couples and individuals.
Beginning with the initial planning for this study, we discussed how academic, research, personal, and treatment-providing experiences with addiction and trauma would affect development of the research protocol. None of the team members identify as being in recovery from substance use, although multiple members have experienced traumas of varying severity and chronicity. We collectively lean toward wellness-based interventions and respecting personal autonomy in navigating healing from substance use or trauma. Throughout the study, we held reflective discussions about how our experiences influenced the development of interview questions and interpretations of the coding process and distillation of themes, and we kept reflexive journals, which were audited by Sharma, and conveyed results in writing. This included exploring: the influence of client issues and treatment systems we had worked in; personal experiences with substances, trauma, and the impacts on those we care about; and research and literature that had impacted our perspectives on recovery journeys. We were deliberate and consistent in acknowledging personal perspectives and biases while attempting to allow the voices of study participants to be captured accurately and fully.
Participants
After securing IRB approval from our three affiliated institutions, participants were recruited through contacting peer recovery specialist organizations via email. Peer recovery specialists are trained as helping professionals who identify as being in recovery from substance use/addiction, or having mental health struggles, including trauma, or both, which is why we targeted this population for recruitment. Purposeful sampling was used to identify appropriate candidates who were recruited directly through organizational websites and through connections to local communities in Kentucky, Ohio, and Virginia. Snowball sampling was also used, as participants recommended other peers who might be interested in the study. Participants were not required to be trained as peer recovery specialists, but all participants were recruited through these networks. Emails to peer recovery specialists and associated organizations were sent with a link to an online screening survey utilizing Qualtrics software, which clarified which prospective participants met inclusion criteria.
The three inclusion criteria for this study were that participants must: be 18 or older, self-identify as being in recovery from substance use issues, and self-identify as being in trauma recovery. Because definitions of recovery vary, participants were not asked about the length of time since their last use of specific substances or the timeline of their trauma symptoms. Participants were asked to describe their recovery process from each struggle as part of the interview protocol; they were also asked how they define recovery. Although personal definitions vary, participants referenced government definitions, freedom from use or symptoms, normalcy in their lives, sustaining quality relationships, and having balance in their lives. Some participants referenced sustained abstinence from substances and reduction in trauma symptoms, while others spoke to the absence of chaotic behavior patterns and a sense of mental peace and calm. Potential participants who met eligibility criteria were contacted via email to schedule an interview. Each participant was sent a copy of informed consent documentation and gave verbal agreement to participate at the start of the interview.
Our final sample included 10 participants. Bartholomew et al. (2021) suggested that there is no specific range for sample sizes in phenomenological research, but 10 participants is within a normative range; larger samples often lose some of the essential qualities of this methodology. Other researchers have suggested three to 10 participants for phenomenological studies (Dukes, 1984).
In our study, participants’ ages ranged from 23 to 61, with a mean age of 42.2. Participants were asked open-ended questions regarding how they identified their gender, race/ethnicity, and sexual orientation. Two participants identified as male, with the rest identifying as female. Three participants identified as Black or African American, one as Hispanic, two as mixed race, and four as White. One participant identified as bisexual, one as lesbian, and the rest identified as heterosexual or straight. Table 1 summarizes pseudonyms and pertinent demographic information.
Table 1
Participant Demographics and Pseudonyms
| Participant |
Age |
Gender |
Race or Ethnicity |
Sexual Orientation |
Pseudonym |
| Participant 1 |
61 |
M |
White |
Heterosexual |
Jackson |
| Participant 2 |
46 |
F |
Hispanic |
Bisexual |
Dedra |
| Participant 3 |
49 |
F |
Black |
Heterosexual |
Erica |
| Participant 4 |
40 |
M |
African American |
Heterosexual |
Levon |
| Participant 5 |
31 |
F |
White |
Heterosexual |
Olivia |
| Participant 6 |
37 |
F |
White/Colombian |
Heterosexual |
Kara |
| Participant 7 |
41 |
F |
White/Puerto Rican |
Heterosexual |
Alecia |
| Participant 8 |
41 |
F |
White |
Heterosexual |
Rhonda |
| Participant 9 |
53 |
F |
Black |
Heterosexual |
Corva |
| Participant 10 |
23 |
F |
White |
Lesbian |
Rosemary |
Participant Background
The participants were thoughtful in sharing their unique experiences in recovery. Jackson is a 61-year-old heterosexual White man who spoke about an abusive father and his drug use causing him to miss time with his kids. He talked about self-forgiveness as a key part of his recovery. Dedra is a 46-year-old bisexual Hispanic woman who discussed being hit by a truck while intoxicated and the complications of receiving inpatient nursing care while being prescribed Suboxone for opioid addiction. Erica, a 49-year-old heterosexual Black woman, currently works in a harm reduction program and talked a lot about people who died in active use and how Narcotics Anonymous (NA) was key in her early recovery. Levon is a 40-year-old heterosexual African American man who spent 18 years in prison on charges related to alcohol and prescription pill use. He described trauma recovery as very difficult, as he did not realize how his lived experiences had led to impaired functioning, even after achieving sobriety. Olivia, a 31-year-old heterosexual White woman, is currently pursuing a degree in social work and is employed as a peer specialist. She feels the cognitive behavioral therapy she received for trauma and 12-step fellowship for addiction were essential for the healthy relationships she has in her life now.
Kara is a 37-year-old heterosexual biracial (Columbian/White) woman who turned to alcohol and other drugs after the death of her brother. She says pregnancy and parenthood helped push her toward recovery and she is an advocate for improving Methadone access. Alecia is a 41-year-old heterosexual biracial (Puerto Rican/White) woman, who credits a supportive probation officer for helping her work toward recovery after 20 years of active addiction. She is a supporter of multiple interventions for recovery, including harm reduction, prevention, and diversion programs. Rhonda, also 41, is a heterosexual White woman. She supports many pathways to recovery, but for her, becoming involved in her church was the key to making progress. Corva is a 53-year-old heterosexual Black woman who talked about how her chaotic childhood led her to cope with alcohol, as well as having an unhealthy relationship with food and sex. Finally, Rosemary is a 23-year-old lesbian White woman. She was a college student who participated in a collegiate recovery program and has found substance recovery through harm reduction rather than abstinence.
Data Collection
Participants gave verbal consent at the beginning of each interview. Data collection included semi-structured interviews (see Appendix for the interview protocol). Interviews were scheduled for 1 hour, and participants were advised that they may receive contact for a brief follow-up if clarification was needed (no participants were contacted for follow-up). Questions focused on the participants’ lived experiences of recovery from trauma and substance use. Zoom videoconferencing software was used to meet with the participants, and all interviews were video-recorded. The recordings were transcribed by Ripley, Jordan, and Allesch.
Data Analysis
Each transcript was read and coded by two members of the research team. Ripley, Jordan, and Allesch completed the coding. In reviewing the transcripts, each member used the selective or highlighting approach (van Manen, 2016). This approach requires several readings of the text, paying attention to statements that “seem particularly essential or revealing about the phenomenon or experience being described” (van Manen, 2016, p. 93). We highlighted these statements in the text, then copied and organized the data in an Excel spreadsheet with repetitive data being identified and deleted. Statements were synthesized into a phrase that encompassed the statement’s meaning. Using cross-case analysis (Patton, 2015), the statements were grouped based on focus and perceived meaning (coding), leading to initial coded themes. In hermeneutic phenomenology, themes are used to describe a common aspect of the experience (van Manen, 2016). Collaborative analysis, or hermeneutic conversations, were then conducted by the three coders (van Manen, 2016). This entailed coding team meetings in which members discussed patterns and content, and preliminary ideas for themes emerging from the transcripts. Each coding review meeting included Ripley, Jordan, and Allesch.
Collaborative analysis assures “themes are examined, articulated, re-interpreted, omitted, added, or reformulated” as needed (van Manen, 2016, p. 100). Ripley, Jordan, and Allesch met several times over 4 months for collaborative analysis to calibrate and reach consensus regarding emergent themes. They examined lines of text that seemed to capture the essence of the recovery phenomenon and experience. We generated ideas for thematic groupings and descriptions; some themes were dropped because of inconsistency or lack of consensus, including a theme focused on “giving back” in recovery, which did not have the same amount of participant endorsement as the other themes. These dialogues included examining potential biases in interpreting transcripts, exploring overlaps and distinctions between themes, and ensuring each theme was evaluated and agreed upon amongst us. Once consensus was reached, themes were audited by Sharma. Sharma checked each coded statement to ensure its match to the assigned theme and then reported potential mismatches or poorly fitting codes to Ripley, Jordan, and Allesch. Further meetings and dialogues were held to work through different interpretations until consensus was met for all themes and coded statements (sometimes, a vote was held, requiring a majority to move forward). Themes were considered sufficiently refined when we all agreed that the essence of the interviews had been captured and no additional themes were needed to understand the participants’ experiences.
Trustworthiness
Our research team engaged in several strategies to enhance the trustworthiness of our findings. Researcher bias was addressed using reflexive journals (Hays & Singh, 2012). Reflexive journals were kept by Ripley, Jordan, and Allesch. After each interview, the interviewer would write a reflexive journal documenting thoughts, assumptions, feelings, and reactions to the interview. The reflexive journals were read and examined for influence on code/theme generation by Sharma while auditing the themes. Sharma spoke about the journals and inquired about biases during meetings. Based on this feedback, the coding team was able to talk through and mitigate biases that affected data analysis, including transference related to personal and professional experiences.
Trustworthiness was also ensured using triangulation with multiple analysts (Patton, 2015). Ripley, Jordan, and Allesch conducted interviews and coded the transcripts, thus helping to “reduce the potential bias that comes from a single person doing all the data collection” and analysis (Patton, 2015, p. 665). Additionally, Sharma did not participate in conducting interviews or the initial coding process. Sharma audited the coding and themes without prior exposure to the data, with the intent of remaining objective.
Findings
Interviews with 10 participants were analyzed via a hermeneutic phenomenological approach. Six themes emerged from the interviews and subsequent coding process: recovery is hard, recovery includes structured support services, recovery is an ongoing process, recovery is relational, recovery is self-discovery, and substance use and trauma recovery are interconnected. These themes encompass defining characteristics of the dual recovery journey for the 10 participants in our study.
Recovery Is Hard
Participants discussed how working toward and living in recovery comes with many challenges, especially related to stigmas and navigating systemic barriers in receiving help. Looking for support early in their substance use recovery process, Dedra highlighted, “Even if I’m an addict, I still deserve the proper treatment and proper care and proper empathy, and I didn’t get that.” She elaborated that, “I had to fight for myself; nobody else was doing it so I just had to fight hard.” Rhonda talked about multidimensional challenges that led to being overwhelmed in early substance use recovery, stating, “The hardest thing for me to get over in that first year is changing absolutely everything.”
Another common difficulty that participants expressed was finding a place to “fit in.” After experiencing traumas related to homelessness during pregnancy while simultaneously managing a chronic blood illness, Kara described, “I think some of the hardest parts for me were just sort of like learning how to reintegrate in society, and I think that continues to be hard for me, like ‘where do I fit in here?’” Kara felt that finding a sense of belonging was essential for healing, given the disconnection from supports she experienced before pursuing recovery. In pursuing formal treatment for co-occurring struggles, Kara indicated that she encountered “all these wait lists,” and shared, “if you want to go to a program . . . you can’t get in right away.” Olivia also described substance use and trauma having “such a stigma on it already anyway, receiving any kind of mental health service . . . it just seemed so unobtainable.” Dedra discussed judgment within the substance use recovery community because of being prescribed Suboxone, a medication used to treat opioid use disorder: “I experienced a lot of stigma because I was an opiate user and they had to put me on Suboxone. I just had all this weird treatment toward me that was so uncomfortable, so embarrassing, and really degrading.” Participants had a lot to overcome in order to receive support in pursuing recovery and sustaining their efforts amidst treatment barriers and social stigma. Some participants reported that they had to learn how to advocate for themselves because of the lack of support and barriers they encountered trying to seek support.
Recovery Includes Structured Support Services
Most participants emphasized the necessity of structured support such as mental health and substance use treatment programs, mutual self-help groups (AA and NA), and other systems (e.g., church) as essential to their recovery journeys. The theme of recovery includes structured support services encompasses the importance of treatment programs, groups, and organizations that provide help to participants. Participants talked about the importance of these support systems to help people work toward change early on in pursuing recovery. Olivia benefited from both mutual self-help and professional therapy, sharing:
I personally worked a 12-step program [for substance recovery], and so, in that, [my counseling] was really based more on my trauma than it was actual substance use and I, I went to counseling and just a lot of things like that. . . . cognitive behavioral therapy is really what helped me work through those childhood traumas that I had, and the trauma that I added on to it as an adult, and it was difficult.
She elaborated about positive experiences working on trauma in formal treatment: “When I went into that treatment setting, the people there were already so well equipped to handle the kind of things that I needed to talk about, that I wanted to talk about.” Speaking more broadly, Olivia shared the importance of having multiple systems for support in dual recovery, saying, “I also think it’s really important to be able to connect people to a lot of different services, kind of like the wraparound services.” Jackson also benefited from both mutual self-help groups and formal treatment, stating: “When I got out [of incarceration], I did kind of dive into AA, which was integral, in my early recovery, and, you know, continued to see my therapist [for trauma counseling].”
Kara found out that she was pregnant while she was incarcerated and did an intensive 3-year program for women who were prescribed Methadone and pregnant. She reported this as an important step for her recovery. That group meant a lot to her. When asked about her trauma recovery process, Alecia talked about a peer specialist being a role model when she entered treatment, saying, “I can do this. If she can do it, I can do it,” as well as participating in SMART [Self-Management and Recovery Training] Recovery meetings. She expressed that this specialist helped her feel understood as someone who had been incarcerated and using substances to subdue childhood trauma symptoms. Overall, this theme showed that participants felt that they could not achieve sustained recovery on their own and benefited from programs, services, and mutual help spaces in healing from trauma and addiction.
Recovery Is an Ongoing Process
Another theme that emerged from the interviews was that recovery is an ongoing and continuous process. Participants described their recovery from trauma and substance use as continuing to unfold, rather than a destination where they had already arrived. This process was discussed as an individual journey because, as they recovered, each person had to make choices about what resources to utilize and what changes fit their lives. Several participants explicitly identified that their co-occurring recovery is a continuous process. In characterizing her journey in dual recovery as being unique, Rosemary stated: “It took time for me to learn that recovery is a spectrum, and there’s not one right way to do this.” Alecia agreed with this theme and made similar statements, including: “I know this is a process that I’ll go through for the rest of my life.” In speaking primarily to substance recovery, Rhonda had similar sentiments, sharing her belief that “everybody’s not the same, and there’s so many different paths out there now. It’s just finding the right path in the right way for you.” She added, “Yes, I went to treatment, but I don’t use that as my recovery. My recovery was honestly therapy and going to church.”
This theme encompasses descriptions of making broad lifestyle changes and continuing to grow as a human, while still acknowledging the influence of substance use and trauma in one’s life journey.
Recovery Is Relational
All participants spoke to relationships as they related to their recovery journeys. This theme is given more attention here, as it was the most frequently coded and consistent theme. Recovery is relational focuses on the importance of bonding and human connection in the recovery process. This theme is distinct from the theme of recovery includes structured support services, which focuses on therapy/counseling, education, or tangible resources, such as medications or financial assistance, rather than the general importance of interpersonal relationships.
Specifically, participants highlighted how relationships facilitated recovery, which included connections to individuals in the mutual self-help community, professionals, and treatment providers, but also support from their families, friends, and community. These connections helped participants cultivate hope and accountability as they progressed in healing from substance use and trauma. The sense of being understood and accepted through the challenges of recovery was impactful and motivating.
Jackson described the importance of his relationship with his 12-step sponsor, a high school teacher that “really got me.” His sponsor worked the steps with Jackson, trying to understand Jackson’s unique perspectives on the steps and recovery. He described his sponsor as patient and intelligent. The sponsor was able to repackage the AA message in a way that fit for Jackson, who said that “if I hadn’t had somebody like that, I wouldn’t have stopped.” Kara and Erica similarly shared the importance of relationships in the 12-step community, including not feeling alone in pursuing recovery.
Sources of support varied widely in our study. Olivia described the important relationship she had with her children’s foster parent. Not only did the foster parent take care of her children, but she became an integral part of Olivia’s life; she described her as “my absolute biggest supporter.” This foster parent helped her build back community and showed her that it is possible to live the kind of life she had always wanted.
Other participants also emphasized the benefits of community and support broadly. Olivia shared that she had to learn new ways of living and building relationships within her community. Her local community has been essential to her success in recovery. She detailed how this support facilitated recovery from trauma and substance use:
I spent almost an entire year just digging through those things and opening up and sharing about them, and that’s also where I built that first sense of community of speaking on those traumas with like-minded people who had been through similar situations.
Alecia spoke about the significant support she received from her probation officer. She stated that having a probation officer who really understood her and wanted to see her succeed was “a game changer.” The probation officer’s investment in her was a turning point for Alecia. Corva felt that recovering from both issues has given her relationships authentic connection: “Being around people who really know us and know us at our depth and, you know, and that’s what life is truly about. So, for me, that’s what recovery is about. And it’s given me a family.”
Participants were consistent in pointing to relationships boosting their success in recovery, which included building back bonds with people they had lost touch with or been cut off from during active use, as well as building a new network of support. The theme of recovery is relational had the highest number of identified codes from participants supporting the theme.
Recovery Is Self-Discovery
Participants identified the development of self-awareness and connecting with themselves as part of their recovery. This theme of recovery is self-discovery included emphasizing new personal growth since confronting trauma and addressing substance use struggles, including reconnecting with prior values and aspects of their identity. Additionally, participants described self-awareness as a key component of their life in recovery, including being honest with themselves and processing emotions that they may have avoided previously. Epitomizing this theme, Jackson stated:
So much of my recovery is about finding my place in the world—that sense of comfort and connection and stuff. A lot of my trauma that I experienced entails me forgiving other people. This, you know, is forgiving myself for the mistakes I’ve made, which I still struggle with, but also is letting go of resentments.
When asked about critical points in his recovery, Levon also spoke about personal development, saying that he started to see how to present a stronger version of himself, knowing internally that he was courageous and could fight through obstacles. Olivia added that she had created walls that served the purpose of protecting her but had to “chip away” at those protections for her true self to emerge in recovery.
In terms of confronting emotions and suppressed thoughts, Dedra shared that trauma recovery required “this ability, which only came to me late in life, to just be objective with my own self, and to be honest and objective about what [trauma is] doing, and who I am, and what’s happening to me.” In connecting this to substance use recovery, both Dedra and Rosemary agreed that self-awareness and honesty are key to recovery and that secrets can continue the cycle. Multiple participants alluded to increased self-awareness, understanding, and reconnection with their true self as being an important part of the recovery process.
Substance Use and Trauma Recovery Are Interconnected
The theme of substance use and trauma recovery are interconnected was described in multiple ways by participants, often referencing trauma being an underlying aspect of substance use struggles. Participants spoke about realizing the connectedness of trauma, mental health issues, and substance use in recovery. Erica acknowledged the close connection between substance use and trauma recovery, saying that “they just kind of overlap and intersect, and it’s kind of hard to differentiate where one ends and one begins.” Dedra spoke about trauma being the underlying issue, explaining, “Trauma is the root for me, and you know, with other people it might be that, you know, once they quit drinking, things get better, but I’ve always had to struggle with trauma.” Levon also described that he was unaware of how affected by trauma he was, recounting: “Trauma drove the substance use in that sense . . . because the trauma had certain effects on me that I didn’t [recognize].”
Additionally, participants noted that addressing trauma, including associated mental health concerns, along with substance use, was an essential part of recovery. Jackson spoke about the importance of getting help with mental health diagnoses, which he didn’t start until 10 years after engaging in substance use recovery. He had experienced multiple hospitalizations related to suicide attempts, which eventually spurred him to address his mental health:
But it was at that point I kind of really took my mental health issues as seriously as I took my substance use issues because it was easy to see that my substance use issues were killing me, were going to kill me. It’s harder to see that with mental health issues.
Alecia used similar language, describing that “addiction is just one of the symptoms of trauma, and . . . you can’t get to the root with the symptoms still there.” The direct relationship between trauma healing and substance use recovery was consistent in the interviews. Participants were directly asked if these recovery processes were related, and all participants replied affirmatively and elaborated on the reasons for this connection. Although many responses highlighted the trauma as an underlying cause of substance use, the responses showed that in conceptualizing the recovery process, healing from each was interconnected.
Discussion
Six themes emerged from the phenomenological analysis of these 10 interviews focused on the experience of trauma and substance use recovery: recovery is hard, recovery includes structured support services, recovery is an ongoing process, recovery is relational, recovery is self-discovery, and substance use and trauma recovery are interconnected. Taken as a whole, these themes demonstrate that the lived experience of dual recovery from substance use and trauma is an individual, holistic journey supported by personal and formal relationships. There is an inherent connection between trauma and substance use recovery for these participants. This type of dual recovery includes hardships on the path to healing for both trauma and substance use. Among our participants, there were multiple pathways to recovery, and yet there were parallels in how they described essential elements of long-term recovery. Recovery is a forward-focused endeavor rather than a cure for pathology (Witkiewitz et al., 2020), which is a useful perspective for laypersons and professionals who offer guidance to people working to overcome trauma symptoms and substance use addictions.
This study deepens the understanding of dual recovery from these correlated struggles, which counselors commonly address. Acknowledging the ongoing nature of recovery reduces the focus on acute symptom management and shifts the focus toward lifestyle factors such as relationships. These themes support an individualized self-exploration process for discovering a new sense of self within substance use and trauma recovery. All participants indicated that these two recovery processes were correlated. This finding supports a simultaneous approach to healing substance use and trauma, as opposed to a historical emphasis on sequential treatment.
These findings call for a focus on development and wellness congruent with counselor professional identity (Woo et al., 2014), in contrast to a medical model framework. Conceptualizing recovery as an ongoing purpose, rather than a destination, supports the benefits of counselors embracing holistic wellness and developmental perspectives. Participants described a long-term process enabled by relationships and structured support, calling on counselors to be responsive to recovering clients’ ongoing healing journeys. This aligns well with how counselors join clients in pursuing meaningful, multidimensional changes in their lives (Woo et al., 2014) rather than focusing solely on symptom reduction. Trauma and substance use are correlated, but each individual navigates unique challenges in pursuing a better life in recovery. This healing is not just alleviating symptoms but rather finding new identities and maintaining wellness daily. These findings demonstrate that counselors benefit from recognizing that there is no one-size-fits-all approach to dual recovery. Long-term support is needed in recovery and that care should target both trauma and substance use in order to be successful. The participants acknowledged that addressing the trauma at the root of their struggles would benefit both their mental wellness and ability to avoid harmful substance use. Our participants have given us evidence in their own voices to help clarify what the phenomenon of co-occurring recovery looks like.
Refining the understanding of recovery as a process advances the pursuit of better supports for survivors persevering through trauma and substance use that has negatively impacted their lives. Recognizing that trauma and substance use recoveries are intertwined calls for services designed to support the long-term healing process. This recognition also discredits siloed treatments that do not address co-occurring needs. The importance of relationships and support networks was clear, as was the individualized nature of the recovery process over time. Counselors are trained and equipped to meet clients where they are by matching interventions to individual needs. This means cultivating recovery based on clients’ unique strengths rather than using cookie-cutter prescriptive approaches to support sustained recovery.
Implications for Counselors
Counseling, being defined as a relationship that facilitates growth and healing (Kaplan et al., 2014), is a fitting intervention for people pursuing recovery. Emphasizing holistic wellness, supporting development through the lifespan, and honoring the specific needs of the client are all aspects of professional counselors’ duty (American Counseling Association [ACA], 2014). Counselors are uniquely equipped to provide holistic and development-focused support for individuals in dual recovery, given that these approaches are congruent with counselor professional identity (Woo et al., 2014).
Historically, addiction treatment has relied on a prescriptive, sequential approach to substance use recovery, usually involving the pursuit of sobriety before addressing mental health concerns. Recent research supports concurrent treatment as best practice for treating trauma and substance use (Garland et al., 2015; Roberts et al., 2023; Schumm & Gore, 2016). This approach to co-occurring treatment supports the holistic approach emphasized by leaders and researchers in the counseling profession (Dollarhide & Oliver, 2014; Fickling, 2023; Kaplan et al., 2014). Valuing client autonomy and personal preferences in navigating recovery is necessary for counselors, which aligns with the individuality of recovery journeys found in our study. This research demonstrates that for many individuals, trauma struggles were not addressed until after they managed substance use effectively, which likely inhibited progress and overall wellness. Additionally, counselors integrating wellness, prevention, and developmental perspectives can help these individuals thrive long after the pathology of acute addiction or trauma symptomology is relieved.
Motivational interviewing and principles of trauma-informed care embrace this stance, including focusing on empowering the individual on their own terms and assuming a natural tendency toward growth (Miller & Rollnick, 2023). Addiction treatment, specifically, has traditionally been confrontational and behaviorally focused (White & Miller, 2007). This contradicts a trauma-informed approach to recovery and is particularly concerning given the high rates of co-occurrence between these struggles (Dore et al., 2012; Giordano et al., 2016). Harm reduction is another approach that fits for dually recovering individuals based on these findings. One of the main hardships that participants described was the experience of stigma because of their substance use. This approach mitigates stigma by focusing on wellness without judgment (Collins & Clifasefi, 2023). Harm reduction is a humanistic and pragmatic approach that prioritizes autonomy and the holistic well-being of the individual. Harm reduction is uniquely suited to co-occurring trauma and addiction, given its emphasis on collaboration with those being helped, a trauma-informed approach, and avoiding retraumatization through power-over dynamics. This philosophy has been adapted as an approach to psychotherapy by multiple scholars (Collins & Clifasefi, 2023; Tatarsky & Kellogg, 2012). Some participants had awareness, knowledge, and experiences receiving or providing harm reduction care and expressed their support for harm reduction within the continuum of services supporting substance use recovery.
With trauma, counselors may wish to engage with post-traumatic growth phenomena, as well as validating the natural tendency toward self-improvement, wellness, and growth. With substance use, counselors can draw from motivational interviewing, harm reduction, and self-guided changes to empower clients to take responsibility for personal change and respect their autonomy in the process. In supporting the dual recovery process, professional counselors can honor the unique strengths and meaning created through relationships, self-discovery, overcoming barriers, and the unfolding pursuit of growth in their clients.
Limitations
The current study did not differentiate the types of substances participants were recovering from, nor did it focus on specific types of trauma. Our research team intentionally focused on self-defined experiences with these struggles and the phenomena of recovery rather than the etiology of the struggle. It is difficult for these themes to be applied to substance use or trauma separately, as most interview questions focused on the participants’ experiences in co-occurring recovery. Sometimes, there was a clear distinction in which process, or sequential experience with recovery, they were referring to; those are noted in the Findings section. However, by design, most of the time, they were speaking about the dual recovery process. It is likely that complex trauma recovery may have phenomenological differences from acute event traumas. Similarly, recovery from different types of substances includes unique needs and experiences, such as medication treatment for opioid use recovery. During the coding and theme development process, our researchers may have been influenced by prior definitions of recovery in the literature. Despite this influence, our research team was diligent in focusing on giving voice to the participants as they reviewed coded statements from the interviews in clustering emergent themes.
Broadly, our study provides nuance in conceptualizing the phenomenon of dual recovery from trauma and substance use, but it cannot be generalized given that it is a qualitative study. Our study was limited geographically and by purposeful sampling. It is noteworthy that peer recovery specialists may have received education or exposure as helpers that has influenced their conceptualizations of recovery, which may differ from the broader population of individuals recovering from trauma and substance use. Finally, recovery as an experience extends to many other struggles beyond trauma and substance use issues, and it is unclear if the themes found in the current study would apply to other medical or mental health recoveries.
Future Research
These findings build on prior studies examining how substance use and trauma experiences are correlated and provide an in-depth look at the phenomenon of recovery with 10 individuals. Future studies may utilize quantitative methodology to determine if the themes found in this study are generalizable to people in recovery from trauma and substance use. Research is also needed to explore the specific experiences of peer recovery specialists in dual recovery. Additionally, further research may also explore factors that differentiate trauma recovery from substance use recovery experiences, both for individuals with co-occurring recoveries and those who only identify as being in recovery from one or the other. The current study adds to the research in a significant way but also reinforces a need for more studies looking at subtleties of recovery experiences.
Conclusion
Recovery is a multidimensional process that is defined by wellness and improved overall functioning (Witkiewitz et al., 2020). The current study examined the experience of recovery for 10 individuals identifying as in recovery from both substance use and trauma using hermeneutic phenomenology. Six themes emerged that conceptualize recovery from trauma and substance use as an ongoing, interconnected, individualized process that includes hardships and self-discovery and is facilitated by relationships and formal services. These findings support existing research calling for a concurrent and holistic approach for counseling individuals pursuing recovery from substance use and trauma-related symptoms.
Conflict of Interest and Funding Disclosure
The authors reported no conflict of interest
or funding contributions for the development
of this manuscript.
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Appendix
Interview Protocol
Research Question: What is the experience of recovery for someone who struggles with substance use and trauma?
- When I say the word “recovery,” what comes to mind? How do you define “recovery”?
- Tell me about the process of your recovery from trauma.
- Tell me about the process of your recovery from substance use.
- Do you feel your recovery process from substance use and trauma are related? If so, can you describe how?
- What are some of the critical moments or turning points in your recovery?
- Describe in as much detail as possible what you struggled with the most during recovery and how you managed those struggles.
- How has being in recovery influenced your life and what have you learned from those experiences?
- If you could go back and change anything about the process of your recovery, what would it be?
Dana Ripley, PhD, LPC (KY, VA), is an associate professor at Northern Kentucky University. Justin R. Jordan, PhD, LPC (VA), LSATP (VA), is an assistant professor at Longwood University. Jyotsana Sharma, PhD, LCMHC (NH), ACS, is an associate professor at Oklahoma State University. Taylor Allesch, MS, LPC (OH), LPCA (KY), is a professional counselor at Be Known: Sex and Relationship Counseling. Correspondence may be addressed to Justin R. Jordan, 201 High Street (222 Hull Hall), Farmville, VA 23909, jordanjr2@longwood.edu.
Apr 1, 2026 | Volume 16 - Issue 1
Emily Goodman-Scott, Rawn Boulden, Aaron Albright, Jenna Alvarez, Betsy M. Perez
The counseling profession is rooted in prevention, wellness, mental health, and a critical social justice approach to serving historically marginalized communities, including people with disabilities. The overarching construct of disability comprises subtypes, such as neurodivergence. Given the prevalence of neurodivergent individuals worldwide (approximately 15%–20%), the counseling profession must be prepared to support this community. At the same time, there is a dearth of peer-reviewed literature on neurodiversity specifically for the counseling profession. In this article, we address a timely topic in the profession. We discuss utilizing a critical counseling lens and centering marginalized identities, such as people with disabilities; prominent disability models, including the neurodiversity paradigm; and suggestions to infuse neurodiversity throughout the counseling profession.
Keywords: neurodiversity paradigm, disabilities, counseling, neurodivergence, disability models
According to the American Counseling Association (ACA), “counseling is a professional relationship that empowers diverse individuals, families, and groups to accomplish mental health, wellness, education, and career goals” (Kaplan et al., 2014, p. 92). These ACA priorities are echoed in seminal counseling texts. The Multicultural and Social Justice Counseling Competencies (MSJCC; Ratts et al., 2016) outline the counseling profession as grounded in a culturally affirming, contextual approach to address systemic oppression and intersectionality. The ACA Advocacy Competencies also center context and identities as critical in advocating for systemic change (Toporek & Daniels, 2018). Thus, the counseling profession promotes a strengths-based approach to prevention and mental health, centering equity, social justice, and the use of a critical lens, particularly for those with marginalized intersectional identities (Hays & Singh, 2023; Proctor & Rivera, 2022).
People with disabilities (PWDs) are a historically marginalized identity or culture that includes neurodivergent individuals (Deroche & Mautz, 2024; Long et al., 2024; Roberson et al., 2021). Because of the prevalence of neurodivergence worldwide (15%–20%; Doyle, 2020), allied professions have started incorporating the neurodiversity paradigm into their scholarship, including psychology (Pellicano & den Houting, 2022), occupational therapy (Chen & Patten, 2021; Rajotte et al., 2025), and speech-language pathology (DeThorne & Searsmith, 2021). However, the neurodiversity movement is largely absent from the peer-reviewed counseling literature (Long et al., 2025). In this article, we fill a gap in the literature, noting: (a) a critical counseling lens and the importance of centering marginalized identities, such as PWDs; (b) prominent disability models, including the neurodiversity paradigm; and (c) suggestions to infuse neurodiversity throughout the counseling profession.
Critical Theories
Overall, critical theories are an overarching paradigm centering the importance of recognizing and changing systemic oppression, advocating for historically marginalized identities, and emphasizing the impact of intersectionality (Hays & Singh, 2023; Proctor & Rivera, 2022). First, critical theorists view the world through the socially constructed dimensions of power, privilege, and marginalization, which suggests that power structures in society were historically developed and are presently maintained to provide power and privilege to some and oppress and marginalize others. These power structures will continue unless identified (i.e., increase critical consciousness) and actively changed (i.e., interrogate and dismantle oppressive systems and move toward more equity and justice). For instance, according to critical theories such as feminism and critical race theory (CRT), dominant established power structures, such as patriarchy and colonialism, should be challenged. Overall, critical theorists prioritize historically marginalized voices and strive to ensure that knowledge is rooted in these communities rather than imposed by dominant outsiders (Hays & Singh, 2023; Proctor & Rivera, 2022).
Next, intersectionality is also central to critical theories (Hays & Singh, 2023; Proctor & Rivera, 2022). Introduced by Kimberlé Crenshaw (1989), intersectionality is a framework that examines how overlapping social identities, such as race, gender, class, and disability, interact to create unique experiences of oppression, privilege, and power. Crenshaw introduced the term to address the ways in which Black women, for example, were often excluded from both feminist and anti-racist discourses, revealing how single-axis analyses failed to capture their experiences. Intersectionality does not simply add identities together. Rather, it highlights how these identities interlock within systems of power and shapes how individuals navigate the world. Therefore, intersectionality accentuates how social activism dismantles systems of oppression and injustice.
Critical Theories and Counseling
Drawing from critical theories, the counseling profession works to expose and uproot oppressive systems that reinforce privilege for some identities while suppressing others (Hays & Singh, 2023; Proctor & Rivera, 2022). Ratts et al. (2016) developed the seminal MSJCC, which underscores the need for counselors to engage in intersectional and social justice practices, as well as acknowledges the impact of marginalized and privileged identities within the counselor–client relationship. Similarly, ACA (2025) has reinforced the crucial need for counselors to support marginalized populations because of the prevalence of systemic injustices.
As such, several scholars have discussed the importance of CRT and anti-racism within counseling. Holcomb-McCoy (2022) called for the counseling profession to utilize an anti-racist lens to interrogate and change inequitable systems that disproportionately harm those with marginalized racial/ethnic identities. Similarly, Mayes and Byrd (2022) proposed a framework for anti-racist school counseling emphasizing critical consciousness, evidence-based practices, and strategies to interrupt harmful school policies. Haskins and Singh (2015) recommended pedagogical strategies for incorporating CRT into counseling programs to promote counselor trainees’ racial awareness.
In a similar vein, scholars like Sharma and Hipolito-Delgado (2021) and Locke (2021) reflected on the role of feminist and Latino CRT, respectively, in fostering critical consciousness and anti-racism in counselor training, particularly for students from marginalized groups. LaMantia et al. (2015) also applied feminist pedagogy to counselor education, promoting student ally behaviors. Further, Shavers and Moore (2019) incorporated Black Feminist Thought to explore the experiences of Black female doctoral students at predominantly White institutions.
Finally, several scholars have utilized a critical lens when discussing LGBTQ+ communities. Moe et al. (2020) brought post-colonial theory to the fore in their exploration of working with LGBTQI+ youth internationally by advocating for culturally aware counseling practices that address Eurocentric biases. Also, Moe et al. (2017) applied queer theory to support queer and genderqueer clients through emphasizing the importance of acknowledging intersectional identities and the unique needs of queer people of color. Similarly, Smith (2013) applied critical theory to LGBTQ+ youth in schools and addressed the capability of the American School Counselor Association’s National Model (2025) to reinforce or dismantle heteronormativity practices. Overall, counseling scholars have applied a critical lens (e.g., CRT, anti-racism, feminism, queer theory) to serve several historically marginalized identities. However, a focus on PWDs and critical disability theory (CDT) is absent from this body of critical counseling scholarship.
Disabilities
Those who identify as PWDs are part of one of the largest historically marginalized groups in the United States, with a population of over 70 million (Centers for Disease Control and Prevention [CDC], 2024). Though the construct of disability can be understood in a variety of ways, we utilize the definition from the U.S. Census Bureau (n.d.): “Disability is a complex process between an individual’s physical, emotional, and mental health, and the environment in which they live, work, and play. . . . individuals may experience disability if they have difficulty with certain daily tasks due to a physical, mental, or emotional condition” (p. 1).
In Multicultural and Social Justice Counseling (2024), authors Deroche and Mautz organized disabilities into three primary categories: (a) physical disabilities, such as paralysis, chronic illness, or blindness; (b) cognitive or neurodivergent disabilities, such as learning, developmental, or intellectual disabilities, including autism spectrum disorder or dyslexia; and (c) psychiatric disabilities, including mental health disorders such as anxiety, depression, and substance use, among others. Further, these authors also relayed that disability is an overarching term to represent diverse, varied, intersecting identities and experiences that are shaped by factors such as disability onset, symptom progression and impact, degree of visibility, and disability models.
Disability Models Historically
The construct of disabilities must be understood within its historical context. U.S. society has utilized several models of disability that have evolved over time (Brown, 2015; Deroche & Mautz, 2024; Olkin, 2002). The moral model is one of the oldest and is closely tied to religion; this perspective holds that disabilities are inherently negative and result from one’s lack of faith or as punishment for immoral behaviors (Deroche & Mautz, 2024; Olkin, 2002). The moral model is seen as problematic because it views disabilities adversely and places responsibility on the PWD for their condition, fostering stigma and shame rather than understanding or support.
More recently, disabilities have been conceptualized by two opposing perspectives: the medical model and the social model. Per the medical model, conditions or disorders are classified by the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM; American Psychiatric Association, 2022), and pathologized as impairments or deficits that deviate from a set standard and need to be treated (Brown, 2015; Chen & Patten, 2021; Long et al., 2024; Olkin, 2002). Thus, the medical model recommends that PWDs receive intervention and accommodations to help them operate more closely to a culturally constructed standard of typical. The medical model is currently the most widely utilized disability model, including in the counseling profession. However, this model is critiqued as being deficit-focused and needing greater consideration for both culture and context (Chen & Patten, 2021; Deroche & Mautz, 2024; Olkin, 2002). Further, privileging and encouraging assimilation to a socially constructed norm has been related to adverse mental health for PWDs, such as anxiety and depression from masking or hiding aspects of oneself from others (DeThorne & Searsmith, 2021).
Countering the medical model, the social model considers disability as a social construct, which places the onus on the environment and larger culture, with the aim of removing socially created barriers hindering PWDs from fully accessing societal institutions and spaces (Chen & Patten, 2021; Long et al., 2024; Olkin, 2002). In other words, according to the social model, PWDs are impacted not by their specific disability, but because of how society has structured the world to be unaligned with the unique needs and experiences of PWDs. Scholars have also suggested that the social model is too concrete (Meekosha & Shuttleworth, 2009) and that disabilities must be considered comprehensively, beyond environmental and cultural factors (Dwyer, 2022).
Contemporary Disability Paradigms
Overall, disability models have been shaped by societal beliefs and historical events, evolving with time, as described by Brown (2015) and Deroche and Mautz (2024). Beginning in the mid-1900s, the larger civil rights movement opened doors for federal protections around disabilities and was crucial in securing legal protections and advancing social inclusion for PWDs. Specifically, the disability rights movement initially addressed workplace discrimination, striving for equitable access to employment and work accommodations; this has since progressed to include advocating for more disability inclusive education, health care, and intersectional identities. Hence, the confluence of these factors—evolving disability models, increased civil rights, activism, and centering diversity—have led to the emergence of the present-day neurodiversity paradigm, a contemporary model of disability rooted in critical theories, such as CDT (Brown, 2015; Deroche & Mautz, 2024).
Critical Disability Theory
Expanding upon the social model, CDT explores the broader systems and structures that influence disability (Botha & Gillespie-Lynch, 2022; Hays & Singh, 2023). In alignment with the overarching lens of critical theories, CDT is a framework that challenges previous models of disability to instead espouse the complex experience of PWDs, centering the voices of this marginalized identity or cultural group (Gillies, 2014; Meekosha & Shuttleworth, 2009). Gaining momentum in the 2000s, CDT explores how society constructs, defines, and responds to disabled bodies and minds within the context of systemic power, privilege, and marginalization (Meekosha & Shuttleworth, 2009). Rather than defining disability as abnormal or a medical condition requiring treatment, CDT challenges these prevailing views. Mainly, scholars who subscribe to this paradigm recognize disability as a natural aspect of society, with the need to transform public policies and perceptions, as well as redistribute power, control, and autonomy (Deroche & Mautz, 2024; Long et al., 2024). As such, supporters of CDT advocate to ensure that PWDs can fully participate in all aspects of society such as employment and social and educational dimensions, as well as having equitable access to rights, opportunities, and resources. Thus, the CDT paradigm, grounded in social justice, activism, and the disability rights movement, calls for viewing disability as a unique culture, a dimension of diversity, and through the lens of historically marginalized, intersectional identities or cultures.
The Neurodiversity Movement
While CDT is a critical theory applied toward disabilities, it has also been a driving force in the neurodiversity movement (Roberson et al., 2021). Chapman and Botha (2023) stated:
The neurodiversity movement is a social justice and civil rights movement led by and for people with neurocognitive, developmental, and psychological disabilities. Neurodiversity theory proposes that divergence from expected functioning (such as autism, attention-deficit/hyperactivity disorder [ADHD], developmental coordination disorder, or dyslexia) are natural variations of human minds, and those who diverge from the norm (neurominorities) are equally deserving of dignity, respect, and accommodation. . . . with the acknowledgement of neurocognitive diversity as natural, valuable, and in need of support. (p. 310)
While neurodivergence is considered to be a type of cognitive disability (e.g., autism, ADHD, dyslexia) impacting approximately nearly one in five individuals worldwide (Doyle, 2020), the neurodiversity paradigm is a larger movement rooted in social justice and civil rights, countering earlier deficit-based disability models, such as the medical model (Deroche & Mautz, 2024; Long et al., 2024; Sonuga-Barke & Thapar, 2021). As a result, neurodiversity is seen as a movement or paradigm influenced by CDT, in addition to being a type of disability.
The neurodiversity movement began in the 1990s with sociologist Judy Singer drawing on Crenshaw’s lens of intersectionality (Botha & Gillespie-Lynch, 2022; Chapman, 2021). Though originally conceptualized for autism, this paradigm has since expanded (Chapman, 2021; Dwyer, 2022). Rather than perpetuating a continuum of typical and atypical neurological functioning, the neurodiversity paradigm reinforces normal diversity in human neurology instead of pathologizing neurological variations (Chapman, 2021; Chen & Patten, 2021; Olkin, 2002).
Because it is aligned with critical theories such as CDT (Hays & Singh, 2023; Roberson et al., 2021), neurological diversity should be viewed through the lens of culture (Long et al., 2025), as well as through societal and historical systems of power and oppression. Thus, like other historically marginalized groups (e.g., cultural, ethnic, and sexual minorities; Chapman & Botha, 2023), proponents of the neurodiversity movement describe unique aspects of a shared culture, pride, and identity (Brown, 2015). One such example is identifying as neurominorities (Chapman & Botha, 2023).
For instance, Roberson and colleagues (2021) posited that, historically, neurodivergent individuals have been viewed through an ableist lens that judged them based on their ability to conform to neurotypical standards. A CDT approach denounces this deficit-based historical framing and instead highlights the positive cognitive traits and leadership of neurodivergent individuals. Rather than emphasizing the obstacles they face in meeting conventional norms, CDT and the neurodiversity paradigm redefine neurodivergence as a valuable and distinctive strength and skill set that can be used for enhancement (Roberson et al., 2021).
Furthermore, scholars have examined the confluence of neurodiversity and intersectionality (e.g., Mallipeddi & VanDaalen, 2022). Botha and Gillespie-Lynch (2022) made the case for including the neurodiversity paradigm within the intersectionality conversation, specifically focusing on autistic individuals. Namely, they highlighted the systemic barriers and inequities disproportionately impacting the Autistic community. This includes restricted access to gender-affirming care for autistic transgender people, which can correspond to increased odds of mental health challenges such as depression and suicidality (Tordoff et al., 2022). Furthermore, these risk factors may be compounded when additional identities are incorporated, such as when persons of color are also economically disadvantaged individuals (Botha & Gillespie-Lynch, 2022). Thus, taking an intersectional lens to the neurodiversity paradigm is not only aligned with CDT, but also exemplifies a more nuanced understanding of how multiple layers of identity or culture (e.g., race, gender, socioeconomic status) interact with neurodivergence in order to address the compounded barriers and inequities faced by marginalized groups. As such, intersectionality has been interwoven into CDT to highlight the layered identities and aspects of power, privilege, and oppression within the neurodiversity movement (Botha & Gillespie-Lynch, 2022).
Counseling, Disabilities, and the Neurodiversity Movement
Despite the prevalence of those with disabilities (CDC, 2024), PWDs are often not seen as an underrepresented group or a culture, leading to misconceptions and often a lack of resources and support (Brown, 2015; Olkin, 2002; Pierce, 2024). Within the counseling profession, Degeneffe and colleagues (2021) studied how disability is addressed in ACA’s flagship journal, the Journal of Counseling & Development (JCD). Their results mirrored previous research, noting “limited scope of disability content in JCD . . . [and that] disability is largely neglected in JCD and other counseling-related journals” (Degeneffe et al., 2021, p. 118).
While counseling scholars have focused on critical theories, the literature on CDT is sparse. Öksüz and Brubaker (2020) discussed the historical lens of counseling PWDs and advocated for CDT to shape counseling training. Aligned with CDT, Pierce (2024) outlined the richness of disability culture, recommending that the counseling profession incorporate greater disability justice.
To our knowledge, there has been one peer-reviewed, U.S.-based journal article discussing the neurodiversity paradigm within the counseling profession. Long and colleagues (2025) conducted a qualitative content analysis, examining 21 peer-reviewed counseling journals published between 2013 and 2022. They searched for what they defined as neurodiversity constructs, or content they conceptualized as relating to neurodiversity. Examples of the most frequent terms, or neurodiversity constructs, that they found include autism, ADHD, and twice exceptional, with the most common word/phrase being neurotypical. Thus, while scholars found counseling scholarship demonstrating neurodiversity constructs, these phrases did not include the actual word or a derivative of neurodiversity. Rather, Long et al. (2025) found content more generally related to the construct. These findings underscore the lack of neurodiversity content within counseling. Though the counseling profession centers critical theories with an emerging focus on CDT, the neurodiversity paradigm is absent from the peer-reviewed counseling literature.
Despite the limited counseling scholarship on the neurodiversity paradigm, a different trend exists within allied professions, and scholars have recommended that clinicians utilize the neurodiversity approach in their work (Chapman & Botha, 2023; Sonuga-Barke & Thapar, 2021). Furthermore, the neurodiversity paradigm is being covered in psychology (Pellicano & den Houting, 2022), occupational therapy (Chen & Patten, 2021; Rajotte et al., 2025), and speech-language pathology (DeThorne & Searsmith, 2021). In terms of therapeutic clinicians across disciplines, Sonuga-Barke and Thapar (2021) described the importance of clinicians moving beyond the deficit-based medical model to instead center the perspectives of neurodivergent individuals. Similarly, Chapman and Botha (2023) stated that the need exists for clinical therapeutic approaches to include practical strategies for supporting neurodiversity, including multidisciplinary work across disciplines.
Incorporating the Neurodiversity Movement Into Counseling: A Call to Action
As Long and colleagues (2025) relayed, “counselors across practice settings encounter neurodivergent clients and are responsible for understanding neurodivergence and its impact on client well-being . . . [and] the social, political, and cultural considerations” (p. 57). As approximately 15–20% of the population is neurodivergent (Doyle, 2020), it is likely that counselors will work with this population. As such, counselors must be informed of the neurodiversity paradigm and how to utilize neuro-affirming practices across counseling specialties and the profession as a whole. Next, we provide a call to action, recommending steps for infusing the neurodiversity paradigm throughout the profession: awareness and introspection; guiding documents; professional organizations; research; clinical practice; and pre-service preparation, supervision, and training. It is important to note that these suggestions are preliminary recommendations acting as a springboard for a litany of additional efforts. More depth and focus are warranted across each of the following topics.
Awareness and Introspection
Neuro-affirming counseling begins by looking at the foundational values guiding our profession. In alignment with critical theories (Hays & Singh, 2023; Proctor & Rivera, 2022), the MSJCC (Ratts et al., 2016), and the ACA Advocacy Competencies (Toporek & Daniels, 2018), we must interrogate and dismantle how the counseling profession and greater society privileges certain abilities and neurological existences while oppressing and marginalizing others. This requires both a paradigm shift and heightened critical consciousness as counselors, as a profession, and for the systems we work within (e.g., schools, agencies, private practices, counselor education programs). The following sample questions guide this introspection: How can the counseling profession challenge the historically deficit-laden conceptualization of disabilities that requires assimilating to a socially constructed norm of typicality? How can counselors advocate for systemic changes that increase access and opportunities for all, rather than placing the onus of change primarily on individuals? How can the profession celebrate and affirm the benefits of diverse ability levels and neurological functioning? How are we incorporating intersectionality within neuro-affirming counseling? How are we ensuring that neurodivergent individuals are leading and integral in the application of the neurodiversity movement within the counseling profession? How can we learn from and collaborate with allied professions engaged in neuro-affirming practices?
Guiding Documents
The counseling profession would benefit from integrating the neurodiversity movement into its core frameworks. For example, though ACA Code of Ethics (2014) standards C.5., E.8., and H.5.d. explicitly reference disability, they make no direct mention of neurodiversity. Furthermore, H.5.d. is the only standard that addresses accessibility, and it is within the context of website creation. While this inclusion is valuable, there remains an opportunity to expand considerations of accessibility, flexibility, and inclusivity to better support neurodivergent clients within the counseling relationship.
Next, the MSJCC (Ratts et al., 2016) provides a conceptual framework that highlights ways in which counselors can incorporate advocacy within their work with a range of individuals who experience marginalization. Mainly, competency area III.1. indicates that competent counselors “are aware of how client and counselor worldviews, assumptions, attitudes, values, beliefs, biases, social identities, social group statuses, and experiences with power, privilege, and oppression influence the counseling relationship” (Ratts et al., 2016, p. 9). Overall, the MSJCC is a broad framework designed for application to counselors and clients who identify with a range of identities and cultures, within the context of the many systems that impact them individually and in their interactions with one another. However, as there is no research specifically exploring disability or neurodiversity through the lens of the MSJCC framework, we recommend that disability and neurodiversity should be discussed and investigated as cultural variables.
Like the MSJCC, the ACA’s Advocacy Competencies (Toporek & Daniels, 2018) outline guidelines for advocacy work. These competencies could be expanded to include neurodiversity and disability by addressing ability status as a key contextual factor. Historically, disability and neurodiversity have been omitted from diversity and social justice conversations, often being overlooked as cultural variables. To affect social change, explicit inclusion of these groups or factors is necessary.
Professional Organizations
ACA is the flagship counseling organization, comprised of subgroups, such as divisions representing specialty areas (e.g., substance abuse, veterans, multicultural counseling, child and adolescent counseling). The American Rehabilitation Counseling Association (ARCA) is often viewed as the primary organization relevant to disability within the counseling profession. According to the organization’s website, ARCA is an association of professionals, educators, and students in rehabilitation counseling who are committed to enhancing the well-being of individuals with disabilities. Its goal is to support the growth of PWDs throughout their lives and to advance the quality of the rehabilitation counseling profession (Dunlap, 2024). While the mission is impactful, both the mission and messaging from the organization as a whole often frame disability in terms of rehabilitation or correction. This perspective is discordant with the strengths-based perspective of neurodiversity, affirming the benefits of diverse abilities. Next, we acknowledge ARCA’s commitment to inclusivity and advocacy, which aligns with key principles of the neurodiversity paradigm. However, instead of viewing it as a supplementary task driven by legal requirements, ARCA could benefit from recognizing neurodiversity as an essential aspect of diversity that enriches both the counseling profession and society at large.
Next, the Association for Multicultural Counseling and Development (AMCD; 2025) is the primary organization for multicultural counseling representation within ACA. Notably, the group includes a variety of subgroups (e.g., Native American, Multiracial-Multiethnic, Latinx, International, Asian American-Pacific Islander, African American, Women’s Concerns). Proponents of the disability rights movement, and the neurodiversity movement in particular, consider disabilities and neurodiversity to be both a unique culture with elements of shared identity and a population that represents an element of diversity and multiculturalism (Brown, 2015; Chapman & Botha, 2023). Hence, the AMCD’s mission of connecting, advocating for, and empowering people across multicultural identities makes it ideal for incorporating a neurodiversity or disability subgroup. This is especially fitting as both CDT and the neurodiversity paradigm emphasize intersectionality, wholeness, and cross-movement solidarity as essential to the advocacy and liberation of people with multiple marginalized identities.
Finally, the Association for Counselor Education and Supervision (ACES; 2021) has several interest networks, including Disability Justice and Accessibility in Counseling. This group seems most aligned with the neurodiversity movement because it prioritizes disability justice, intersectionality, and anti-oppression, and addresses neurodiversity. However, as ACES serves counselor education and supervision, additional counseling organizations can share this focus.
Research
Future research in counseling must intentionally center neurodivergent individuals and their lived experiences with attention to affirming and identity-conscious practices. This research should focus not only on clients, but also on neurodivergent counselors, supervisors, leaders, graduate students, and scholars. Scholars have increasingly called for more rigorous research within counseling and related clinical professions (Botha & Gillespie-Lynch, 2022; Dwyer, 2022; Long et al., 2025), yet the counseling profession continues to lag in fully integrating neuro-affirming approaches. A promising starting point is the development of a conceptual theoretical framework for neuro-affirming counseling, which can be tailored to specific counseling specialty areas. Grounded theory, rooted in the voices and narratives of neurodivergent individuals, may serve as a powerful methodology to generate such a framework. Follow-up studies could include Delphi panels with expert practitioners and neurodivergent partners; concept mapping to refine theoretical constructs; and the development and validation of instruments to assess counselor competence and client outcomes. In addition, researchers should explore the lived experiences of neurodivergent individuals across various counseling settings to better understand barriers to care, perceptions of counselor responsiveness, and markers of affirming practice.
Participatory action research and other inclusive methods should be prioritized to ensure that research is not only about neurodivergent communities but is created with them. Lastly, as the MSJCC offers a meaningful lens through which to examine how counselors engage with clients who identify as neurodivergent and/or PWDs, researchers could explore how the MSJCC framework supports (or falls short in) guiding counselors’ development of awareness, knowledge, and skills in working with this population. These research directions offer rich, essential opportunities to bridge gaps in the literature and advance counseling equity.
Clinical Practice
In alignment with the ACA Code of Ethics (2014), which emphasizes honoring diversity and embracing a multicultural approach, practicing counselors must recognize neurodiversity as a vital aspect of human diversity. As Long et al. (2025) noted, this has historically been overlooked in multicultural counseling, despite the growing advocacy of the neurodiversity movement. Clinicians are called to adopt a neuro-affirming framework that acknowledges and respects neurological differences as natural human variations rather than deficits. This approach aligns with ethical principles of dignity, potential, and uniqueness, and encourages counselors to critically examine their own biases, clinical language, and treatment paradigms. Counselors should broach the topic of neurodivergence with clients when appropriate; tailor treatment planning to reflect clients’ sensory, communication, and identity needs; and shift from symptom-reduction models to those centered in self-advocacy, autonomy, and strengths.
Meaningful application of a neuro-affirming approach requires attention to all stages of the clinical process, from treatment to diagnosis, as well as to the cultural identities and needs of each counselor and client both independently and within the counseling relationship. Counselors should assess how the physical space, documentation practices, and session structures either promote or inhibit accessibility and inclusion. For example, using flexible communication methods or creating low sensory environments may significantly improve comfort and therapeutic rapport. These shifts are especially important given that many counselors practice in systems governed by the medical model (e.g., DSM-driven environments), which can conflict with neuro-affirming values. Clinicians must grapple with this tension, asking: Can we hold space for both DSM-informed practice and neuro-affirming care? Though diagnoses may be necessary for access to care, counselors have an ethical responsibility to advocate for affirming practices, consult with allied professionals, and frame client experiences in ways that empower rather than pathologize. Ultimately, neuro-affirming counseling must be rooted in intersectionality, accessibility, and cultural humility, core values of an inclusive, socially just counseling practice.
Pre-Service Preparation, Supervision, and Training
Counselor preparation plays a critical role in shaping how future professionals engage with neurodivergent individuals. However, current training models often fall short in addressing this population through an affirming, socially just lens. Although the Council for the Accreditation of Counseling and Related Educational Programs (CACREP; 2023) sets the standards for counselor education, its integration of disability, and more specifically, neurodiversity, remains limited and inconsistent. For example, though Standard 3.A.4. encourages the removal of systemic, institutional, architectural, and attitudinal barriers that hinder equity and access, it does not explicitly frame neurodiversity as an element of human diversity. Additionally, Section 3.B., which focuses on social and cultural identities and experiences, omits reference to neurodivergence, disability culture, and ability status as meaningful sociocultural identities. This exclusion reinforces a medicalized view of disability and misses the opportunity to promote a strengths-based, identity-affirming framework that aligns with the neurodiversity paradigm.
To address these gaps, counselor education programs should intentionally integrate disability and neurodiversity content across the curriculum. Courses such as human development, multicultural counseling, ethics, and diagnosis can provide students with information about the neurodiversity movement and CDT, as well as suggest counseling strategies that are strengths-based, utilize a critical systemic lens, and acknowledge disabilities as unique cultural identities. Supervision and training for practicing counselors should do the same by utilizing a neuro-affirming approach and encouraging critical reflection on ableism, diagnostic language, and counselor attitudes toward disability. Moreover, the MSJCC can serve as a guiding framework for both counselor education and clinical supervision to teach awareness, knowledge, skills, and advocacy specific to neurodivergent clients and normalize the perspectives of neurodivergent counseling professionals. Infusing disability culture and neurodiversity into preparation, supervision, and training not only equips pre-service and practicing counselors with the tools to work competently and compassionately but also creates space for neurodivergent individuals within the profession to thrive as students, educators, supervisors, clinicians, and leaders.
Conclusion
According to Kaplan and colleagues (2014), counseling organizations and leaders have come together to clarify a shared professional identity: to strengthen the profession and ensure high-quality practices toward those we serve. The counseling profession has a history of evolving, changing, and improving, incorporating knowledge and new trends as they develop. The neurodiversity paradigm has been increasingly discussed across society, such as in allied professions like psychology (Pellicano & den Houting, 2022). The counseling profession must also evolve to stay relevant. This includes expanding the profession to integrate the neurodiversity paradigm and neuro-affirming practices. Utilizing and embracing neurodiversity in counseling strengthens the profession by better equipping scholars, practitioners, leaders, supervisors, and professional organizations. Incorporating a neuro-affirming lens also contributes to a societal shift of increasing awareness, reducing stigma, and advocating for systemic change, particularly for identities who have been historically marginalized. These are fundamental goals at the root of both the neurodiversity movement and the counseling profession.
Conflict of Interest and Funding Disclosure
The authors reported no conflict of interest
or funding contributions for the development
of this manuscript.
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Apr 1, 2026 | Volume 16 - Issue 1
Priscilla Rose Prasath, Devon E. Romero, Claudia G. Interiano-Shiverdecker, John J. S. Harrichand, Leslie Citlalli Garza Mendoza
This study explores the phenomenon of post-traumatic growth (PTG) among survivors of sex trafficking in the United States using a transcendental phenomenological approach. Through in-depth interviews with 10 survivors, the study illuminates the essence of PTG as experienced by participants, emphasizing personal and contextual factors that supported their change. Bracketing was used to reduce researcher bias, allowing the voices and meanings of participants to guide the analysis. Findings highlight two broad themes: internal agency driving change and external factors promoting change. The study offers implications for trauma-informed support and survivor-centered counseling interventions.
Keywords: post-traumatic growth, sex trafficking, internal agency, trauma-informed support, counseling interventions
Post-traumatic growth (PTG) is the positive psychological change following the struggle with traumatic or highly challenging life circumstances (Tedeschi et al., 2018). Tedeschi and Calhoun (2004) argued that trauma is defined not by the event itself but by its effect on an individual’s core schemas or worldview, which may require reconstruction in order to integrate the traumatic experience. PTG’s framework allows us to understand the growth individuals may undergo after trauma (Tedeschi & Calhoun, 1995). This change results in new ways of thinking, feeling, and behaving that move beyond the trauma rather than returning to baseline functioning (Tedeschi & Calhoun, 1995). These long-term changes often emerge through deliberate reflection, not immediate reactions (Tedeschi et al., 2018). PTG is seen as an “ongoing process” rather than a “static outcome” (Tedeschi & Calhoun, 2004, p. 1).
Domains and Factors that Promote PTG
Researchers have identified five domains of PTG: personal strength, close relationships, new possibilities, greater appreciation of life, and spiritual development (Tedeschi & Calhoun, 1995). These domains reflect positive changes following trauma. Personal strength includes enhanced self-reliance, increased fortitude, and a shift from seeing oneself as a “victim” to a “survivor” (Tedeschi et al., 2018, p. 27). Close relationships involve greater compassion, openness to help, and deeper connections (Tedeschi & Calhoun, 2004). New possibilities refer to recognizing new life opportunities, such as changes in interests or careers. Greater appreciation of life includes valuing things once taken for granted. Spiritual development entails changes in beliefs and reflections on life’s meaning (Tedeschi et al., 2018).
PTG may arise after major life crises, often following struggles to cope, though not always immediately (Tedeschi & Calhoun, 1995, 2004). It is important to note that PTG is not an automatic or inevitable outcome of trauma. Tedeschi and Calhoun (2004) emphasized that PTG involves an additional cognitive and emotional burden placed on survivors, who must grapple with the disruption of core schemas in order to reconstruct meaning. In other words, although trauma may create the potential for growth, survivors must actively engage in processes of reflection, sense-making, and struggle for PTG to occur (Tedeschi et al., 2018). Clarifying this distinction helps underscore that PTG requires effortful engagement beyond merely surviving or adapting. Although unplanned and unexpected, certain interventions can support PTG (Tedeschi et al., 2018). Contributing factors include cognitive processing, positive reappraisal, personality traits, trauma characteristics, individual differences, and social support (Henson et al., 2021). Coping strategies such as problem-solving, emotion regulation, forgiveness, religiosity, and spirituality have also been linked to PTG (Park, 2010; Schultz et al., 2020).
PTG in Individuals With Experiences of Sex Trafficking
Sex trafficking is defined as “the recruitment, harboring, transportation, provision, or obtaining of a person for the purpose of a commercial sex act” (Victims of Trafficking and Violence Protection Act of 2000, § 103). Survivors often experience trauma and symptoms of post-traumatic stress disorder. PTG may begin when individuals gain the strength to leave trafficking situations and reclaim control of their lives. Current peer-reviewed literature on PTG among sex trafficking survivors remains limited. Schultz et al. (2020) examined PTG and religious coping, finding that education and faith contributed to hope and resilience. However, their focus on scales and structured reflections did not capture the phenomenological essence of survivor-defined growth. Our study extends this work using a transcendental phenomenological approach, centering survivors’ voices and allowing meaning to emerge from their narratives of change, agency, and empowerment.
Highlighting survivor-defined PTG is important for the counseling profession because it provides a more authentic and nuanced understanding of how growth is experienced by individuals who have endured extreme trauma. Much of the existing counseling literature has conceptualized PTG through researcher-defined domains or standardized measures, which risks overlooking survivor-specific meanings and contexts (Zoellner & Maercker, 2006). By privileging survivor voices, counselors can gain insight into culturally and contextually grounded processes of growth, which informs more effective trauma-informed and strengths-based interventions (Hays & Singh, 2023). This perspective also contributes to the counseling profession’s ethical responsibility to amplify marginalized voices and to design interventions that align with survivors’ lived realities, rather than imposing externally constructed frameworks (Herman, 1997).
In extending this focus, we emphasize survivor-constructed understanding and the process of becoming, rather than solely coping or recovery, filling a gap in the literature. We also distinguish PTG from resilience, defined as the capacity to bounce back to pre-trauma functioning, and from healing, defined as the restoration of well-being, by focusing on psychological and existential growth beyond pre-trauma functioning (Tedeschi & Calhoun, 2004). Although resilience emphasizes adaptation and returning to prior levels of functioning after adversity, and healing involves the restoration of well-being, PTG reflects growth that surpasses baseline functioning (Zoellner & Maercker, 2006). In this study, instances in which growth was described as moving beyond survival or recovery into a redefined sense of identity and purpose were notated as PTG experiences. This framing underscores that PTG is not synonymous with resilience or healing but represents a qualitatively distinct process of change. This survivor-centered perspective contributes to the PTG and sex trafficking discourse, capturing survivor-defined growth that emerges not only from overcoming adversity but also from redefining oneself after exploitation.
Purpose of the Study and Research Question
This study explores the lived experiences of PTG among survivors of sex trafficking in the United States using a transcendental phenomenological approach. By centering survivor voices, it seeks to understand how individuals make meaning of growth after exiting trafficking. This inquiry contributes to academic understanding and offers practical implications for trauma-informed, strengths-based interventions. The guiding research question was: How do survivors of sex trafficking in the United States describe their experiences of PTG?
Methods
Research Design
This study employed transcendental phenomenology to explore how survivors of sex trafficking make sense of their PTG (Moustakas, 1994). Transcendental phenomenology focuses on describing the essence of a phenomenon as experienced by individuals, by setting aside or bracketing the researchers’ own assumptions and biases. Through systematic reduction and imaginative variation, we aimed to identify the core meanings of PTG within participants’ lived experiences. This approach was chosen to allow rich, first-person accounts of healing and growth to emerge, with the research team taking deliberate steps to bracket preconceptions.
Transcendental phenomenology was selected because it emphasizes the description of the universal essence of a phenomenon through the lived experiences of individuals while intentionally setting aside researcher assumptions (Moustakas, 1994). This design aligns with our purpose of privileging survivors’ voices and minimizing interpretive bias, which is particularly important in research involving historically marginalized populations (Hays & Singh, 2023). Compared to interpretive phenomenology, which centers the researcher’s interpretation, transcendental phenomenology places greater weight on participants’ meaning-making, making it well-suited for capturing survivor-defined PTG. This methodology also aligns with the counseling profession’s emphasis on client-centered and strengths-based approaches.
Researcher Positionality
While transcendental phenomenology requires the bracketing of researcher assumptions, we also provide positionality statements to enhance transparency. We engaged in ongoing reflexivity, journaling, and bracketing discussions throughout data collection and analysis. These efforts helped us remain attuned to participants’ meanings and reduce potential bias. Hays and Singh (2023) considered subjectivity statements crucial to inform readers about the context and process of qualitative research. Priscilla Rose Prasath (cisgender female, Asian Indian), Devon E. Romero (cisgender female, biracial), Claudia G. Interiano-Shiverdecker (cisgender female, Latina), and John J. S. Harrichand (cisgender male, biracial/Asian) are current university counselor educators with numerous publications, presentations, and training given to counselors-in-training and professional counselors on sex trafficking. Prasath primarily studies positive psychological constructs such as PTG from a strengths-based perspective. Prasath, Romero, Interiano-Shiverdecker, and Harrichand all hold a license as a Licensed Professional Counselor (LPC); Harrichand also holds an LPC-S. They have a combined 20+ years of clinical experience working with diverse clientele and in a variety of settings. Leslie Citlalli Garza Mendoza (cisgender female, Latina) is currently enrolled as a doctoral student at the same university as Prasath, Romero, and Interiano-Shiverdecker. Having conducted prior research on sex trafficking experiences, we approached this study with certain preconceptions. We anticipated that the findings would align with those of other trauma victims in the existing literature. However, our previous work led us to consider the possibility that PTG may manifest in more areas than the traditionally recognized five PTG domains.
Participants and Sampling
Ten participants were selected using purposive sampling, having lived experience of post-trauma growth following sex trafficking, consistent with phenomenological methods (Moustakas, 1994). PTG was intentionally not an explicit inclusion criterion because one of the central aims of this study was to explore how survivors themselves describe growth following trauma without imposing a predetermined definition of PTG. By not requiring participants to self-identify with the concept of PTG, we were able to capture survivor-constructed understandings of growth, which is consistent with transcendental phenomenology’s emphasis on allowing meaning to emerge from participants’ voices (Moustakas, 1994). Survivors were invited to share their experiences of positive changes and post-trafficking healing, and PTG was identified through analysis when participants described growth beyond baseline functioning. This approach aligns with calls in the literature to privilege survivor perspectives and to avoid constraining data collection to researcher-driven constructs (Hays & Singh, 2023).
With regard to participants’ characteristics, ages ranged from 30 to 42 (M = 36.7, Mdn = 38.5, SD = 5.1). Most participants were White (n = 8), with one American Indian or Alaskan Native participant and one Black participant. Nine were U.S.-born; one was an immigrant residing in the United States for 4 years. Educational attainment ranged from secondary school to graduate school. Marital status included single (n = 3), married (n = 1), separated (n = 2), and divorced (n = 4). To provide additional context, participant demographic information is summarized in Table 1.
Table 1
Survivor Demographics
| Survivor |
Age |
Gender |
Race / Ethnicity |
Marital Status |
Education |
| Annabel |
37 |
Female |
White |
Divorced |
Graduate School |
| Betty |
30 |
Female |
White |
Single |
Graduate School |
| Cassie |
41 |
Female |
White |
Divorced |
College |
| Crystal |
42 |
Female |
American Indian or
Alaskan Native |
Separated |
Some College |
| Gretchen |
30 |
Female |
White |
Divorced |
Some Graduate School |
| Jennifer |
32 |
Female |
White |
Separated |
College |
| Jes |
42 |
Female |
White |
Married |
10th Grade; GED |
| Mia |
41 |
Female |
White |
Single |
Secondary School |
| Monica |
32 |
Female |
White |
Divorced |
College |
| Niki |
40 |
Female |
Black |
Single |
Graduate School |
Note. GED = General Educational Development; age in years.
Data Collection Procedures
After receiving IRB approval from the university, we sought participants through purposeful sampling. Interview questions were developed following Moustakas’ (1994) recommendations for phenomenological research, using open-ended, broad questions that allowed participants to reflect deeply on their lived experiences. To minimize bias, Prasath conducted bracketing activities before and throughout the data collection. Interviews were audio-recorded, transcribed, and reviewed for accuracy.
Inclusion and Recruitment
Participants were required to be sex trafficking survivors over the age of 18. Recruitment began in early 2022. Initially, we reached out to professional networks and advocacy contacts known to members of the research team, including colleagues who had previously collaborated with survivor leaders or anti-trafficking initiatives. This initially yielded one volunteer, but after 2 months, additional participants could not be reached through these connections.
Consequently, we broadened recruitment to additional purposeful sampling strategies. Rather than working exclusively through organizations or mental health professionals, which may have limited access to survivors who publicly self-identify, we directly contacted individuals who had already chosen to share their survivorship openly via social media platforms such as TikTok, Instagram, and Twitter. This strategy aligned with our goal of centering survivor-defined PTG and ensured we recruited participants who were willing to narrate their experiences in their own terms. Through these efforts, nine more individuals volunteered within 2 months. Interested participants completed consent forms, a demographic form, and a one-time Zoom interview. To protect confidentiality, all references to organizations, programs, or initiatives were generalized, and identifying details were removed. Any names used in reporting were pseudonyms chosen by the research team to further protect anonymity. Participants received a $20 gift card for their involvement. Data collection concluded in May 2022.
Interview Protocol Development
The interview questions were developed through an iterative process informed by both the research design and existing scholarship on PTG. We reviewed foundational literature on PTG domains (Tedeschi & Calhoun, 2004) as well as recent studies examining growth among trauma-affected populations (e.g., Schultz et al., 2020). This ensured our protocol included questions that tapped into constructs previously studied, such as changes in relationships, new possibilities, personal strength, and spirituality, while also leaving space for survivor-defined meanings to emerge. Additionally, members of the research team drew on our clinical expertise counseling individuals with trauma histories to ensure that the questions were phrased sensitively and reduced the risk of retraumatization. The resulting semi-structured protocol balanced theoretical grounding with clinical appropriateness, consistent with Smith et al.’s (2009) recommendations for qualitative interviewing.
Interview Content and Process
Harrichand, a counselor educator with expertise in qualitative inquiry and a Certified Clinical Trauma Professional, conducted the interviews. The semi-structured format began with broad, non-threatening prompts (e.g., “Please tell me a little about yourself and your background”) before progressing to more specific questions about change, coping, and growth after trafficking. Questions included: “What do you think are the most common challenges that survivors experience after their sex trafficking experience?”; “Tell me about the person you are today—how does this person compare to who you were before?”; “What helped you overcome the impact of sex trafficking?”; “Were there services or resources that were helpful to you?”; “What is important for counselors to know when working with sex trafficking survivors?”; and “What is important about your experience that I haven’t asked you and you haven’t had the chance to tell me?” This progression followed Smith et al.’s (2009) emphasis on beginning with general questions before moving to potentially sensitive areas. Interviews were conducted with sensitivity and empathy, using counseling skills such as reflections, minimal encouragers, and attending behaviors to facilitate conversation. Interviews ranged from 41 to 145 minutes (M = 80.9), allowing for in-depth exploration of each participant’s lived experience.
Data Analysis
Data analysis followed Moustakas’ (1994) transcendental phenomenological method. We began with epoché, or bracketing, to set aside preconceptions related to trauma and PTG. Prasath and Mendoza independently immersed themselves in the data by reading and re-reading interview transcripts. We conducted horizontalization by first treating all statements as equally valuable. From this pool, we then identified significant statements, defined as those that directly illuminated participants’ experiences of PTG, for further clustering into meaning units. Weekly meetings were held over a semester to review notes and merge coding. Mendoza conducted initial coding, followed by Prasath’s independent coding.
The coding process focused solely on identifying PTG, defined as growth beyond baseline functioning and recovery. Statements that reflected only symptom relief or a return to prior levels of functioning were not coded as PTG. In contrast, when participants described new perspectives, redefined identity, or discovery of new possibilities, these were categorized as PTG. Ambiguous expressions, such as “I am happy,” were coded as PTG only when participants explicitly tied such expressions to broader meaning-making or identity shifts. Coding judgments were discussed in team debriefings to ensure consistency and credibility.
Through imaginative variation, we then explored how context shaped meaning. Textural descriptions (what was experienced) and structural descriptions (how it was experienced) were synthesized into a composite narrative. For example, even when not directly prompted, participants’ accounts revealed structural descriptions of PTG as integral to their lived experiences.
Strategies of Trustworthiness
To ensure rigor, we followed Moustakas’ (1994) guidelines and qualitative research best practices (Hays & Singh, 2023). Prasath and Mendoza maintained bracketing journals and engaged in regular reflexive dialogues to manage assumptions. Researcher triangulation was achieved through independent coding by team members from varied professional backgrounds, followed by collaborative debriefings to reach consensus. To strengthen credibility, we conducted peer debriefings and obtained an external audit by a qualitative research expert. Member checking was limited to transcript verification to remain consistent with phenomenological principles. An audit trail was maintained, and thick, descriptive narratives supported by direct quotations enhanced transferability and confirmability.
Results
We categorized the experiences of participants into two broad themes: Internal Agency Driving Change and External Factors Promoting Change (see Table 2).
Table 2
Themes and Subthemes
| Experiences of PTG |
Themes |
Subthemes |
Internal Agency
Driving Change |
Personal Strengths Resources |
· Warrior and survivor mindset
· Self-awareness
· Confidence
· Forgiveness |
| Finding Meaning in the Everyday |
· Acceptance and gratitude
· Positive reframed perspective toward life and self |
| Creating Paths Forward |
· Pursuing new career path as an advocacy agent
· Entrepreneurial mindset
· Educating and training others
· Empowering other survivors |
| Spiritual Grounding and Rediscovery |
· Meaning-making of experiences
· Faith as a healing pathway
· Transition to spirituality or redefining spiritual identity |
| Past Survival Mechanisms Evolving Into Coping Strategies |
· Acceptance coping
· Skilled crisis management
· Dissociation
· Substance coping
· Avoidance coping |
External Factors
Promoting Change |
Close Relationships |
· Navigating trust and vulnerability
· Balancing isolation and connection
· Survivor-led peer support |
Supportive Resources
and Services |
· Access to basic needs
· Trauma-informed resources and programs
· Survivor-led initiatives
· Barriers to access |
| Counseling Experiences and Alternative Paths to Healing |
· Counselor characteristics—knowledge, skills, dispositions, and practices
· Importance of tailored counseling approaches
· Multidisciplinary trauma-informed teams
· Alternative therapeutic modalities
· Support groups |
Internal Agency Driving Change
Within the theme Internal Agency Driving Change, most participants identified the following five areas: Personal Strengths Resources, Finding Meaning in the Everyday, Creating Paths Forward, Spiritual Grounding and Rediscovery, and Past Survival Mechanisms Evolving Into Coping Strategies. To illustrate how they manifested in survivors of sex trafficking, we coupled each subtheme with representative quotes.
Personal Strengths Resources—“A Warrior and Survivor Mindset”
All 10 participants shared the subtheme of Personal Strengths Resources, including confidence, forgiveness, self-awareness, and developing a warrior and survivor mindset. Many described reclaiming their confidence, learning self-forgiveness, enhancing their intuition for protection, and embracing a resilient mindset, with Monica summing up this subtheme by expressing, “I’m a survivor and a warrior first.” Niki shared the process of relearning that she “cannot control the actions of other[s] . . . but I can control what I can do to make myself safe to move on with my life . . . I can act—advocate for myself . . . giv[e] myself that space.” Six participants expressed confidence in their narratives—which was taken from them while being trafficked. Participants shared, “I like myself now,” “I’m happy,” and “I’m way more confident.”
Four of the participants described their capacity to participate in forgiveness of self and others even after their experiences of sex trafficking. Annabel shared, “I guess my capacity to empathize with people who were like <laughing> doing awful stuff to me . . . I guess is endearing . . . an internal quality.” Monica noted that her healing journey involved forgiveness and “being compassionate again.” She explained, “The hardest action we have to take for ourselves and our mental state is forgiving those who trafficked us. . . . only then I feel like we can actually start forgiving ourselves and that’s been a really difficult piece.” She added, “I have forgiven myself.”
Like intuition, nine participants expressed increased self-awareness following their life of sex trafficking. Cassie reflected, “I’ve had to really kind of figure things out on my own.” She noted that self-awareness allows her to be present in the life she is living today. While Monica expressed that she is “finding her identity . . . doing everything for me authentically. . . . it’s releasing all that, it’s fully taking down that mask and being authentic . . . feeling emotion again.” Seven participants highlighted traits such as intelligence and resilience. Mia also emphasized the importance of stubbornness in her journey to healing, stating, “When I started the journey to healing, it was ‘I want healing at any cost.’” She further elaborated, “That’s why I was created so stubborn . . . digging my heels into the sand, being like, I’m not going to let them win. I’m not. And if it takes me 40 years, I’m not gonna let them.”
The final quality that was noted as a personal strength by all 10 participants was having both a warrior and survivor mindset. Crystal expressed this mindset by saying, “I refuse to let them [sex traffickers] win. . . . it took a lot of work to come back. . . . They tried to take my voice, but they didn’t. . . . I started voice therapy . . . and it’s already a little bit better.” Gretchen shared that feeling “powerful again . . . I am you know, like f*ck it. F*ck all of you, like, I’ll just do whatever . . . instead of feeling those true, awful, sad emotions . . . like, what happened to me wasn’t my choice.” Mia ascribed such a strength to her willingness to take risk, while Monica summarized it as, “I’m a warrior, I have superpowers, and I’m a superwoman.”
Finding Meaning in the Everyday—“I Have Joy”
All 10 participants highlighted Finding Meaning in the Everyday despite their traumatic experiences from sex trafficking, with many expressing acceptance, gratitude, and self-empowerment as they reclaimed their lives and healed, exemplified through narratives of finding their voice, embracing happiness, reconciling with their bodies, drawing strength from their faith, and engaging in acts to make a new beginning. Annabel’s story captured this subtheme when she acknowledged the struggle of getting “comfortable exercising those new muscles” of learning to “value” oneself, to do “something healthy,” and doing things that make one “happy.”
Participants expressed a sense of acceptance and gratitude for where they are today. Niki expressed, “I’m <pause> having to accept that I am not the same person. . . . I’m just doing my best in that moment and being okay with that, instead of, like, trying to beat myself up.” Betty shared that her life could have been worse: “I’m pretty fortunate that I didn’t have any other long-term . . . like, I don’t have HIV, or Hep-C, or I didn’t have kids.” Monica noted that acceptance involved permitting herself to be happy: “I was truly in this push and pull of, like, is happiness real? . . . It’s okay to be happy. . . . It’s okay to feel fulfilled, it’s okay to feel abundance.” Cassie captured the magnitude of time it has taken her to heal and accept her body: “I have spent the last probably 15 years coming back into my body.”
Most participants reframed their perspective toward life and self-identity. Some of them, like Crystal, experienced this reframe because of their faith: “I have joy, which is like that inner contentment, that peace . . . that surpasses all understanding.” She went on to say, “The Crystal that I am now is who God intended me to be; the person that I was before is who my family made me think that I was.” Others, like Mia, reframed the way they viewed life after sex trafficking, emphasizing the potential for the experience to change and empower oneself.
Creating Paths Forward—“I Just Want to Get Out There and Do My Part”
While five participants identified education as key to their story, all 10 participants shared about Creating Paths Forward after their life of sex trafficking. This involved pursuing a new career path, having an entrepreneurial mindset, desiring to educate and train other professionals, and having the drive to empower other survivors. All participants were pursuing a new career path focused on mental health, nursing, shelter coordination, or advocacy work. Participants discussed how education and work helped them find a new sense of purpose. Jennifer emphasized, “Education is key. That was probably one big part of my story.” Betty similarly noted that “finding something to give yourself purpose . . . finding purpose helps you overcome everything.” For Cassie, securing student loans was a step toward this new purpose. Crystal expressed a deep love for learning, while Betty pursued her goal of going to nursing school. Jes found that engaging in sales jobs when she left sex trafficking was “powerful for deep inner healing,” understanding how these avenues contributed to a sense of empowerment and recovery.
These professional roles highlighted how survivors’ traumas led them to engage in trauma-informed care, helping others navigate similar difficult experiences while healing from their past traumas. For example, Betty shared, “I am a nurse now. I’m a nurse educator,” and one of her main goals “is to integrate sex trafficking education for nursing staff.” Cassie commented on becoming a shelter coordinator for a “domestic violence and sexual prevention program,” and that she loves what she does: “I love helping other people—I don’t care how I’m helping them, what capacity, as long as I’m helping, I am happy.”
Participants shared how they developed an entrepreneurial mindset, starting nonprofits or other organizations to bridge gaps in services, such as emergency response and long-term support programs. Crystal expressed the desire to open a nonprofit organization to help women escape sex trafficking: “I’m trying to bridge that gap. . . . I’m not gonna wait and say, ‘Oh you have to call me back so we can do an intake process to see if you’re good fit or not [to get help].’” Similarly, Monica’s platform is focused on “bring[ing] awareness that survivors are not a threat or they’re not a victim . . . they need to be treated with such respect as an identity, like a superpower.”
Participants also expressed the desire to educate and train other professionals, helping others and making systemic changes, particularly in health care, law enforcement, and legal systems. For example, Mia has visited “14 countries on four continents doing missions work and working with non-government organizations doing humanitarian work” in which she focuses on helping lawmakers or government agencies specifically around child trafficking. She is using her story of sex trafficking “to help police departments and DAs and lawmakers . . . see [sex trafficking]. . . . I want to be able to equip, you know, whether it be therapists or cops, or law enforcement, or you know, the legal system.
A final dimension of this subtheme highlighted by all 10 participants was the desire to empower other survivors, shifting the narrative from victimhood to empowerment. Their stories also revealed the challenges faced in overcoming criminal records, trauma, and societal stigma, inspiring them to advocate for more respect and understanding of survivors’ journeys. Crystal shared, “I’m trying to save people’s lives. People saved my life . . . I intend to use [it] to help other women . . . I just want to get out there and do my part.” Jennifer described working as the shelter coordinator and also serving as “a part-time deputy” to help other survivors. And Monica is using her education as a life coach to help survivors with their “trauma response and transformation. . . . I really work hard on helping survivors heal . . . [to] stop placing themselves as victims and start thriving as survivors and leaders.” Collectively, these narratives underline the resilience of survivors and their dedication to using their experiences to educate, advocate, and support others within and beyond their communities.
Spiritual Grounding and Rediscovery—“Untangling the Mess”
Seven participants reported relying on religion to cope with the aftermath of their sex trafficking experiences and to search for deeper meaning. Crystal stated, “That’s been the best thing out of all this, like kind of makes it all worth it, because the relationship I have with God now, yeah. It was worth going through everything I went through.” The discovery of purpose and strength through religion and spiritual practices was commonly reported among participants. Crystal emphasized the importance of her faith, stating, “Obedience to God is the only thing that kept me here.” Jes added, “I just started searching for answers,” reflecting a journey of meaning-making that helped anchor her during her healing.
They found comfort in their faith as they navigated the healing process, valuing the relationship and sense of meaning that emerged from their sex trafficking experiences. Six participants reported continuing to practice religion and finding a silver lining in their experiences. Gretchen reported, “Hopefully, God willing, I will be able to move away from here someday, but I think, you know, I have, like, really big faith and, like, God put me here for a reason.” For others, spirituality became a path for self-discovery and identity formation. Mia described being on a journey to understand who she truly was, while Monica highlighted the role of spiritual beliefs in helping her recognize and embrace her identity as a survivor. Of them, three participants described reframing their view of religion, recognizing that individuals have some control over their divine life, destiny, and purpose. For example, Mia and Monica spoke about their journeys of self-discovery and finding their identity through spiritual exploration. In contrast, two participants expressed redefining their spiritual identity as neither religious nor spiritual. Betty shared her journey: “I absolutely decided like I’m not Christian. For a long time, I considered myself an atheist, I don’t believe in anything, but over time I have really connected with my spiritual self . . . I would consider myself a Pagan now.”
Past Survival Mechanisms Evolving Into Coping Strategies
All 10 participants identified past survival mechanisms that once shielded them from immediate psychological harm but have since evolved into coping strategies, facilitating PTG. These mechanisms, such as acceptance, handling crisis situations, substance coping, and avoidance coping, highlight the participants’ resilience and ability to navigate challenging environments while seeking healing
and growth.
Acceptance coping emerged as a pivotal process for participants, marked by an eventual awareness of their trauma and a willingness to confront it. Many described the delayed realization of their experiences, often occurring long after the traumatic events. Jennifer shared how she initially failed to recognize her reality, noting that when she was in the midst of it, she “didn’t even realize that’s what it was.” Similarly, Annabel reflected on how she spent years believing her experiences were normal or expected, only to later understand the severity of her situation. She recalled a conversation with a friend who said, “I can’t believe I know a victim of trafficking,” to which Annabel responded, laughing, “Who?” Her friend’s reply, “You,” was a startling revelation. As participants moved toward acceptance, many began dismantling survival personas they had developed to protect themselves. Monica explained how she had “played roles and characters” during her trauma, but healing required her to “take down that mask” and embrace her authentic self. For her, the journey to authenticity involved intense healing and self-discovery, which she described as both liberating and transformative.
Participants also demonstrated exceptional crisis management skills, or a sense of keen intuition, often rooted in their need to survive. Jes shared needing to “read body language and understand how to perceive people,” a skill that became second nature over time. Mia further commented that “trafficking survivors have been taught to read their audience. . . . they’re gonna be able to see it on your face because that’s what they’ve been trained to do. . . . I still to this day can read people really well.” Dissociation also played a significant role, allowing participants to detach from their immediate realities. Cassie explained how she “detached from [herself]” as a survival mechanism, while Betty noted that dissociation led to “huge blocks of memories that are gone,” which helped protect her from the overwhelming trauma. For Annabel, dissociation was both a liability and a tool that allowed her to function. She reflected on how it helped her succeed in academic and workplace settings, as it gave the impression that she was “much more functional.” While acknowledging its downsides, she described her dissociation as more “managed” now, highlighting its adaptive value.
Substance use was identified as another critical survival mechanism, providing temporary relief from the pain and chaos participants endured. For Annabel, drug use was a means of survival, as she admitted that “a good stint of drug use” likely saved her life. She described how substances helped her tolerate what she was experiencing, echoing sentiments shared by Betty and Cassie, who also turned to drugs as a way of coping with their trauma. Although harmful in the long term, substance use offered an escape during moments of extreme distress. As participants transitioned into recovery, some replaced illicit substances with prescribed medications to manage ongoing challenges. Gretchen, for example, explained how she now uses medication to address high blood pressure and anxiety, demonstrating a shift toward healthier coping strategies.
Finally, avoidance strategies, including running away and emotional distancing, were essential survival tools for many participants. Crystal shared how physical avoidance, or running, was a literal means of staying alive for her. Emotional avoidance also played a role, with Betty describing herself as “very distrustful” of others as a way to protect herself. Although these strategies sometimes prevented participants from fully engaging with their trauma, they were vital in enabling them to navigate and survive their immediate environments.
Together, these diverse coping mechanisms, whether acceptance, dissociation, substance use, spirituality, or avoidance, illustrate the complex, adaptive ways in which survivors of trafficking have navigated their pasts. Over time, these mechanisms have evolved, allowing participants to pursue growth and healing while continuing to adapt to the challenges of their unique journeys.
External Factors Promoting Change
All participants highlighted various external contextual factors that supported their growth and healing, ranging from supportive resources and services to meaningful social support systems, including the role of counselors. We organized these insights into three subthemes: Close Relationships, Supportive Resources and Services, and Counseling Experiences and Alternative Paths to Healing.
Close Relationships—“I Needed Somewhere to Go”
This subtheme was endorsed by all 10 participants, reflecting the significant challenges and complexities survivors of sex trafficking face in their relationships, trust, and healing. Participant narratives revealed the profound challenges of forming and maintaining close relationships, alongside the critical role of family, community, and pivotal interventions in their healing. Although many survivors continue to grapple with distrust and self-protection, the presence of supportive networks and key turning points fosters resilience and PTG, enabling them to navigate their journeys toward recovery.
Firstly, all participants described how trust and vulnerability became extremely difficult after their trafficking experiences. Monica, for example, explained how it takes time to feel safe opening up to loved ones, contrasting it with the transactional nature of sex trafficking. Despite being 7 years removed from her trafficking experience, Monica noted she is “still working on trust issues,” particularly in the context of her small, close-knit community. Additionally, Betty and Annabel highlighted how survival mechanisms during trafficking carried over into their post-trafficking lives. Betty described herself as “distrustful” and admitted to avoiding romantic relationships entirely, saying, “I don’t really bond with men. . . . Like, I could see myself being single forever.” Though initially difficult, she shared that she has come to terms with this choice, adding, “I am finally at a point now where I am okay with being alone.” Annabel, on the other hand, described how she learned to maintain superficial relationships as a way to stay safe, stating that she became “really good at superficial relationships” and intentionally shares “just enough personal details so that people think they have some understanding of me.”
The lasting effects of trauma created further barriers to forming close relationships. Crystal spoke about the overwhelming impact of triggers, explaining that “the nightmares, the flashbacks . . . smells, areas” make it difficult to rebuild trust. She poignantly concluded, “You can’t teach somebody how to trust again. You just can’t.” Secondly, despite these challenges, five participants described how community support played a crucial role in their healing process. Niki emphasized the normalizing and validating effect of being in a survivor community, noting that connecting with others who had similar experiences made her feel less isolated and helped her develop compassion for herself and others. She reflected, “It’s given me a new level of grace for . . . people’s brokenness.” Mia encapsulated the importance of collective care in her statement that “it takes a village to have a human trafficking survivor recover and live a meaningful life.” Thirdly, support from family members emerged as a critical factor for most participants. Monica expressed deep gratitude toward her daughter, who encouraged her to seek help and begin her recovery journey. Similarly, Betty described the unwavering support of her parents, who were aware of what she had endured but never judged or mistreated her. Betty also described how her family helped her escape, recalling, “They packed up my apartment and moved me to an undisclosed location. And that’s kind of how I actually found my freedom.” Jennifer noted that her mother played an essential role in her recovery, sharing that “she was always there for everything, if I needed to talk, if I needed somewhere to go.” Gretchen echoed this sentiment, reflecting on how her family stepped in to help her, saying, “Luckily, I had family that would help me.” Other participants recalled individuals who helped them envision a different future. Betty shared how a preceptor during her training encouraged her to pursue nursing, saying, “She’s like, ‘You shouldn’t be a medical assistant; you need to be a nurse and go back to school.’”
Next, several participants highlighted how their upbringing and privilege laid a foundation for resilience. Betty reflected on her stable background, saying, “I had a great family . . . a wonderful upbringing. I was a middle-class White female from a very conservative military family.” Gretchen similarly described her childhood as “pretty normal,” emphasizing the stability of having “both my parents together” and a mother who had a successful career. Finally, Jes added that she consciously uses her privilege to make a difference, stating, “I use my privilege to kick open the door.”
Supportive Resources and Services
All 10 participants described the availability and access to various services as crucial factors in promoting their PTG experience. Frequently mentioned were access to education, housing, mental health services, substance abuse recovery centers, and advocacy agencies. For example, Crystal emphasized the importance of “resources for education and housing,” while Cassie underscored the value of “having survivor leaders in those types of programs” to foster a deeper sense of understanding and connection. Similarly, Annabel highlighted the importance of mental health deputies who are “trained to respond to her unique needs,” explaining how they could “use the powers of law enforcement to quickly get to me, before I get too far.”
Participants also shared names of specific organizations and programs that played influential roles in their recovery journeys. Some of them were nonprofit organizations, or a community-based advocacy initiative, or a faith-based program. Additionally, many found the scholarship support that some of the school programs offered to be incredibly helpful. Many also emphasized the role of programs that offered vocational training and legal assistance to be extremely instrumental in regaining stability.
Participants experienced interventions or moments that prompted lasting change. Health care providers, educators, family members, and peers often served as catalysts for PTG. Betty credited her primary care doctor for recommending her first counselor after learning about her trauma during a routine clinical exam. She explained, “I wouldn’t have seen that first counselor at Kaiser if it wasn’t recommended by my primary care doctor.” For Mia, safe spaces at school—like time spent with the librarian—provided much-needed respite: “I could escape for half an hour, 45 minutes.” These supports were often intertwined with personal growth and self-discovery. Jes highlighted how sales training helped her “establish better boundaries and figure out who I was and how I wanted to help people,” while Gretchen shared how bodybuilding boosted her confidence and strengthened her faith.
Niki credited exercise for rebuilding trust in herself and staying physically present: “It was really helpful for me because I was checking out all the time.”
Spirituality and faith were also recurring themes. Many participants found strength through religious programs, community resources, or personal faith. Gretchen described how faith and bodybuilding were interwoven in her journey to healing. Finally, advocacy agencies and survivor-led programs emerged as critical enablers of recovery. Cassie stressed the importance of survivor leaders, noting, “It takes someone who is a survivor who is really going to be able to understand how to respond.” Similarly, Gretchen noted the value of advocacy agencies and peer support groups, while Annabel highlighted the role of trauma-informed law enforcement and ritual abuse trafficking supports.
Counseling Experiences and Alternative Paths to Healing
All participants described varied experiences with mental health services, which were pivotal in their journeys toward PTG. Key themes included the importance of counseling, support groups, and alternative healing methods. Critical factors were counselor characteristics, multidisciplinary support, and access to alternative therapies.
For many, counseling played a central role in healing. Cassie shared attending therapy “off and on, pretty much [her] whole life,” while Gretchen found it consistently helpful. Monica said, “Because of therapy, I got in touch with my first nonprofit,” which led to public speaking and professional growth. Therapy addressed trauma and empowered participants to explore their potential. Mia found strength in her therapist’s gentle honesty, and Monica credited therapy with healing from sex addiction. Jes emphasized that having the “right therapist” was essential.
Participants identified key counselor traits in four areas: knowledge, skills, disposition, and practices. Annabel emphasized the importance of understanding trafficking-specific dynamics. Creativity was a valued skill. Jes appreciated a “tender heart” balanced with desensitization, while Mia praised “gentle reality checks with massive doses of compassion.” Patience and honesty were highlighted repeatedly as essential for building trust. Monica and Annabel emphasized the importance of safety and collaboration, while Annabel also recommended involving survivor mentors.
Participants also turned to alternative healing approaches. Betty credited her dog for saving her life and praised animal therapy. Niki found yoga and dance helped release trauma: “Trauma can get locked in your body . . . doing certain movements helps.” Somatic therapies such as massage, float therapy, and trauma touch therapy were described as deeply calming. Mia appreciated trauma touch therapy because “you don’t have to say a word . . . it simply lets your body release the trauma.” Reiki, bodybuilding, retreats, and art therapy also provided outlets for recovery. One participant described reiki as emotionally freeing, while another found smashing objects helped release rage.
Support groups were vital, especially when individual counseling wasn’t accessible. One participant noted that support from peers “made a big difference,” while another participant saw survivor groups as protective against re-trafficking. Another participant stated that she gained confidence speaking in group settings, while one other participant stressed the importance of a coordinated trauma response and informed professionals who could meet survivors where they were in their healing.
Discussion
This study examined the lived experiences of PTG among sex trafficking survivors using a transcendental phenomenological approach. By bracketing assumptions and centering participant voices, we identified themes reflecting both internal agency and external influences. Rather than imposing a framework, we allowed themes to emerge from survivor narratives and later contextualized them through PTG scholarship. Findings highlight the complex nature of growth and the dynamic interplay between survival mechanisms, personal development, and supportive environments.
Internal Agency Driving Change
Participants’ narratives revealed that PTG was not linear but a dynamic process rooted in reclaiming power, identity, and meaning. Survivors drew on personal strengths such as resilience, confidence, forgiveness, and self-awareness. Developing a “warrior” and “survivor” mindset marked a shift from victimhood to agency as participants redefined their self-concept and resisted being reduced to their past. These accounts align with the PTG domain of personal strength (Tedeschi & Calhoun, 2004), though the framing came from survivors’ voices. Resilience was seen as both empowering and protective, reflecting a nuanced understanding of strength (Luthans et al., 2006). Survivors acknowledged vulnerability not as weakness but as a space for growth. Healing required confronting fear and suffering while reclaiming agency—consistent with trauma-informed resilience, which emphasizes growth through engagement with pain (Courtois & Ford, 2013).
Survivors also cultivated joy, gratitude, and acceptance through reflection and reframing. This shift supported a more empowered relationship with self and others. These experiences mirror findings on the role of gratitude in fostering growth (Fredrickson et al., 2003; Park & Ai, 2006). Redefining purpose through advocacy and education emerged as another form of internal agency. Survivors pursued careers and roles that allowed them to “do their part,” transforming past suffering into purposeful action. Advocacy became a way to reclaim power, support others, and create change. These findings align with research linking prosocial behavior to PTG (Linley & Joseph, 2004) and reflect both personal and relational redefinition (Park & Ai, 2006; Tedeschi et al., 2018). Spiritual grounding also contributed to identity reconstruction, with survivors finding meaning through faith or redefining their beliefs. This spiritual growth reflected personal framing and aligned with broader PTG literature (Park & Ai, 2006).
A novel insight was the recontextualization of survival mechanisms such as dissociation, substance use, and hypervigilance, which were described as adaptive tools that later evolved into coping strategies. Survivors did not view these as inherently maladaptive but as necessary for survival. Over time, they became integrated into intentional healing. This perspective affirms trauma-informed models that recognize these behaviors as adaptive (van der Kolk, 2014). For example, hypervigilance was reframed as intuition, and dissociation transitioned into mindful awareness, demonstrating survivors’ capacity to extract meaning from adversity (Luthans et al., 2006).
External Factors Promoting Change
External support systems played a vital role in participants’ growth. Survivors emphasized the value of close relationships with family, mentors, or peers, while also naming the difficulty of rebuilding trust. Survivor-led networks helped them connect without fear of judgment, underscoring the importance of relational safety in trauma recovery. Though many initially struggled with vulnerability, forming safe connections brought healing benefits, even amid ongoing trust issues. This finding aligns with attachment-based trauma recovery models, which highlight the reparative potential of secure relationships (Courtois & Ford, 2013; Herman, 1997).
Access to counseling and trauma-informed relationships was also pivotal in supporting participants’ growth. Participants valued counselors who showed patience, honesty, warmth, and structure. These were reported as some qualities that foster trust and reflection. These traits reflect trauma-informed principles (Hays & Singh, 2023; Herman, 1997). Support groups further offered validation and community, reinforcing survivor networks as protective against re-trafficking. Survivors also engaged in non-traditional healing approaches, including movement-based therapy, spiritual practices, creative arts, retreats, and animal-assisted interventions. These practices enabled emotional release, reconnection with the body, and creativity, affirming the need for individualized, culturally relevant care.
Implications for Practice
This study underscores the complexity of PTG among sex trafficking survivors, demonstrating that growth involves both internal processes and external sources of support. By centering participants’ voices, we uncovered themes that reflect established PTG domains (Tedeschi & Calhoun, 2004) while expanding the framework to include survival mechanisms as foundations for growth.
The findings offer insights for enhancing trauma-informed care and guiding counselors, researchers, and policymakers. Key implications include integrating strengths-based, individualized interventions that emphasize support networks, empowerment, and community engagement. Counselors should view survival mechanisms like dissociation or substance use as adaptive responses and help survivors reconceptualize them into healing tools. Creativity, patience, and honesty were identified as essential counseling traits. Therapies such as somatic work, art, and movement-based interventions should be considered. Involving survivors in treatment planning helps tailor care to their unique goals.
Support groups and survivor-led programs are vital for fostering PTG and preventing re-trafficking. Counselors should collaborate with nonprofits and survivor communities to build peer support models that offer connection and validation. A multidisciplinary approach is essential, requiring collaboration among mental health professionals, social workers, medical providers, and legal advocates. Training in trauma-specific competencies such as recognizing trafficking indicators and addressing ritualistic abuse is critical. Survivors also emphasized rediscovering identity and agency. Counselors can support this by creating leadership opportunities including mentoring, advocacy, writing, or speaking. Incorporating survivor voices into policies and services can strengthen the effectiveness of survivor-centered care.
Finally, consistent with the counseling profession’s emphasis on strengths-based approaches, our findings underscore the importance of recognizing and building upon survivors’ existing resources, including resilience, agency, and the warrior mindset described in their narratives. Counselors can integrate trauma-informed best practices with these strengths to promote empowerment, identity reconstruction, and long-term well-being (Courtois & Ford, 2013; Hays & Singh, 2023).
Limitations and Recommendations for Future Research
Although this study offers valuable insights into PTG among sex trafficking survivors, several limitations should be noted. Participants were recruited primarily through advocacy networks and social media, which likely attracted individuals already engaged in healing or public advocacy. This self-selection may reflect those already experiencing PTG and may have excluded individuals in earlier or more complex stages of recovery. Future research should include more diverse survivor experiences, especially those in the immediate aftermath of trauma, to capture a broader range of recovery trajectories.
The study’s limited cultural and racial diversity also affects generalizability, underscoring the need to explore how cultural factors influence PTG and intervention effectiveness. The cross-sectional design offered only a snapshot of PTG. Longitudinal research could better illuminate how survival mechanisms like dissociation evolve into adaptive strategies. Further research is needed to examine the role of alternative practices such as somatic approaches, yoga, or animal-assisted activities, which some survivors found meaningful, though their effectiveness in addressing mental health concerns remains under investigation. Finally, engaging survivors as co-researchers can ensure their lived experiences meaningfully shape future research and advocacy.
Given these limitations in generalizability, future research should also focus on refining theory related to survivor-defined PTG. Clearer theoretical frameworks are needed to distinguish PTG from related constructs such as resilience and healing, and to guide counseling interventions that are both evidence-based and survivor-centered.
Conclusion
This study examined survivor-defined PTG among sex trafficking survivors, highlighting resilience, identity shifts, and renewed purpose. Survivors described PTG as more than recovery, involving meaning-making, agency, and hope. These findings support strengths-based, trauma-informed counseling that amplifies survivor voices and fosters growth beyond symptom relief. Training programs should prepare counselors to recognize and support PTG, while future research can expand survivor-centered definitions across diverse contexts and evaluate interventions that intentionally promote growth.
Conflict of Interest and Funding Disclosure
The authors reported no conflict of interest
or funding contributions for the development
of this manuscript.
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